Suchergebnisse

Am 24. März 2024 fanden im Senegal Wahlen für das Amt des Staatspräsidenten statt. Aus ihnen ging der zu diesem Zeitpunkt 43-jährige Oppositionspolitiker Bassirou Diomaye Diakhar Faye als Sieger hervor. Am 02. April 2024 übernahm er die Amtsgeschäfte als fünfter Präsident der Republik Senegal. Dieses Ereignis könnte einen Wendepunkt in der jüngeren Geschichte des Landes darstellen. Es belegt einmal mehr dessen Sonderstellung im gesamtpolitischen Kontext der Region Westafrika/Sahel, in der es in den letzten Jahren vermehrt Machtergreifungen durch Militärs gegeben hat. Diese Wahl ist gegenläufig zu einem derzeit auch weltweiten Trend zur Autokratisierung. Seit drei Jahren durchlief Senegal eine tiefgreifende politische Krise, die den Verfassungsstaat an die Grenzen seiner Belastbarkeit brachte. Zwar stellten währenddessen die staatlichen Institutionen ihre Stabilität und Widerstandskraft unter Beweis, und es konnten die Errungenschaften des demokratischen Rechtsstaates unter entscheidender Mitwirkung einer starken Zivilgesellschaft bis auf Weiteres gesichert werden. Schwächen aber zeigten sich während dieser Krise in den Bereichen der Justiz sowie in der Meinungs- und Pressefreiheit. Sicherheitskräfte schlugen gewaltsam Proteste und Demonstrationen nieder, die sich von Teilen der Bevölkerung gegen die als rechtswidrig angesehene Festnahme und Inhaftierung von Oppositionspolitikern richteten. Diese Maßnahmen forderten Dutzende von Todesopfern und mehrere hundert Verletzte. Weit mehr als tausend Menschen wurden inhaftiert, ohne dass ein ordentliches Gerichtsverfahren eingeleitet wurde. Bis zehn Tage vor seiner Wahl befand sich selbst Faye noch unter diesen Bedingungen in Haft. Umso erstaunlicher ist es, dass und wie es dem Senegal gelungen ist, diese Krise zu überwinden. Der vorliegende Beitrag untersucht die politischen, gesellschaftlichen und verfassungsrechtlichen Faktoren, die zu dem sich abzeichnenden günstigen Ausgang dieses Konfliktes führten. Die Krise, die einstweilen ein glückliches Ende nahm und das Programm des neuen Präsidenten legen nahe, dass auch Senegal die seit einigen Jahren in der Region Westafrika/Sahel zu beobachtende Tendenz einer Neudefinition des Staates sowie des Profils seiner Aufgaben, Befugnisse und Leistungen aufgreift, und zwar mit demokratisch fundierten Lösungsansätzen. Faye und seine Mitstreiter sagten der seit Langem etablierten politischen Klasse den Kampf an. Seinen Wählern versprachen sie grundlegende Reformen der staatlichen Institutionen, eine Rationalisierung und Verschlankung der öffentlichen Verwaltung und dass sie die in den letzten Jahren deutlich angestiegenen Tendenzen von Korruption, Klientelismus und Veruntreuung öffentlicher Finanzen, Güter und Ressourcen entschieden bekämpfen würden. Hierfür gaben ihnen die Wähler und Wählerinnen mit ihrem eindeutigen Votum einen klaren Auftrag. Mit dem Amtsantritt von Präsident Faye werden auch die Kräfteverhältnisse innerhalb der Wirtschaftsgemeinschaft westafrikanischer Staaten (Economic Commu-nity of West African States - ECOWAS) teilweise neu bestimmt. In den nächsten Jahren wird es in verschiedenen Staaten der Region zu weiteren Verschiebungen zugunsten einer jüngeren Generation politischer Eliten kommen. Deutschland und die Europäische Union werden sich künftig noch stärker damit auseinandersetzen müssen, dass sich die afrikanischen Nationen auf ihre eigene kulturelle Identität besinnen und im politischen Diskurs immer stärker ihren Anspruch betonen, ihre Souveränität durchzusetzen.

Many developing countries are still grappling with the consequences of the pandemic and the associated high debt burdens while facing huge financing needs, inter alia related to climate change. In response, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) issued $650 billion in Special Drawing Rights (SDRs). The G7 and G20 have committed to re-channelling SDR 100 billion of their allocation to developing countries (on-lending, recycling and re-channelling are used interchangeably in this policy brief). The question now is how to implement these commitments in a way that promotes the global transformation and at the same time supports debt sustainability. It is important to note that there are certain restrictions on the re-channelling of SDRs. Most importantly, the re-channelling must be consistent with the SDR's status as an international reserve asset. There are different interpretations of these requirements. The IMF has encouraged the use of the Poverty Reduction and Growth Trust (PRGT) and the Resilience and Sustainability Trust (RST) for re-channelling. It has also signalled general support for re-channelling SDRs to the multilateral development banks (MDBs). The European Central Bank (ECB) has taken a more restrictive stance. Does the re-channelling of SDRs through the above-mentioned IMF trusts ("the current on-lending option") effectively support the global transformation? Measured against this objective, the current on-lending regime has two shortcomings. First, it does not sufficiently link foreign exchange support to deep structural transformation. Second, it does not allow funds to be leveraged in the private capital market. In this policy brief, we discuss a promising alternative: recycling SDRs for MDB hybrid capital ("the hybrid capital option"). This option can overcome the two drawbacks of the current system. At the same time, it has its own challenges. Moreover, both the current on-lending option and the hybrid capital option raise concerns about debt sustainability. If implemented in their current forms, they would risk exacerbating vulnerable countries' debt problems. It would therefore be desirable to modify these options to better integrate debt implications. This could be done by using the on-lent SDRs primarily for programmes that are not "expenditure-based", but rather help to improve the composition of expenditure and revenue in a socially equitable manner, for example the introduction of regulatory standards, feebates and carbon pricing, or the phasing out of fossil fuel subsidies. Such an approach could have the added benefit of making previously sceptical member states more receptive to the hybrid capital proposal. The mid-term review of the RST, scheduled for May 2024, as well as the full review in 2025 provide good opportunities to further explore some of the issues raised in this policy brief. In addition, the brief identifies three ways in which interested shareholders of the IMF and MDBs could advance the debate on the hybrid capital option.

"Gender, Sexuality and Islam in Contemporary Indonesia explores gender, sexuality and religion in contemporary Indonesia. It is the first book-length analysis of the experiences of queer Muslims in Indonesia, the largest Muslim country and the world's fourth most populous nation, as well as the first monograph exploring the voices of their allies vis-à-vis the role of Indonesian progressive Islam and Islam Nusantara. An ethnographic study based on semi-structured in-depth interviews, participant observation and media analysis, the book analyses how queer Indonesian Muslims come to, and navigate, their gender, sexual and religious subjectivities and subject positions, beliefs and practices. This is done by paying attention to their interactions with family, education, media, and peers. It also investigates the emergence of queer religious geographies through the case of an annual camp leading to alternative discussions on gender, sexuality, and religion impacting processes of subjectivity formation among participants. The author draws on recent scholarship that attends to 'agency' not merely as a synonym for resistance but also as a modality of action to examine the rise of queer religious agentic systems through the everyday practices of queer Muslims. Finally, the book explores the background of the allies of queer Muslims who have come to develop queer-inclusive strategies from within Islam by considering the processes that shaped their advocacy and the role of Islam Nusantara. The book reflects on the critical role of Islam for gender and sexual minorities in Indonesia. Presenting the voices, practices and activism of present-day Indonesians to explore the position of Islam as a source of emotional strength, guidance, and social support, this book will be of interest to researchers in the fields of Gender and Sexuality Studies, Religious Studies, Asian Studies and Southeast Asian Studies, Islamic Studies and Queer Anthropology"--

"This book analyses discontent with law and assesses the prospect of better governance by technology. In the first part of the book, where the context is 'low tech', the range of discontent with law is examined; the underlying reasons for such discontent are identified (namely, the human nature of the legal enterprise, its reliance on rules, and the pluralistic nature of human communities); and the reasonableness of such discontent is assessed. In the second part of the book, where the context is 'high-tech' (with new tools becoming available to undertake governance functions), the question is whether discontent with law is further provoked or, to the contrary, is eased. While new technologies provoke further discontent with law's claimed authority, its ineffectiveness, and its principles, positions, and policies, they also promise more effective and efficient ways of achieving order. The book closes with some reflections on the ambivalence that humans might experience when faced with the choice between law's governance and apparently better performing governance by technology. That law's governance is imperfect is undeniable; that humans should quest after better governance is right; but, the shape of our technological futures is unclear. This accessibly written book will appeal to scholars and students who are working in the broad, and burgeoning, field of law, regulation and technology; as well as to legal theorists, political scientists and sociologists with interests in the impact of new technology"--

The obligations stemming from international law are still predominantly considered, despite important normative and descriptive critiques, as being 'based' on (State) consent. To that extent, international law differs from domestic law where consent to the law has long been considered irrelevant to law-making, whether as a criterion of validity or as a ground of legitimacy. In addition to a renewed historical and philosophical interest in (State) consent to international law, including from a democratic theory perspective, the issue has also recently regained in importance in practice. Various specialists of international law and the philosophy of international law have been invited to explore the different questions this raises in what is the first edited volume on consent to international law in English language. The collection addresses three groups of issues: the notions and roles of consent in contemporary international law; its objects and types; and its subjects and institutions.

This book discusses how societies, groups and individuals remember and make sense of global neoliberal change in Eastern Europe. Such an investigation is all the more timely as the 1990s are increasingly looked to for answers explaining the populist and nationalist turn across the globe. The volume shows how the key processes that impacted many lives across the social spectrum in Eastern Europe, such as deindustrialization, privatization, restitution and abrupt social reorganization, are collectively remembered across society today and how memory narratives of the 1990s contribute to current identities and political climate. This volume establishes the memory of economic transformation as a research focus in its own right. It investigates different levels of memory, from the national through the local to the cultural, analysing key myths of the transformation, giving special recognition to the social space and vernacular memories of the transformation period and reflecting on how the changes of the 1990s are mediated in cultural representations. Given the book's interdisciplinary scope that covers several fields, it will prove to be of interest to those working in memory studies, contemporary history, sociology, East European area studies and literary and film studies. It will also serve as a significant point of reference for those researching the interdisciplinary and rapidly expanding field of transformation studies and thus is an invaluable source across different fields.

"Decolonial Politics in European Peripheries: Redefining Progressiveness, Coloniality and Transition Efforts is a timely contribution to the project of theorizing "Europe" through decolonial perspectives on the Left, as the European and global crisis has prompted new reflections on what it means to sit still at the European "peripheries". The book explores how the joint scholarship efforts of postcolonial and postsocialist scholars might come up with better-grounded and more detailed theoretical and methodological insights into the process of globalization, and subsequent peripheralization, if framed under a progressive and leftist perspective. The authors, many from the South-East Europe region, use a variety of analytical lenses to demonstrate how the nexus of postcolonial, postsocialist area studies and progressive developmental political thought could inspire changes in the future which are in dissonance with neoliberal and neoconservative capitalism. As the side effects of global capitalism continue to accelerate, scholars and activists in the postsocialist periphery are increasingly turning to the concept of decoloniality in the hope it might offer more options on how to begin to build up their framework. This book offers numerous examples of how decolonial theory can be applied to activist work in the fight against austerity and neo-liberalization, as well as examples of how decolonial critique can be mobilized to contest processes of Europeanization and Euro-Atlantic integration. This book will intrigue students and scholars of critical social scholarship in general, postsocialism, postcolonialism, critiques of right populism and the rise of white nationalism in Europe, as well as those studying the regions of South-Eastern Europe and Eurasia more generally. It will also interest activists, organizers, decision-makers, policy analysts, and leftists, both in the region and internationally"--

"Haavelmo's 1944 monograph, The Probability Approach in Econometrics, is widely acclaimed as the manifesto of econometrics. This book challenges Haavelmo's probability approach, shows how its use is delivering defective and inefficient results, and argues for a paradigm shift in econometrics towards a full embrace of machine learning, with its attendant benefits. Machine learning has only come into existence over recent decades, whereas the universally accepted and current form of econometrics has developed over the past century. A comparison between the two is, however, striking. The practical achievements of machine learning significantly outshine those of econometrics, confirming the presence of widespread inefficiencies in current econometric research. The relative efficiency of machine learning is based on its theoretical foundation, and particularly on the notion of Probably Approximately Correct (PAC) learning. Careful examination reveals that PAC learning theory delivers the goals of applied economic modelling research far better than Haavelmo's probability approach. Econometrics should therefore renounce its outdated foundation, and rebuild itself upon PAC learning theory so as to unleash its pent-up research potential. The book is catered for applied economists, econometricians, economists specialising in the history and methodology of economics, advanced students, philosophers of social sciences"--