Suchergebnisse

Abstract
Introduction
Racial and ethnic disparities in patient outcomes following COVID-19 exist, in part, due to factors involving healthcare delivery. The aim of the study was to characterize disparities in the administration of evidence-based COVID-19 treatments among patients hospitalized for COVID-19.

Methods
Using a large, US hospital database, initiation of COVID-19 treatments was compared among patients hospitalized for COVID-19 between May 2020 and April 2022 according to patient race and ethnicity. Multivariate logistic regression models were used to examine the effect of race and ethnicity on the likelihood of receiving COVID-19 treatments, stratified by baseline supplemental oxygen requirement.

Results
The identified population comprised 317,918 White, 76,715 Black, 9297 Asian, and 50,821 patients of other or unknown race. There were 329,940 non-Hispanic, 74,199 Hispanic, and 50,622 patients of unknown ethnicity. White patients were more likely to receive COVID-19 treatments, and specifically corticosteroids, compared to Black, Asian, and other patients (COVID-19 treatment: 87% vs. 81% vs. 85% vs. 84%, corticosteroids: 85% vs. 79% vs. 82% vs. 82%). After covariate adjustment, White patients were significantly more likely to receive COVID-19 treatments than Black patients across all levels of supplemental oxygen requirement. No clear trend in COVID-19 treatments according to ethnicity (Hispanic vs. non-Hispanic) was observed.

Conclusion
There were important racial disparities in inpatient COVID-19 treatment initiation, including the undertreatment of Black patients and overtreatment of White patients. Our new findings reveal the actual magnitude of this issue in routine clinical practice to clinicians, policymakers, and guideline developers. This is crucial to ensuring equitable and appropriate access to evidence-based therapies.

This research aims to analyze the impact of green credit distribution by banks on bank performance and identify factors that can influence green credit. The study utilizes data from 46 banks in Indonesia during the 2018-2022 period, by using the panel data regression method. The findings indicate (i) that green credit does not have a significant influence on credit risk, as measured by the NPL (Non-performing Loan). The distribution of more green credit allocations does not result in a decrease in bank credit risk. Additionally, sustainable business borrowers do not exhibit better debt repayment performance compared to the non-sustainable business category. (ii) In terms of bank profitability, green credit does not impact ROE (Return on Equity) and NIM (Net Interest Margin), but it does have a negative effect on ROA (Return on Assets). Banks that allocate a significant portion of their credit distribution to green initiatives tend to experience a decline in their profits. (iii) Bank size has a positive impact on the allocation of green credit, with larger banks dedicating a greater portion to the distribution of green credit. Larger banks possess more capital and extensive networks, making them better equipped to address potential risks compared to smaller banks. (iv) Meanwhile, government ownership and good corporate governance in banks do not influence the proportion of green credit distribution. The author recommends that the government make corrections to existing green financing programs, to cultivate a green credit ecosystem in Indonesia. One concrete step that can be taken is to support government-owned banks in becoming pioneers in the distribution of green credit in Indonesia.

Boko Haram has fast become one of the world's most notorious terrorist groups. The longevity of Boko Haram, coupled with its dynamic nature, necessitates that scholars keep abreast with a vast and intersectional array of developments. As a result, much ink has been spilt providing analysis and insight into the group's motives, activities, internal politics, tactics, and future trajectories. Boko Haram's ever-green endurance both in Nigeria and the wider West African region paves the way for a scholarly momentum which Oriola, Onuoha and Oyewole's edited collection aligns with. The book has 12 chapters which are split across five thematic areas, namely: gender, the media, displacement, non-state actors, human rights, and non-state actors. It is beyond the scope of this review to place each chapter under the microscope. Instead, the reviewer will highlight some of the most important contributions the book makes to the academic discourse on Boko Haram. Chapter three (by Oyewole and Onuoha) provides the reader with a comprehensive account of the Dapachi Kidnapping of 2018; this contribution is significant as much scholarship as focused on the Chibok Kidnappings of 2014. Oyewole and Onuoha unpack why the Dapachi Kidnappings took place, placing an emphasis on the need for Boko Haram to portray itself as a resilient origination so as to appear appealing to prospective members, to raise funds (by means of hostage negotiations), and rewarding hardworking foot solders with 'wives' and sex slaves. Furthermore, context is given to Dapachi's geographical and political vulnerability vis-à-vis Boko Haram's terrorist campaign.

This study investigates the extent to which immigrants are faced with infertility and their utilization of reproductive health-care services in Germany. Previous research on migrant fertility centered mostly on the higher fertility rates of immigrants and their adaptation processes, but has largely neglected infertility. In contrast, research on infertility in the European low-fertility context focused almost exclusively on non-migrant populations. Our paper aims to serve as a bridge between these two crucial, yet distinct research areas of current demographic developments. We derived theoretical considerations from frameworks of fertility and health of migrants and minority groups. Using waves of German panel data (pairfam), we applied pooled panel regression analyses with self-perceived infertility and having used medical assisted reproduction services as dependent variables. Generally, the results indicate higher infertility and lower seeking of medical help among migrants as compared to non-migrants. However, there is substantial heterogeneity between different migrant groups: First-generation migrants show higher risks of infertility and lower usage of medical help to get pregnant. The study also indicates variation across (parents') regions of origin: women and men from Russia, Central Asia, and the Middle East (including Turkey) have an increased risk of self-perceived infertility or uncertainty about it than other migrant origin groups. Those from Russia and Central Asia have the lowest usage of medical help-seeking. These results suggest that selected immigrant groups - despite their on average rather higher number of children - face remarkable reproductive disadvantages, which deserves further attention in research on migrant fertility and assisted reproduction in general.

Abstract
The cornerstone of international refugee law is the principle of non-refoulement, which protects refugees, asylum seekers, and other persons with protection needs from being returned against their will to a place where they risk facing persecution or other fundamental rights violations. A person who is protected against refoulement may, however, return voluntarily. Determining when such returns are truly voluntary is an issue increasingly at the heart of discussions about the lawfulness of returns, including recently in the Lake Chad Basin, East Africa, the Middle East, Southeast Asia, Europe, and Australia.
Today, there does not appear to be a generally agreed legal standard to determine when a return is truly voluntary. Likewise, international law does not define a clear line at which State action to 'incentivize' or 'induce' returns amounts to refoulement or an unlawful expulsion. However, recent publications by international law expert bodies and ensuing debate among States have provided some indications as to where international law stands on the issue and the direction in which it might develop. Thus, this article first examines the interplay between voluntary returns and the principle of non-refoulement. Secondly, it analyses recent positions taken by the International Law Commission and the United Nations Committee against Torture concerning legal limits on the measures that States may take to incentivize or induce returns. Thirdly, the article considers certain measures taken by States to incentivize or induce the 'voluntary' return of a person and indicates when such measures may amount to acts of coercion or force in violation of international law.

Uno dei principali meccanismi della mente umana è l'associazione di concetti contrari. Di conseguenza anche nel lessico di una lingua sono presenti lessemi di significato opposto, ovvero quelli fra cui si instaura la relazione di antonimia. Lo studio delle relazioni tra diverse unità lessicali, nelle quali rientra anche la relazione semantica di antonimia, è il compito della semantica lessicale. Il presente contributo si propone di analizzare l'antonimia fraseologica. Partendo dalle premesse teoriche sull'antonimia, in particolar modo quella che si riferisce alle relazioni di opposizione nella fraseologia, da diverse fonti lessicografiche sono stati estratti gli esempi delle coppie antonimiche dei fraseologismi. L'obiettivo era quello di analizzare le relazioni paradigmatiche di antonimia che si effettuano tramite il contrasto di significato di uno o più lessemi nelle unità fraseologiche, oppure attraverso l'opposizione dei significati interi delle espressioni. Sui criteri citati si basa anche la classificazione delle unità fraseologiche antonimiche che segue il modello proposto da Ljiljana Šarić (2007), che prevede tre categorie di fraseologismi di significato contrario. Il primo gruppo è costituito dalle espressioni che si distinguono in un lessema (nascere sotto una buona stella – nascere sotto una cattiva stella), nel secondo gruppo si trovano gli esempi che hanno due o più componenti lessicali diverse (valere un tesoro – non valere un corno), mentre rappresentano la terza categoria le unità fraseologiche che nella loro struttura non hanno componenti opposte, ma hanno significato contrario (fare le ore piccole – andare a letto con le galline). La raccolta dei fraseologismi e la suddivisione degli esempi in base ai criteri prestabiliti ha confermato una presenza notevole di antonimia fra diverse unità fraseologiche.

Türkiye's foreign policy has recently taken on a more autonomous trajectory, less directly tied to European Union (EU) or NATO policies. Notably, the Black Sea region stands out as an area where Türkiye has charted an independent and distinctive course. The Black Sea region's growing importance underscores the need to define Türkiye's policy that contributes to stability in the region. Recent conflicts involving Russia, Ukraine, and Georgia, as well as the interest of non-regional actors, have heightened the region's security concerns and energy security risks. Understanding Türkiye's role in this context is essential for international relations scholars, policymakers, and practitioners. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, the Cold War environment of military competition was replaced by an environment of cooperation and collaboration in the Black Sea region, combining political, economic, and cultural goals. However, the emerging conflicts between some littorals, such as Russia and Georgia in 2008 and Russia and Ukraine in 2014 and 2022, have caused a change in the perception of security and stability of the region. Thus, the interest of external actors in the Black Sea has increased and their attempts have begun to demonstrate a greater presence in the region. This has induced circumstances that increase the risk of conflict in the region and threaten energy security. Furthermore, the region has attracted the interest of non-littoral states, which has led to new challenges. In light of these developments, the authors seek to provide an objective examination of Türkiye's Black Sea policy, emphasizing its growing significance within the region's evolving dynamics and energy security concerns. In addition, the main pillars of Türkiye's Black Sea policy under the principle of regional ownership will be discussed.

The paper investigates the governance and administrative process in the nickel project in Indonesia and offers suggestions to apply governance for sustainable development concept for creating an eco-mobility industry in Indonesia. This paper is a case study using qualitative methodology and governance for sustainable development theoretical framework. In applying qualitative methodology, this paper is supported by previous research publications, local press publications, and interviews. The governance for sustainable development is used as a strategic guideline in mining project to develop Indonesia's eco-mobility industry further. This paper has three findings. First, the nickel project in Indonesia is part of bilateral cooperation between Indonesia with the National Strategic Program and China with the Belt and Road Initiative program. Thus, the concept of governance is not only applied in domestic policy but also bilateral cooperation. Second, non-technical issues have been identified during the governance and administrative process of nickel project in Indonesia. The governance concept must be applied to resolve the project's non-technical problems and make it sustainable. Third, all the governance stakeholders in the nickel project must adopt a sustainable governance development framework. Indonesia should avoid further setback and refrain from the previous oil-booming phenomenon in the 1970s. The governance sustainable development concept requires all the stakeholders in the mining project to cooperate inclusively. It comprises extraction, production, recycling-waste management, e-vehicle industry, social acceptance, and rehabilitating the environment (land, air, water, and the living beings) affected by mining activities. This paper highlights Indonesia's experience in creating an eco-mobility industry, using the nickel project as the key driver under investigation.

In the modern world, migration crises are likely to become commonplace. Denmark, Norway and Sweden are countries that attract migrants from both European and non-European countries. Today they face the diffi cult task of developing a common migration policy, which is hindered by a number of reasons: economic, ideological and political. The article attempts to assess the prospects for cooperation between the Scandinavian countries on migration issues in the near future. Based on the provisions of the Copenhagen School of Security, the author examines mass migration through the prism of the risks it poses to the culturally homogeneous societies of Denmark, Norway and Sweden, to the unique Scandinavian model of the welfare state and to Nordic Co-operation. Comparing the Nordic countries' approaches to migration management, the author concludes that they are united by the excessive involvement of the state in the processes of adaptation and integration of migrants. Despite the fact that the migration policies of the three countries have undergone signifi cant changes since 2016, the emphasis is still on the management of quantitative indicators (through the issuance of residence permits or deportation) rather than on the creation of social partnerships between migrants and natives. In Danish, Norwegian and even Swedish society, the idea of the need to promote "right" (European) immigration and limit "wrong" (foreign cultural) immigration prevails. There is a situation in which the main integration eff orts are directed at those groups of immigrants who are already suffi ciently integrated. Non-European migrants, regardless of their professional qualifi cations or personal qualities, are still perceived as a threat to Nordic identity.

AbstractAttention to emotional signals conveyed by others is critical for gleaning information about potential social partners and the larger social context. Children appear to detect social threats (e.g., angry faces) faster than non‐threatening social signals (e.g., neutral faces). However, methods that rely on behavioral responses alone are limited in identifying different attentional processes involved in threat detection or responding. To address this question, we used a visual search paradigm to assess behavioral (i.e., reaction time to select a target image) and attentional (i.e., eye‐tracking fixations, saccadic shifts, and dwell time) responses in children (ages 7–10 years old, N = 42) and adults (ages 18–23 years old, N = 46). In doing so, we compared behavioral responding and attentional detection and engagement with threatening (i.e., angry and fearful faces) and non‐threatening (i.e., happy faces) social signals. Overall, children and adults were faster to detect social threats (i.e., angry faces), but spent a smaller proportion of time dwelling on them and had slower behavioral responses. Findings underscore the importance of combining different measures to parse differences between processing versus responding to social signals across development.Research Highlights
Children and adults are slower to select angry faces when measured by time to mouse‐click but faster to detect angry faces when measured by time to first eye fixation.
The use of eye‐tracking addresses some limitations of prior visual search tasks with children that rely on behavioral responses alone.
Results suggest shorter time to first fixation, but subsequently, shorter duration of dwell on social threat in children and adults.

This paper explores the responses of mindfulness teachers to the risk of co-optation as identified by recent critical research on mindfulness meditation in organizations. As such, this risk is not revelatory to the mindfulness teachers, but rather understood as a basic condition of their work. Through ethnographic observations and interviews with mindfulness teachers, the paper consequently identifies three responses to the dominant conception of the co-optation of mindfulness meditation. Some teachers accordingly view it as (1) a question of intention, in which mindfulness meditation can be framed in a variety of different ways, which may enhance or curb its transformative potential. Others contend that the transformative potential of the practice is, to a degree, independent of discursive and institutional framings, and that cooptation is not necessarily something to be feared. To the contrary, mindfulness meditation can in this view potentially work as (2) a Trojan horse; discursively co-opted for the purpose of productivity, while subtly changing the organization from within through non-discursive layers of being. Finally, some teachers perceive the question of (non)co-optation as misguided, as it exaggerates the transformative potential of the practice to the point of an (3) overblown promise. These findings prompt a subsequent a conceptual discussion, in which a typology including the notions of (1) "intellectual co-optation," (2) "inverse co-optation" and (3) "empty co-optation" are suggested as means for theoretically explaining the responses of the mindfulness teachers and as nuancing supplements to the prevailing conception of the "structural co-optation" of mindfulness in organization.

PurposeUtilizing the expectation states theory in sociology, this study probes into the influence of the board's informal hierarchy on the quality of enterprise innovation, originating from the perspective of internal directorial interactions, while analyzing the boundary effects exhibited by the nature of property rights and the intensity of geo-culture.Design/methodology/approachThe study selects China's A-share listed companies from 2008 to 2021 as the research sample, employing the Tobit regression analysis method to scrutinize the hypotheses presented in the text.FindingsThe regression results demonstrate a positive correlation between the board's informal hierarchy and the enterprise innovation quality (EIQ). Upon introducing variables specific to property rights and geographical culture, the authors found that in comparison to non-state-owned enterprises (non-SOEs), the influence of the board's informal hierarchy on the quality of corporate innovation is diminished in SOEs. Conversely, the intensity of geo-culture across Chinese provinces enhances their mutual positive influence. In the additional analysis, the authors also found that the elevation of corporate risk tolerance is a significant pathway for the positive effect of the board's informal hierarchy on EIQ. Moreover, this positive influence is more profound in high-tech enterprises, businesses implementing equity incentive plans and companies that have subscribed to director and officer liability insurance.Originality/valueThe findings not only deepen the understanding of how the board's internal status characteristics influence corporate decision-making but also enrich the application scope of expectation states theory. Furthermore, this study offers valuable guidance for optimizing innovation decision-making by adjusting the personnel structures of corporate boards.

Since the US initiated the strategic competition with China, many scholars are attracted by this topic. Although they have studied it from many aspects, few noticed the importance of the US's cognition of China and gave it a comprehensive and scientific study. By using non-classical taxonomic structures of categorization theories in cognitive linguistics, and distribution of capabilities among units, interaction between units, and interactions between unit and security complexes in theories of international relations, this article studies the US's cognition of China in SinoAmerican strategic competition from the perspective of cognitive discourse study. After analyzing the non-classical categories the US uses to recognize China in United States Innovation and Competition Act of 2021, this article discovers that the US regards China's approaching capability has threatened its hegemony; the US possesses a complex categorizing model, and arrogant and anxious mentalities; the gaps between the US and China are being narrowed; the US's domestic political structure has flaws; the US cannot contain China alone, but it has strong international integrating abilities to do so. Compared with traditional international relations study, this study not only deepens our understanding of the US's cognition of China by disclosing its categorizing model on China and its mentalities, but also establishes a scientific, objective, convenient, and feasible operation paradigm for international relations study by integrating the methods of discourse analysis and international system analysis. The future study can explore the impacts on East Asian security of the US's cognition of China with the help of security theories in international relations.

For the most part, electoral and party research today is centered on the behavior of voters in two or four major clusters that can be conventionally placed on a scale from left to right. On the same scale, there are smaller groups whose value of separation is often questioned. This paper focuses on one of these groups: we consider a segment of voters united on the basis of their support for right-wing liberal parties and try to identify the most significant determinants of their choice. Based on the existing concepts of voting and data from the European Social Survey, 2016–2018, we generalize possible predictors – party and political selfidentification, ideological stances, social setting and material status – up to three theories ('ideological core', 'defectors' and 'winners'), and test their plausibility using regression tools. Modeling results show that for a number of parameters the separation of new subgroup is justified. First, we reject the hypothesis of a strategic non-voting for right-liberals (on the contrary, respondents often "strategically" vote for them rather than for some personally closer party). Second, we find similar characteristics of the voter profile in different European countries; in particular, people who share the values of non-interference (associated with opposition to income redistribution and cultural restrictions) are more inclined to electorally back the liberal right. On the other hand, for a complete picture it is not enough to indicate ideological or cleavage preferences: the fact of voting is strongly influenced by person's socio-economic background, confirming the earlier remarks about certain "privileges" in this electoral segment.

Abstract
As of September 2023, consensual same-sex sexual acts between adults (for both men and women) in private were criminalised in a total of 67 United Nations (UN) member States. Most of these States were in Africa, a continent of more than 1.4 billion people, where more than 30 out of Africa Union's 55 States criminalised consensual same-sex sexual acts between adults in private. The justification advanced in favour of criminalisation is that non-heterosexual sexual acts do not conform to the moral, cultural or religious views of a section of society. In some States, consensual same-sex sexual acts between adults in private were punishable by a maximum penalty of death or long prison sentences. The African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (the Charter) and several protocols adopted under the Charter do not prohibit explicitly discrimination based on real or perceived sexual orientation, gender identity and sexual characteristics. Thus, sexual orientation has remained on the margins of the African regional human rights system and has also remained largely outside the consideration of the African Commission (and the African Court) on Human and Peoples' Rights, the limited jurisprudence is mainly between negative and retrogressive. This article examines the criminalisation of private, consensual same-sex relations, sexual or affective, between adult persons of the same gender or sex in Africa with particular reference to Uganda's Anti-Homosexuality Act 2023 and its impact on human rights including respect for life, privacy, human dignity, integrity, liberty and security of the person, equality and non-discrimination, health, as well as freedom of association, expression and peaceful assembly.