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Even though recent discussions on food prices and indirect land use change point at potential conflicts associated with the production of biofuels the appraisal of biofuels as an effective instrument to slow down climate change and reduce energy dependency still prevails. The EU Renewable Energy Directive (EUROPEAN COMMISSION, 2009) underlines this trend by setting a target of 10% share of energy from renewable sources in the transport sector by 2020. As economic competitiveness of biofuel production is still not given in most European countries, support policies are essential to achieve this target. Second generation technologies have still not attained marketability, wherefore biofuel consumption will continue to significantly affect agricultural markets. Furthermore, biofuel trade receives more attention. Apart from Brazil the USA has evolved to one of the key biofuel producer in recent years replacing the EU as the dominant biodiesel exporter. Those developments in regions outside the EU have to be considered within the evolution of biofuel markets. The primary objective of this paper is to analyse in detail impacts of future biofuel developments on agricultural markets under several assumptions regarding the availability of 2nd generation technologies, the EU support policy framework and the EU trade policy regime. Therefore, we developed an extended version of the comparative static agricultural sector model CAPRI which covers global biofuel markets with a detailed focus on Europe. The results supplement already existing model-based impact assessments while focussing on EU Member State level and introducing global bilateral trade of biofuels based on the Armington approach. The results of our scenario analysis presented in this paper indicate that the European 2020 biofuel target will significantly affect global and European biofuel- as well as agricultural markets. Thereby, global biofuel trade will notably increase, especially flows of biodiesel from the USA and Argentina and of ethanol from Brazil into ...

"October 7, 2003." ; Shipping list no.: 2004-0014-P. ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Caption title. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Our PhD thesis aims to reveal the mechanisms of the drastic decrease of women's numbers within the power space in Mongolia since the adoption of a democratic Constitution in 1992. A study was carried out to assess the individual and collective strategies of women to gain different social capital in order to access the power space: political, economical and intellectual capital presented in the first part, family and symbolic capital of the nomadic culture in the second part, and finally "feminine" capital and "international recognition" capital developed by the movement of women's organizations' studied in the third part of the thesis. After analysing varying male leader's resistances, our thesis comes to the conclusion that the power space can not be seen as a "public space" anymore: the power space is a private masculine space whose main characteristics are to be locked from the inside, secret and self reproduced, in every political regimes including democracies. ; Notre thèse de doctorat a cherché à révéler les mécanismes explicatifs du net recul de la présence des femmes au sein de l'espace du pouvoir en Mongolie, depuis l'adoption de sa Constitution démocratique en 1992. L'étude a porté sur les différentes stratégies élaborées par les femmes individuellement et collectivement dans la constitution de différents capitaux sociaux afin d'accéder à l'espace du pouvoir : capital politique, économique et intellectuel en première partie, capital familial et symbolique propres à la culture nomade en seconde partie, et enfin capital « féminité » et « reconnaissance internationale » constitué par le mouvement associatif des femmes en troisième partie. La thèse montre que l'une des principales raisons de l'échec de leurs luttes est, non pas le manque de capitaux, mais bien leur instrumentalisation par les leaders politiques. Surtout, elle en arrive à la conclusion que l'espace du pouvoir, distinct de l'espace public et politique, est un espace privé, c'est-à-dire fermé, secret et auto-reproduit, y compris en système ...

The article examines the approach of the Russian Federation to the growth of terrorism affecting international relations over the past two decades. The article assesses the impact of this threat on the security of our country, on the international situation, and analyzes the decisions taken by the Russian leadership on this issue. The author attempts to consider and describe the influence of the Russian Federation on the ongoing domestic and foreign policy events related to terrorism and religious extremism, designated by the President of the Russian Federation. Attention is also paid to the reasons changing this approach to security in the Russian Federation over the past twenty years. The reasons for the development of new systems of countermeasures by Russia, its entry into a new era of relations with other states, despite their differences, are considered. In turn, the author wants to draw attention to such questions as: "Why is Russia forced to respond to challenges and threats and constantly improve its legislative framework and what changes have taken place in the field of its information security?". Official documents, United Nations resolutions, sources and scientific works are analyzed in the context of the approach to ensuring security against terrorism. The study shows that the number and quality of threats will continue to increase as terrorist groups gain experience and hone their skills. The fight against terror is possible only in the long term with high-quality international cooperation between States and in the absence of double standards.