Suchergebnisse

In this volume, six experts from Europe and Africa present new insights from the field about various aspects of Germany's colonial rule in Africa, raising doubt about the hitherto interpretations of some important events. The outbreak of violence in Rwanda 1904 was neither an anti-colonial Hutu uprising nor the result of a royal court intrigue against German rule, but instead a response to raids, the White Father missionaries had carried out against the local population. German colonialism in Rwanda was much less benevolent than it is today recalled in Rwanda, because its main edge was directed against the population in the North whose collective memory has been marginalized in the royal abanyiginya narrative, under colonial rule and after the genocide. Other chapters deal with the link between colonial boundaries and ethnic conflict and the counter-intuitive consequences of the German/Namibian settlement about colonial atrocities against the Herero and Nama

In The White Masai Corinne Hofmann told the incredible story of how she fell in love with and married Lketinga, a Masai warrior, and lived with his family in Kenya. Now, in Back From Africa, she describes her return to Switzerland and the difficulties that faced her there, detailing how she built a new life for herself and her daughter and overcame all obstacles with the same courage and optimist with which she faced the demands of her life in the Kenyan outback. Once again, Hofmann has proved herself to be an acute observer and an effective storyteller, and her astonishing and compelling tale

Jameson's raid.--President Kruger.--Portuguese progress in South Africa.--The president of the Orange Free State.--The last of a great black nation.--At the Cape of Good Hope.--The white man's black man.--The Dutch feeling towards England.--Natal, a colonial paradise.--British and Boer government. ; Mode of access: Internet.

--Jameson's raid.--President Kruger.--Portuguese progress in South Africa.--The president of the Orange free state.--The last of a great black nation.--At the cape of Good Hope.--The white man's black man.--The Dutch feeling towards England.--Natal, a colonial paradise.--British and Boer government. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Cover -- Contents -- I. Introduction -- II. International and Regional Initiatives Supporting Gender Budgeting -- III. Countries with Prominent Gender Budgeting Efforts -- A. Uganda -- B. Rwanda -- IV. Other Examples of Gender Budgeting in Sub-Saharan Africa -- V. Conclusions and Lessons for Improving Gender Budgeting in the Region -- References -- Figures -- 1. Sub-Saharan African Countries Included in this Review -- 2. GDI, Time-Consistent Version -- 3. Uganda: Trends in Gender Inequality in Uganda and a Comparator Country Group -- 4. Uganda: Trends in School Enrollment

Mit der politischen Wende im südlichen Afrika ist die Zielsetzung verbunden, diejenige Bevölkerungsmehrheit, die in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten marginalisiert wurde, nun an den wirtschaftlichen Prozessen und Gewinnen zu beteiligen. Diese Zielsetzung ist mit Begriffen wie "indigenisation", "privatisation" und "affirmative action" verbunden. In einer Zusammenstellung von fünf Beiträgen werden diese Begriffe und die mit ihnen verbundenen politischen Konzepte kritisch diskutiert. Ein einleitender Beitrag gibt einen Überblick über ihre historische Entwicklung von der Kolonialzeit über die Phase der Unabhängigkeit bis zur gegenwärtigen Situation. In den anschließenden Beiträgen werden die jeweiligen Rahmenbedingungen (u.a. Anteil ausländischen Kapitals in der Volkswirtschaft, Anteil von Ausländern bzw. Weißen im Management, Entwicklung des privaten Sektors, Einführung staatlicher Förderprogramme) in Lesotho, Südafrika, Simbabwe und Sambia dargestellt. (DÜI-Spl)

A STRIKING FEATURE OF THE EMERGENCE OF THE 'NEW' SOUTH Africa following the first democratic election in April 1994 was the widespread expectation that both the mechanism of transition and the electoral outcome in coalition government (the Government of National Unity: GNU) might serve as a model to other African regimes similarly placed. This may well be true with respect, for example, to the relevance of power-sharing arrangements of the kind that were built into South Africa's interim constitution in 1993, but as I shall explain, South Africa's experience of constitutional change and its outcome is best understood as sui generis. I am inclined to be sceptical about this assumption on the grounds that 'models' imported from elsewhere have not served Africa well; that the establishment of Westminster-style democratic structures in newly independent states in the 1950s and 1960s based on winner-take-all electoral systems failed to take into account historical and cultural differences — in particular the absence of anything resembling a Western-style tradition of democratic participation. Whether it could have served as a model, given the constraints of the time — loss of imperial will, insistent claims of indigenous nationalist elites etc. — is another matter. As Michael Oakeshott remarks: '[democracy] has been homegrown in Western society and to seek to transfer its beliefs and habits to an exotic soil will always be difficult.'

Large-scale land acquisitions are widespread in Africa. In the 2000s, Africa became a 'grabbers' hotspot', following global concerns over food security and fuel supplies. Land, with its available water potential, was acquired by a wide range of private and public actors, including sovereign governments, on African soil. Ineffective legal, political and institutional processes have permitted large-scale land acquisition to the detriment of local communities. There are increasing tensions with local communities who suffer from dispossession of land and natural resources and lack power, made worse where there are no mechanisms for relocation or compensation. Rural populations do, however, mobilize grass-roots agency to contest 'dispossession'. In Cameroon, corporate accumulation of land is supported for its national-level benefits, but this pits government against local communities with women often being the biggest losers from loss of farmland. 'Green grabbing', justified on environmental grounds, also affects local livelihoods. Communities are not necessarily adverse to commercial agriculture if they are able to exercise more control over it.

Bedeutung der Massenmedien für den aktuellen Umbruch von autoritären zu demokratisch-pluralistischen Strukturen. Radio/Fernsehen als demokratisches Forum. Resolutionen zur Medienpolitik. (DSE)

O presente texto visa refletir sobre o neocolonialismo e as armadilhas da culpabilidade do outro. Após as independências dos países africanos observamos em vários espaços a dificuldade de instauração do Estado de direito e de organização de políticas econômicas que reduzissem o impacto do colonialismo e integrassem suas populações na nova ordem nacional. As fendas abertas pela necessidade de reajuste constituíram-se em veios para a penetração de sistemas de dominação econômica que pelo jogo da culpa encobrem políticas internacionais e práticas locais.