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The following was an invited presentation given by Dr. Cary A. Supalo to the National Federation of the Blind of Illinois annual state convention that was held in Chicago, Illinois on Saturday, October 28, 2011. These remarks were slightly modified for the Journal of Science Education for Students with Disabilities. Cary A. Supalo What does the term Revolution mean? To some it can simply mean change. To others, it can mean drastic change, and still to others, revolution is no more than a descriptor for something else. In this context, I believe revolution refers to a time of significant change.1 What are the mechanisms of change? Sometimes change can occur through legislative action. When Public Law 94-142 in 1975 now known today as the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act or (IDEA) serves as a bill of rights for students with disabilities to receive an equal and barrier free education.

Рассмотрены задачи и основные направления стратегического развития Приморского края в новых условиях развития региона, определяемых перспективными целями страны на российском Дальнем Востоке. Представлены приоритеты и возможности развития транспортно-логистического комплекса Приморского края, проведён критический анализ недостатков действующего законодательства и обоснована необходимость разработки нового закона, регламентирующего транспортное обслуживание населения региона в условиях создания в южной части Приморья зоны порто-франко и формирования территорий опережающего развития. ; The tasks and main directions of strategic development of the Primorsky Krai in the new conditions of the region defined by the country 's future goals in the Russian Far East. Presented the priorities and opportunities for the development of transport and logistics complex of Primorsky Krai, conducted a critical analysis of the short comings of current legislation and the necessity of developing a new law regulating public transport operators in the region to create conditions in southern Primorye free port zone and the formation of areas of priority development.

Для строительства Жуковского моста требуется меньше опор максимальной высоты, чем для Тузлинского. Лёд торосится и давит на местные ограждающие дамбы. В текущей политической ситуации просто необходим свободный транспортный постоянно действующий коридор на полуостров (транспортный переход - это понятие объединяет как мосты, так и тоннели) для ввоза-вывоза грузов, товаров, пассажиров. Положения, изложенные в статье, могут быть применимы организациями, осуществляющими подводно-технические работы, экспедиторскими компаниями в работе по разработке, прогнозированию мультимодальных перевозок грузов. ; For the construction of Zhukovsky bridge requires less supports maximum height than Tushinskogo. Ice Troitsa and pressure on local embankments. In the current political situation just needs free transport permanent corridor to the Peninsula (transport transition is a concept unites as bridges and tunnels) for import and export cargo, goods, and passengers. Provisions set forth in the article, can be applied by organizations conducting underwater engineering work, freight forwarding companies in the development, forecasting multimodal transport of goods.

At the Congress of International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War (IPPNW) participated from Germany, 20 members participate, in total there were 500 from 44 countries. In Kazakhstan, the IPPNW has only a very small section, but the made up for their small extent by extraordinary hospitality and activity. The President of the World Congress 2014 Abay Baigenzhin, is a surgeon and head of the National Research Center of Medical Sciences in Astana, for organizing the oncologist and radiologist Alikhan Dossakhanow was responsible. Before Congress a group of medical students went through Kazakhstan - from Semipalatinsk (Semipalatinsk) to Astana, to promote a nuclear-free world. This cycling have for IPPNW tradition: Since the 1990s, there are always such trips, to learn more of the country and the people and at the same time to let people know on the spot that the IPPNW discourages a world congress in their country. Adapted from the source document.

On Oct 14, 2014, friends of freedom lost a lifelong champion of classical liberal thought with the passing of Leonard P. Liggio at the age of eighty-one. A deeply knowledgeable history scholar, Liggio was also much more; he was a central figure in building the modern classical liberal intellectual movement in the US and around the world. In a career spanning sixty years, he played a formative role in organizations including the Mont Pelerin Society, the Philadelphia Society, the Institute for Humane Studies, and the Atlas Network. He also taught at several universities and was an advisory scholar for many organizations within the liberty movement. Born on Jul 5, 1933, Liggio traced his interest in political ideas to his childhood and his first classical liberal inclinations to his mother. His interest in peace and in the institutions of a free society that foster it would be an enduring theme of his scholarly and organizational career. Adapted from the source document.

It is reported that Washington is trying to persuade the French, in particular, to back-pedal on their attempt to lay down the accepted principles of a two-state solution for Israel and Palestine. But for once, the Obama administration is not doing this simply as a favor to Israel. It is demeaning, of course, but over the decades not uncommon for American diplomats to plead for forbearance with foreign colleagues so that they can cope with geopolitically illiterate American legislators. Meanwhile, Morocco's continuing occupation of the Western Sahara, with its own separation wall, the Berm, snaking across the desert, continues to get a free pass in Resolution 2218 passed April 28 in New York. While even the US does not insist on praising Israel for its cooperation when it so clearly does not cooperate, the April UN resolution praises Morocco for its progress in the teeth of its flamboyant defiance. Adapted from the source document.

For nearly a year, Ukraine is with violent power upheavals and civil war, with senseless destruction and increasingly stringent international confrontation of daily negative lead story in the mass media. What was achieved yesterday, seems already questioned again today, is sharpened verbal and real. This development apparently tearing everything with it: its own historical traditions and economic resources, the neighborly coexistence in the country, the life prospects of the population and the existing limit order and sensitive military equilibria in Europe. Given the ongoing deterioration of the situation and the seemingly arbitrary actions of various actors and the question of the role of the EU must be provided in this conflict. Is it not also for time, free redefine emotion and propaganda the target price ratio of their acting out? The EU needs a change of strategy in order to contribute to the solution of the conflict in and around Ukraine can. Adapted from the source document.

"Some foreign ministries have been ill-equipped to deal with the multifaceted and fast moving events on the ground in the contemporary Middle East, with particular reference to the transitions in Egypt, Libya and Syria. Idealist policies such as the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), gradualist policies such as the U.S. training of just tens of Free Syrian Army fighters to date, and failed policies such as the U.S. intervention in Iraq which cost billions of dollars, have not sufficiently contributed to Middle East security. However, following the successful conclusion of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) with Iran, this paper argues that there remains potential in establishing a new permanent security structure akin to the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). This should be better able to manage tensions due a changing regional balance of power, respond to different types of crisis and regulate diverse regional and international security relationships." (author's abstract)

The Self-exhibition: Chinese post '80 generation between individualism and consumption. The gap between State's redistributive economy and a new economy of consumption (which is encouraged by the State itself) produced in China a gap that led to two new subjectivities: a reaffirmation of individuality in the network of informal relations, and in parallel a new "free and universal" individual (Yang, 1994, p. 245), a new form of individualism that combines global processes (in particular the culture of consumption) with local practices. The process of individualization of Chinese society, initiated by the economic reforms of the 80s and then by increased social mobility, seems to have been more a social change than a political one. Consumption (and media consumption), is seen as a negotiation, shaped by the socio-political and economic conditions and by the agency of consumers: a practice, a tactics through which individuals can appropriate, negotiate and re-formulate images and meanings.

Randomized experiments are becoming increasingly common in political science. Despite their well-known advantages over observational studies, randomized experiments are not free from complications. In particular, researchers often cannot force subjects to comply with treatment assignment and to provide the requested information. Furthermore, simple randomization of treatments remains the most commonly used method in the discipline even though more efficient procedures are available. Building on the recent statistical literature, we address these methodological issues by offering general recommendations for designing and analyzing randomized experiments to improve the validity and efficiency of causal inference. We also develop a new statistical methodology to explore causal heterogeneity. The proposed methods are applied to a survey experiment conducted during Japan's 2004 Upper House election, where randomly selected voters were encouraged to obtain policy information from political parties' websites. An R package is publicly available for implementing various methods useful for designing and analyzing randomized experiments.

This article analyses a dramatic political transformation in Indonesia's Aceh province. In the 1950s, an Islamic rebellion (Darul Islam) aimed not to separate Aceh from Indonesia, but rather to make Indonesia an Islamic state. A successor movement from the 1970s was GAM, the Free Aceh Movement. GAM, however, was essentially secular-nationalist in orientation, sought Aceh's complete independence and did not espouse formal Islamic goals. The transformation is explained by various factors, but the key argument concerns the relationship between Islam and nationalism. The defeat of Darul Islam had caused Aceh's Islamic leaders to focus on what they could achieve in Aceh alone, ultimately giving rise to Acehnese nationalism and the secessionist goal. However, Islam remained a point of commonality with, rather than difference from, majority-Muslim Indonesia. The logic of nationalist identity construction and differentiation thus caused Aceh's separatist leaders, despite being personally devout, to increasingly downplay Islamic symbols and ideology.

Randomized experiments are becoming increasingly common in political science. Despite their well-known advantages over observational studies, randomized experiments are not free from complications. In particular, researchers often cannot force subjects to comply with treatment assignment and to provide the requested information. Furthermore, simple randomization of treatments remains the most commonly used method in the discipline even though more efficient procedures are available. Building on the recent statistical literature, we address these methodological issues by offering general recommendations for designing and analyzing randomized experiments to improve the validity and efficiency of causal inference. We also develop a new statistical methodology to explore causal heterogeneity. The proposed methods are applied to a survey experiment conducted during Japan's 2004 Upper House election, where randomly selected voters were encouraged to obtain policy information from political parties' websites. An R package is publicly available for implementing various methods useful for designing and analyzing randomized experiments.

This article analyses a dramatic political transformation in Indonesia's Aceh province. In the 1950s, an Islamic rebellion (Darul Islam) aimed not to separate Aceh from Indonesia, but rather to make Indonesia an Islamic state. A successor movement from the 1970s was GAM, the Free Aceh Movement. GAM, however, was essentially secular-nationalist in orientation, sought Aceh's complete independence and did not espouse formal Islamic goals. The transformation is explained by various factors, but the key argument concerns the relationship between Islam and nationalism. The defeat of Darul Islam had caused Aceh's Islamic leaders to focus on what they could achieve in Aceh alone, ultimately giving rise to Acehnese nationalism and the secessionist goal. However, Islam remained a point of commonality with, rather than difference from, majority-Muslim Indonesia. The logic of nationalist identity construction and differentiation thus caused Aceh's separatist leaders, despite being personally devout, to increasingly downplay Islamic symbols and ideology.

While the United States Supreme Court held in such cases as United States v. Miller (1976), Smith v. Maryland (1979), and California v. Greenwood (1988) that the Fourth Amendment does not protect material shared with third parties, state appellate courts are free to offer greater levels of protection to such material under their own state constitutions. Analyzing a population of 218 state appellate third-party rulings between 1952 and 2014, I examine the legal and political factors that lead some state courts to avail themselves of state constitutions in recognizing citizens' privacy expectations over information shared with third parties. I find that since 1952, twenty-two states have offered higher protection to third-party records and information on at least one occasion. Multivariate analyses show that judicial ideology and the presence of state constitutional privacy guarantees both shape state judges' calculus about whether to protect third-party materials under state constitutions.