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Early marriage and childbearing have led to Bangladesh having the highest adolescent fertility rate in the Asia Pacific region. Adolescent pregnancy is correlated with pregnancy-related complications, preterm delivery, delivery of low-birth weight babies, and spousal violence. A quasi-experimental study was conducted in four urban slums (two intervention and two control areas) of Dhaka from July 2014 to August 2016 to assess the effectiveness of a married adolescent girls club (MAG club) in reducing the unmet need for family planning (FP) among married girls between the ages of 14 and 19 (n = 1601, 799 in intervention and 802 in control areas). The percentages of the targeted population using any modern method of contraception were significantly higher among respondents in the intervention areas than those in the control areas (72.6% versus 63.5%). The unmet need for FP was significantly lower among respondents in the intervention areas than that of the control areas (16.2% versus 20.7%). The MAG club was a well-received strategy to provide comprehensive information on FP, which in turn helped improve contraceptive method practices and reduced the unmet need for FP among married adolescent girls in urban slums in Bangladesh. The government could leverage its existing resources to expand the MAG Club model in rural parts of the country to achieve the targets outlined in its Adolescent Reproductive Health Strategy.

This paper begins with an account of Lucí ; a Vega Jimenez, a Mexican woman who lived and worked in Metro Vancouver, Coast Salish Territories (Canada) and who died while held in detention in British Columbia&rsquo ; s Immigration Holding Centre. This article argues that Lucí ; a&rsquo ; s story exposes a number of critical aspects regarding the geographies and politics of migration in Canada today. First, Lucia&rsquo ; s story points to the ways in which Canada&rsquo ; s determination process invisibilises certain forms of violence and, as such, serves as a highly restrictive and exclusionary mechanism. Second, it shows how this exclusionary mechanism extends like &lsquo ; capillaries&rsquo ; throughout urban space. In this context city services (like transit) increasingly become less spaces of refuge, and more privatized border checkpoints. Third, following Lucia&rsquo ; s story reveals how city checkpoints funnel people with precarious status into remote detention, akin to Foucault&rsquo ; s &lsquo ; carceral archipelago.&rsquo ; While expanding on carceral literature, this paper departs from existing scholarship that tends to think about remoteness horizontally. The paper argues that it is below the surface where carceral regimes become particularly hostile and&mdash ; as such&mdash ; the paper calls for deepened engagement with questions of verticality. Finally, the article illustrates how subterranean carceral dimensions are being politicized, agonistically, through sanctuary practices.

The new global cultural economy has to be seen as a complex, over-lapping, disjunctive order, which cannot any longer be understood in terms of existing center-periphery models creating multiple scapes that are deeply perspectival constructs, inflected by the historical, linguistic and political situatedness of different sorts of nation-states,multinational diasporic communities as well as subnational groupings and movements whether religious, political or economic. The global flow of people across and within nations and borders is generated by a variety of reasons: the reconfiguration of the global economy, displacement and dispossession of marginalized populations etc.The symbolic dimensions of territorial attachment experienced by residents of specific territories, the issues of border location or resource exploitation is only secondary to the unsettled feelings of "belonging" and rootedness within specific places and spaces. They are ready to defend their "homeland" territories to which they lay claim through historical priority, infrequently causing a major political instability, tension and conflict manifesting in the form of terrorism. Salman Rushdie's novel Shalimar the Clown(2005) deals with geographical and psychological displacement, transculturalism and the divide created due to violence and uprooting. The novel encaptures the idea of recovery of lost identities in a way which goes "from roots to routes."

Early marriage and childbearing have led to Bangladesh having the highest adolescent fertility rate in the Asia Pacific region. Adolescent pregnancy is correlated with pregnancy-related complications, preterm delivery, delivery of low-birth weight babies, and spousal violence. A quasi-experimental study was conducted in four urban slums (two intervention and two control areas) of Dhaka from July 2014 to August 2016 to assess the effectiveness of a married adolescent girls club (MAG club) in reducing the unmet need for family planning (FP) among married girls between the ages of 14 and 19 (n = 1601, 799 in intervention and 802 in control areas). The percentages of the targeted population using any modern method of contraception were significantly higher among respondents in the intervention areas than those in the control areas (72.6% versus 63.5%). The unmet need for FP was significantly lower among respondents in the intervention areas than that of the control areas (16.2% versus 20.7%). The MAG club was a well-received strategy to provide comprehensive information on FP, which in turn helped improve contraceptive method practices and reduced the unmet need for FP among married adolescent girls in urban slums in Bangladesh. The government could leverage its existing resources to expand the MAG Club model in rural parts of the country to achieve the targets outlined in its Adolescent Reproductive Health Strategy.

Patient: Male, 25-year-old Final Diagnosis: Axillary vein transection Symptoms: Shortness of breath Medication: — Clinical Procedure: Ligation of the axillary vein Specialty: Surgery OBJECTIVE: Management of emergency care BACKGROUND: Axillo-subclavian vessel injuries were traditionally the result of combat-related trauma encountered by military surgeons. An increase in gun-related violence in our backyards, however, have brought these injuries to our doorsteps. The majority of the available data explores the management of arterial injuries. There is a deficiency in the literature discussing the management of isolated axillo-subclavian venous injuries. CASE REPORT: We report the case of a 25-year-old male who presented after sustaining a gunshot wound to his right lateral chest and axillary area. Computed tomography angiography revealed axillary vein transection. Upon emergent operative intervention, vascular control of the hemorrhage was achieved with ligation of the axillary vein. The patient had an uncomplicated postoperative course and follow up in the office was unremarkable. CONCLUSIONS: Axillo-subclavian vessel injuries can result in exsanguination and are associated with a significant mortality risk. Early detection and expeditious management are essential for preserving the patient's limb and preventing the loss of life. Isolated axillary vein injuries can be managed in an unstable patient with ligation and is well-tolerated by patients with an evanescent upper extremity edema.

Baroque Lorca: An Archaist Playwright for the New Stage defines Federico García Lorca's trajectory in the theater as a lifelong search for an audience. It studies a wide range of dramatic writings that Lorca created for the theater, in direct response to the conditions of his contemporary industry, and situates the theory and praxis of his theatrical reform in dialogue with other modernist renovators of the stage. This book makes special emphasis on how Lorca engaged with the tradition of Spanish Baroque, in particular with Cervantes and Calderón, to break away from the conventions of the illusionist stage. The five chapters of the book analyze Lorca's different attempts to change the dynamics of the Spanish stage from 1920 to his assassination in 1936: His initial incursions in the arenas of symbolist and historical drama (The Butterfly's Evil Spell, Mariana Pineda); his interest in puppetry (The Billy-Club Puppets and In the Frame of Don Cristóbal) and the two 'human' farces The Shoemaker's Prodigious Wife and The Love of Don Perlimplín and Belisa in the Garden; the central piece in his project of 'impossible' theater (The Public); his most explicitly political play, one that takes the violence to the spectators' seats (The Dream of Life); and his three plays adopting, an altering, the contemporary formula of 'rural drama' (Blood Wedding, Yerma and The House of Bernarda Alba).

Haitian writers have made profound contributions to debates about the converging paths of political and natural histories, yet their reflections on the legacies of colonialism, imperialism, and neoliberalism are often neglected in heated disputes about the future of human life on the planet. The 2010 earthquake only exacerbated this contradiction. Despite the fact that Haitian authors have long treated the connections between political violence, precariousness, and ecological degradation, in media coverage around the world, the earthquake would have suddenly exposed scandalous conditions on the ground in Haiti. This book argues that contemporary Haitian literature historicizes the political and environmental problems brought to the surface by the earthquake by building on texts of earlier generations, especially at the end of the Duvalier era and its aftermath. Informed by Haitian studies and models of postcolonial ecocriticism, the book conceives of literature as an "eco-archive," or a body of texts that depicts ecological change over time and its impact on social and environmental justice. Focusing equally on established and less well-known authors, the book contends that the eco-archive challenges future-oriented, universalizing narratives of the Anthropocene and the global refugee crisis with portrayals of different forms and paths of migration and refuge within Haiti and around the Americas.

Much has been talked about crisis as an imported term, as well as the products that are consumed internally, habits, violence, clothing, everything, absolutely everything: imported. Regardless of the origin, most speak of the subject as all experts, perhaps ironically because they were born and have lived with the shortages next to them. In any case, a good part of those supposedly understood, associate it with the economic and the exogenous.However, it is integral and has a foundation accumulated in internal causes, which regardless of the errors in government policy, feeds on attitudes of the average citizen, which is what we want to highlight in these tight reflections. ; Mucho se ha hablado de crisis como un término importado, al igual que los productos que se consumen internamente, los hábitos, la violencia, el vestuario, todo, absolutamente todo: importado. Independientemente del origen, la mayoría hablan del tema como todos unos expertos, quizás irónicamente porque nacieron y han vivido con la escasez al lado. En todo caso, buena parte de los supuestamente entendidos, la asocian con lo económico y lo exógeno.No obstante, que es integral y tiene un fundamento acumulado en causas internas, que independientemente de los yerros en la política gubernamental, se alimenta de actitudes del ciudadano promedio, que es lo que se quiere destacar en estas apretadas reflexiones.

As Law Enforcement officers continue to be bombarded with traumatic incidents on a daily basis, the number of officer suicides continues to rise. In 2016, 108 law enforcement officers committed suicide in the United States (Kulbarsh, 2017). As these numbers increase, Police Departments, Communities and Local Governments must start taking a more proactive role in managing their officer's mental health. Suicide, while a key problem among Law Enforcement, is just the tip of the ice berg. The real issues lie beneath the surface in the form of PTSD, Alcohol Abuse, Drug Abuse and marital problems. Today almost 19% of the law enforcement population admits to suffering from some form of PTSD (Kulbarsh, 2016). Currently a large majority of these struggling officers admit to using inappropriate coping mechanisms that include "alcohol abuse, substance abuse, anger, impatience, violence and arguments with loved ones" (Larned, 2010, p. 66). Departments need to start by removing the stigma of Mental Health related illnesses in law enforcement by creating an open line of communication then implement mandatory annual mental health checks, provide peer support groups and voluntary counseling services. These types of services will help our officers cope with the traumatic incidents they deal with daily and create healthier happier more successful officers in the long term.

Environmental peacebuilding represents a paradigm shift from a nexus of environmental scarcity to one of environmental peace. It rests on the assumption that the biophysical environment's inherent characteristics can act as incentives for cooperation and peace, rather than violence and competition. Based on this, environmental peacebuilding presents cooperation as a win-win solution and escape from the zero-sum logic of conflict. However, there is a lack of coherent environmental peacebuilding framework and evidence corroborating the existence of this environment-peace nexus. Building on a multidisciplinary literature review, this article examines the evolution of environmental peacebuilding into an emerging framework. It unpacks the concept and explains its main building blocks (conditions, mechanisms and outcomes) to develop our understanding of when, how and why environmental cooperation can serve as a peacebuilding tool. It assembles these building blocks into three generic trajectories (technical, restorative and sustainable environmental peacebuilding), each characterised according to their own causality, drivers and prerequisites, and illustrated with concrete examples. Finally, this article draws attention to the remaining theoretical gaps in the environmental peacebuilding literature, and lays the foundations for an environmental peacebuilding research agenda that clarifies if and how environmental cooperation can spill over across borders, sectors and scales towards sustainable peace.

The topic of the dissertation, entitled ´Cross-national evaluation of the sources of anti-trafficking enforcement´, is highly relevant from the perspectives of global governance and human rights protection. This thesis aims to provide a quantitative, cross-nationally comparative, longitudinal and multilevel study of the drivers and hindrances of national governments´ anti-trafficking measures. In this research, both macro-level determinants of anti-trafficking enforcement and micro-level foundations of human trafficking are explored. In the manuscript, large-N comparative research examines how characteristics of countries interact with people´s attitudes towards violence to better understand what creates environments that are more or less supportive of governments´ anti-trafficking efforts. The results presented in the thesis speak not only in favor of studying this topic systematically and cross-nationally, addressing existing gaps in the literature but also in favor of combining macro- and micro-level evidence for developing more effective policy responses against human trafficking. ; Das Thema der vorliegenden Dissertation ist aus Sicht der Weltordnungspolitik und des Schutzes der Menschenrechte äußerst relevant. Die Studie untersucht die Ursachen erfolgreicher Maßnahmen nationaler Regierungen zur Bekämpfung des Menschenhandels. Dabei werden sowohl Determinanten auf der Makroebene, als auch auf der Individualebene berücksichtigt. Der Fokus der quantitativ-vergleichenden Studie liegt dabei auf der Wechselwirkung zwischen länderspezifischen Charakteristika und kulturellen Einstellungen zum Thema Gewalt. Ziel ist es, ein besseres Verständnis für die Erfolgsbedingungen wirksamer Maßnahmen gegen Menschenhandel zu gewinnen. Die Dissertation leistet auf diese Weise einen wichtigen Beitrag zur Entwicklung wirksamerer politischer Maßnahmen gegen Menschhandel aus ländervergleichender Perspektive.

I settantré anni dell'arco vitale di Carlo Levi (Torino 1902-Roma 1975) rivelano la straordinaria coerenza d'un intellettuale, del suo fuoco politico, della sua versatilità estetica. Una simbiosi espressiva come cifra di pittura e scrittura: due forme del 'dire' amalgamate in una. Se dal viaggio nel Meridione d'Italia egli distilla l'amore per la Lucania, i suoi 'giorni siciliani', immersi negli anni Cinquanta e condensati nell'opera Le parole sono pietre, irradiano una Sicilia sotterranea e solare abitata dalla violenza e dalla tavolozza di Guttuso. Vige la coinvolgente dinamica dell'ossimoro: anima spirituale, geologica, sociale d'un mondo, quello contadino, sulla soglia della scomparsa. ; The seventy-three years of Carlo Levi's (Turin 1902-Rome 1975) arch of life reveal his extraordinary coherency as an intellectual, his political flame, and his aesthetic versatility. His life was an expressive symbiosis with painting and writing: two forms of 'saying' amalgamated as one. If his love for Lucania is distilled from his journey to the South of Italy, his 'Sicilian days', framed in the Fifties, and preserved in his novel Words are Stones, radiate a subterranean and solar Sicily inhabited by violence and by Guttuso's palette. The absorbing dynamism of the oxymoron governs the whole: that is, a spiritual, geological, social soul of a world, the peasant one, on the threshold of disappearance.

The resurgence of pro-Biafra movements led by the likes of MOSSOB and IPOB over the past six to seven years is proof of the failed accountability the Nigerian government has displayed in addressing the trauma of the Biafran war. Nigeria's deliberate choice to ignore particular aspects of its history is a reflection of its refusal to adequately address the impact of state violence on its people. The labeling and crackdown on these groups, as extremists that pose a threat to Nigerian security, disregards the principle issues that allow for the existence of these groups in the first place. While understandings regarding the need for a Biafra to exist vary between the present and past, the underlying tension between the state and these secessionists groups remains the same: The protection of Nigerian security continues to be more important than the people who make up the state. In this study, I examine how the use of language, such as "extremists" or "terrorists" by the Nigerian government in labeling various protest groups and, particularly in the Southeastern region, functions as an attempt by the Nigerian government to maintain control over the area's resources and invalidate the concerns of the peoples in those areas to the general public. This has resulted in the proliferation of further tension between state and minority groups.

Allen Ginsberg's 'September on Jessore Road' captures the blood-stained history of the creation of Bangladesh through highlighting the unflinching struggle of the Bangladeshi people and their appalling plight that they went through during the country's war of independence in 1971. This poem mainly reports on Ginsberg's visit to the refugee camps located in the bordering areas of Jessore of Bangladesh and Kolkata of India in mid-September, 1971. Those camps sheltered millions of Bengalis who fled their homes fearing persecution and violence inflicted by the Pakistani occupation forces during the liberation war of Bangladesh. Ginsberg's first-hand experience of encountering the refugees in those camps is reproduced in this poem where the poet very meticulously pens the untold sufferings that every individual experienced during that war time. The poem also criticizes the US government and all its state apparatus for not supporting the freedom loving Bengalis in that war. His original intent of composing this poem was to express solidarity with the Bengalis' resolute craving for freedom on the one hand and to create awareness among the masses and form public opinion against Pakistani atrocities on the Bengali people on the other. This paper thus attempts to depict how Ginsberg puts all these aspects into words with a view to reminding us of the gory history behind the establishment of the modern state of Bangladesh.

Rapid urbanisation in Somalia, as in many other war-torn countries, is driven by in-migration of displaced people who are often amassed in camps. Although such camps become institutionalised sites of exclusion where 'bare life' is generated and disposed, they are also characterised by socially messy and continuously evolving relations of space, power, violence and displacement. The article draws on fieldwork with displaced people in Somali cities to analyse claims to property and (often violent) competition to uphold them in contestation for sovereignty. Comparing two cities, Mogadishu and Bosaaso, we show how a broad range of international and local actors, including displaced people themselves, negotiate (urban) property and establish relations that guide and foster political authority, while rendering the lives and livelihoods of displaced people precarious and insecure. In property, politics and the economy intersect, and property relations are therefore subject to struggles for both power and profit. We underscore how sovereign power produces spaces of indistinction, but emphasise that property as an analytical category contributes to understandings of sovereignty. Furthermore, propertying as social practice draws attention to the way sovereignty emerges and is connected to the market. This enables the differentiations of forms of sovereignty and draws attention to how it is negotiated, openly challenged or silently undermined. ; publishedVersion