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PurposeStudies of workplace equality have often questioned the effectiveness of employers' efforts to tackle employment disadvantage. This article is concerned with the role that civil society organisations (CSOs) play in promoting equality at work. The main aims of this article are to: examine the role played by CSOs in promoting equality and challenging disadvantage at work through engaging with employers; characterise the ways in which they operate as mediating agents; and to reflect on the implications of CSO interventions for understanding how the process of mediating workplace equality operates.Design/methodology/approachThe paper uses interview data from a study of the work and employment‐related activities of CSOs operating in the UK, and was undertaken during 2007 and 2008. In‐depth interviews were conducted with key respondents from a carefully selected sample of CSOs.FindingsIt is found that there is a marked emphasis that many CSOs place on tackling equality issues by engaging positively with employers.Originality/valueThe paper examines the role played by CSOs in tackling inequality and disadvantage in work and employment by engaging with employers, characterising how they operate as mediating agents.

The past two decades have seen a drastic increase in the role and expectations of civil society organizations (CSOs) in international development, placing greater demands on the evaluation of CSOs and associated programs.While there is much potential in CSOs, it is important to recognize the distinctly political and economic realities in which they operate. CSOs face formidable challenges, the foremost being dependency on donor funding and the resultant threat to CSO autonomy and performance. Does donor-required monitoring and evaluation (M&E) enhance or compromise CSO performance? Drawing upon research from the United Nations Office of the Special Coordinator of Africa and the Least Developed Countries (UN/ OSCAL) and the United Nations Office of the Special Adviser on Africa (UN-OSAA), this article presents an overview of African CSOs, exploring key issues that can inform the international M&E community.

Civil Society, Conflicts and the Politicization of Human Rights explores violent conflict and peace. The contributors examine how violence is generated, managed, exploited and eradicated in ethno-political conflicts, and how societies can be dragged out of conflict onto the transition towards peace. The usual take on these phenomena focuses on the role of governmental actors, both national and international. While official actors remain important, Civil Society, Conflicts and the Politicization of Human Rights examines the other side of the coin: the non-governmental component in ethno-politic

Actions against any acts of criminal nature should be complex. Fight against corruption as a multi aspect social phenomenon especially requires a complex approach. Each state that considers corruption as a negative social phenomenon and is willing to eliminate it, uses, maximum possible resources in compliance with political position of a ruling class. First of all, a state makes full use of legal remedies – regulative and protective (punitive). It is reasonable to make the steps in social and economic direction. However, reliance only on public law measures in terms of preventing and fighting corruption cannot be justified. The reason lies in the corruption itself, its expansion and tolerant attitude of the society. This proves the need to uproot corruption determinants not only "from the top" but from "down", i.e. from the civil society as well. On the one hand, the society serves as a social base for corruption; on the other hand, it is the civil society that is able to control corruption and the work of public authorities in terms of corruption combat. The aim of this paper is to designate civil society as a subject fighting against corruption. The objectives are to detect the means with the help of which civil society could significantly increase efficiency in terms of combating corruption adding to governmental means. The authors of the paper applied traditional methods of criminal science. The paper presents the results of criminological studies carried out by the authors of this paper and by other researches concerning corruption combating. ; peer-reviewed

THE INTERACTION BETWEEN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND OFFICIAL POLICY IS LIKELY TO BE A CRUCIAL ASPECT OF THE SEARCH FOR A NEW ORDER IN EUROPE. THIS SEARCH INVOLVES A DIFFICULT BALANCING ACT BETWEEN TWO CENTRAL GOALS OF "GOOD" SOCIETIES: (1) STABILITY, PREDICTABILITY, AND THE RULE OF LAW AND (2) SCOPE FOR HUMAN SPONTANEITY, SOCIAL JUSTICE, AND PEACEFUL CHANGE. TO STRIKE THE RIGHT BALANCE BETWEEN THE TWO IS THE CHALLENGE CONFRONTING DEMOCRATIC POLITIES. THE EUROPEANS ARE FACED WITH THE DOUBLE CHALLENGE OF TAKING FULL ADVANTAGE OF OPPORTUNITIES TO TRANSFORM THE POLITICAL AND SOCIETAL LANDSCAPE OF THEIR CONTINENT IN ACCORDANCE WITH WIDELY HELD ASPIRATIONS FOR HUMAN DIGNITY, SOCIAL JUSTICE, AND PROSPERITY WHILE SIMULTANEOUSLY BUILDING NEW, MORE EQUITABLE STRUCTURES FOR SECURITY AND STABILITY ON A CONTINENTAL SCALE.

AT THE BEGINNING OF THIS CENTURY, 90 PER CENT OF WAR CASUALITIES IN MOZAMBIQUE WERE MILITARY; TODAY ABOUT 90 PER CENT ARE CIVILIAN. THE CONDITIONS FOR CHILDREN WHO ARE FORCED TO BEAR ARMS ERASE THE TRADITIONAL ANALYTICAL CATEGORIES OF MILITARY, CIVILIAN AND CHILD. AN ESTIMATED 300,000 CHILDREN UNDER 18, SOME AS YOUNG AS FIVE YEARS OLD, ARE CURRENTLY SERVING IN 36 WARS AROUND THE WORLD.

Europeanisation scholars increasingly debate when and in what ways the European Union influences domestic politics. This article adopts a 'bottom-up' design and the process-tracing method to examine the influence of the EU enlargement context over the political power of the new social movements in Romania between 2000 and 2004 when the EU acquis was being negotiated. It finds that domestic civil society empowerment resulted from the nexus of three interacting causal pathways: the Executive's desire to accede to the EU; a transnational advocacy network, which included domestic NGOs, reinforcing the Executive's anticipatory self-constraint; and to a somewhat lesser extent, the Executive's self-identification with certain elements of the advocacy network, reinforced by a general concern for their external reputation. Adapted from the source document.

Acknowledgments; Introduction; Chapter 1: Christianity, Civil Society, and Pluralism; Chapter 2: Dooyeweerd in Context; Chapter 3: Religion and Philosophy; Chapter 4: Plurality, Identity, Interrelationship; Chapter 5: A Philosophy of Cultural Development; Chapter 6: A Philosophy of Social Pluralism; Chapter 7: A Medley of Social Structures; Chapter 8: The Identity of the State; Chapter 9: The Just State; Chapter 10: An Active, Limited State; Chapter 11: Civil Society and Christian Pluralism; Epilogue; Appendix 1; Appendix 2; Notes; Bibliography; Index.