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Expert advice in political processes is supposed to improve decisions. If expertise fails in this function, a legitimacy problem occurs: granting political power to experts may be defensible, but only on the grounds that it contributes to enlightening political processes and facilitate problem-solving. The paper provides a theoretical exploration of four variables that are key when assessing the epistemic quality of expert deliberations: the degree to which these deliberations are 1) informed by technical expertise, 2) regulated by epistemically optimal respect and inclusion norms, 3) focused on politically relevant and applicable knowledge, and 4) approaching questions involving moral judgment and standard setting competently. Previous research on the European Commission's use of expert advice has more or less overlooked the question of experts' epistemic performance, and this paper discusses the possible reasons for this in light of well-known methodological challenges in studies of elite behaviour; access and bias problems. A discussion of the merits and limitations of different available data on the Commission experts shows that the biggest obstacle in the study of experts' epistemic performance is rather the problem of epistemic asymmetry, i.e. of how researchers as non-experts can assess the epistemic quality of experts' contributions and behaviour. The paper offers, finally, a set of strategies to get research going despite this problem.

This paper analyzes the notion of lobbying from the opposing perspective of state institutions and interest groups. The main thesis implies that, in order to formulate any reasonable judgment about lobbying, it is essential to approach this phenomenon only within a strictly defined context in order to address the ambiguity of the term. This holds in particular for assessments of lobbying expressed as part of legal discourse, but also in the realm of social or political discussion and debate. The place of lobbying as a state institution is specifically determined by the fundamental system of government prevailing in the given country. However, as to the remainder, lobbying as such calls for a more detailed reflection on the proper shape of decision-making procedures by government institutions.

Analyzing social processes of quantification has close relationship with the origins, core and potentialities of the economics of convention. Quantification and its social organization and goals are now impacted by the turn toward the market for organizing all human activities. Research should focus on the relationship between generalizing the market, transforming the state and changing the role and status of quantification. Retracing the main outcomes of the seminal works on quantification, this paper highlights the contributions that EC could provide in that field.

12 págs.-- Introducción al libro de Jürgen Habermas "La inclusión del otro", Barcelona: Paidós, 1999. ; El propósito de este escrito es enmarcar La inclusión del otro, obra de Jürgen Habermas, dentro del conjunto de su pensamiento y, en particular, de su producción con contenido político. Siguiendo este objetivo, se ponen de manifiesto los principales motivos y presupuestos que subyacen a la preocupación política de Habermas, en especial, su concepción de la política deliberativa, desde la que encara aquellos temas clave del momento presente que constituyen el objeto de este nuevo libro. ; Peer reviewed

South Pacific media face a challenge of developing forms of journalism that contribute to the national ethos by mobilising change from passive communities to those seeking change. Instead of the news values that have often led international media to exclude a range of perspectives, such a notion would promote deliberation by journalists to enable the participation of all community stakeholders, 'including the minorities, the marginalised, the disadvantaged and even those deemed as "deviant'" (Romano, 2010). Critical deliberative journalism is issue-based and includes diverse and even unpopular views about the community good and encourages an expression of plurality. In a Pacific context, this resonates more with news media in some developed countries that have a free but conflicted press such as in India, Indonesia and the Philippines. This has far more relevance in the Pacific than a monocultural 'Western' news model as typified by Australia and New Zealand. Early in the millennium, this author examined notions of the Fourth Estate in the South Pacific. These were applied through a 'Four Worlds' news values prism in the global South that included the status of Indigenous minorities in dominant nation states (Robie, 2001, 2004, 2005, 2009b). This article explores how that has been modified over the past decade and its implications for media and democracy in the Pacific.

AbstractCan deliberative mini‐publics contribute to deepening the democratic dimensions of electoral democracies? The question is framed in this article using a problem‐based approach to democratic theory–to count as democratic, political systems must accomplish three basic functions related to inclusion, communication and deliberation, and decision making. This approach is elaborated with an analysis of a real‐world case: a deliberative mini‐public with a citizens' assembly design, focused on urban planning convened in Vancouver, Canada. This example was chosen because the context was one in which the city's legacy institutions of representative democracy had significant democratic deficits in all three areas, and the mini‐public was a direct response to these deficits. It was found that Vancouver's deliberative mini‐public helped policy makers, activists and affected residents move a stalemated planning process forward, and did do so in ways that improved the democratic performance of the political system. Depending on when and how they are sequenced into democratic processes, deliberative mini‐publics can supplement existing legacy institutions and practices to deepen their democratic performance.