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Abortion Politics: Public Policy in Cross Cultural Perspective focuses on current abortion policy and practice in the United States, Canada, Europe and Japan and aims to provide a comprehensive, stimulating and balanced picture of current abortion policy in a cross-cultural perspective. The contributors deal with comparative abortion policy including recent developments in Ireland, Germany and Eastern Europe.

The indigenous rights movement has been defined as a struggle for land and jurisdiction. Over the last forty years, American and Canadian governments made much progress on the land question in the Arctic and sub-Arctic; however, from an irrational fear of the unknown, politicians in Washington, D.C. and Ottawa have effectively blocked the pathways to aboriginal jurisdiction or self-government. During the late-twentieth century in the Yukon, Northwest Territories, and Nunavut, as well as in Nisga'a territory, indigenous governments negotiated local government powers, but continent-wide progress on the question of indigenous jurisdiction has stalled. This Article considers the formation and implementation of land treaties with indigenous peoples, the international impact of such treaties, the effect of settler history, and the struggle for indigenous jurisdiction. It concludes that if the governments do not open their hearts and minds to the cause, First Nation frustration could turn into violent confrontation.

"This book assesses the impact of presidential character on the popularity, productivity, and ethics of contemporary presidents. Through comparative analyses, author Lara Brown demonstrates that the character of a president's leadership does not change in office and that the success of future presidents can be evaluated before they step into the White House. She traces the rise of "amateur outsiders," like Donald Trump, and asserts the need for systemic reform and cultural reassessment of presidential character. Intended for students and scholars of the presidency, this book also holds appeal for general readers who seek understanding of past and future presidential elections"--

This book emphasizes the importance of production politics, or struggles in the workplace between workers and their employers, for understanding migrant labour regimes in Asia and the Gulf. Drawing from a study of Bangladeshi construction workers in Singapore, as well as on comparative material in the region, it shows that migrant labour politics are significantly influenced by the specific form of production politics as well as their variable outcomes. In contrast to contentious politics approaches, this book sheds light on the extent to which migrant labour regimes can be contested by workers and civil society groups and explains the recent rise in migrant labour unrest in the region.

This article has a twofold aim. First, inspired by collaborative governance theory, the article develops an analytical framework built around three ideal co-creation strategies utilized by city governments for building capacity and addressing urban climate solutions. Second, this co-creation framework is applied to a comparative case study of climate governance in two climate-ambitious Scandinavian cities, Copenhagen and Oslo, to illustrate the role of co-creation as an approach and tool for urban climate governance. The comparative analysis reveals how the two cities navigate differently within a polycentric ecosystem of actors depending on a variety of contextual factors and whether climate responses are geared mainly towards assembling and aligning public, private business or citizen actors, respectively, for collaborative efforts. The findings suggest that both cities combine two ideal co-creation strategies, a whole of government strategy with an externally focused stakeholder strategy, while neither of the cities has adopted a full-fledged externally focused civil society co-creation strategy. The findings have implications for co-creation theory and urban climate leadership. In both cities, the benefits of co-creation are found to depend on support from both conducive institutional design and new forms of public leadership. Over time, leadership has started to congeal into a distinctive type of co-creational leadership based on both hands-on and hands-off tools and instruments in climate responses. The findings suggest that a co-creation approach benefits the debate on citizen participation in climate governance as it brings a nuanced understanding of the multiple roles that citizens can play in relation to both public and private services and business actors; as residents, consumers, climate agents, as well as voters with rights and responsibilities who can provide the city leadership with legitimacy but also oppose climate action.

Part 1: The Foreign Investment Law and Its Interpretation Article by Article -- Part 2: The Foreign Investment Regime in Practice Since the Entry into Force of the Foreign Investment Law -- Chapter 1 Drafting History of the Basic Law for Foreign Investment -- Chapter 2 The Origin of the Title of the Foreign Investment Law in Chinese -- Chapter 3 Basic Norms of the Foreign Investment Law.-Chapter 4 The Foreign Investment Law and the Rule of Law -- Chapter 5 The Foreign Investment Law and the Negative List -- Chapter 6 The Foreign Investment Law and Enterprise Laws -- Chapter 7 The Foreign Investment Law and International Investment Agreements -- Chapter 8 Concluding Remarks -- Part 3: Harmonization and Coordination of the Foreign Investment Law with other Relevant Laws and Regulations -- Chapter 9 Linkage between the Foreign Investment Law and the Catalogue of Special Management Measures for Admission of Foreign Investment -- Chapter 10 Linkage between the Foreign Investment Law and Relevant Laws, Regulations and Rules on National security review -- Chapter 11 Harmonisation between the Foreign Investment Law and the Relevant Rules on Foreign Investment Verification and Recordation System.-Chapter 12 Relationship between the Foreign Investment Law and the Company Law and Partnership Law -- Chapter 13 The Relationship between the Foreign Investment Law and the Contract Law -- Chapter 14 The Relationship between the Foreign Investment Law and the Antimonopoly Law -- Chapter 15 The relationship between the Foreign Investment Law and the Government Procurement Law -- Chapter 16 The relationship between the Foreign Investment Law and the previous foreign investment-related ministerial rules -- Chapter 17 Negative List and the Negative List for Free Trade Zones -- Part 4: China's Foreign Investment Law from the Comparative Law Perspective -- Chapter 18 Admission of Foreign Investment -- Chapter 19 National security Review -- Chapter 20 Antimonopoly Review -- Chapter 21 Investment promotion -- Chapter 22 Investment protection -- Chapter 23 Information reporting -- Chapter 24 Concluding Remarks -- Part 5: Interaction between China and International Investment Rules -- Chapter 25 China's Place in the Rapidly Changing Landscape of Global Investment Flow -- Chapter 26 International Investment Rules and Their Development -- Chapter 27 Interaction between China's Foreign Investment Legislation and International Investment Rules -- Chapter 28 The Future Evolution of International Investment Rules and Its Impact on China's Foreign Investment Regime -- Chapter 29 Concluding Remarks -- Appendix 1:The Regulations on the Implementation of the Foreign Investment Law -- Appendix 2: Special Management Measures for Foreign Investment Admission (Negative List)(2020) -- Appendix 3: List of the Normative Documents relating to the Foreign Investment Law.

This book argues that Putin's strategy for rebuilding the state was fundamentally flawed. Taylor demonstrates that a disregard for the way state officials behave toward citizens - state quality - had a negative impact on what the state could do - state capacity. Focusing on those organizations that control state coercion, what Russians call the 'power ministries', Taylor shows that many of the weaknesses of the Russian state that existed under Boris Yeltsin persisted under Putin. Drawing on extensive field research and interviews, as well as a wide range of comparative data, the book reveals the practices and norms that guide the behavior of Russian power ministry officials (the so-called siloviki), especially law enforcement personnel. By examining siloviki behavior from the Kremlin down to the street level, State Building in Putin's Russia uncovers the who, where and how of Russian state building after communism

This book focuses on local state-society relations, understood as institutionalised relations between local municipalities across Europe and individual, collective or corporate societal actors. It presents a typology of local statesociety relations, and applies this to characterise the most relevant institutionalised relations between local government and societal actors at the municipal level in 22 European countries. The comparative volume will clarify whether or not patterns can be detected in the makeup of different types of networks; whether or not these patterns are country-specific or policy-specific; and why cases exist which are so distinct that they are not subsumable under a certain pattern. Taken together, this book will go beyond national typologies to emphasise the role of agency and innovation in particular policy sectors, providing a major contribution in the study of the local governance of Europe. It will appeal to scholars and students of local governance, public administration, urban planning and European studies. Bjorn Egner is Adjunct Professor at the Institute of Political Science, Technische Universitat Darmstadt, Germany. His research interests include local politics, housing policy and fiscal policy. Hubert Heinelt is Professor of Public Administration, Public Policy and Urban Research at the Technische Universitat Darmstadt, Germany. Between 2010 and 2013 he was President of the European Urban Research Association. Jakub Lysek is Assistant Professor in the Department of Political Science at Palacky University Olomouc, Czech Republic. His research interests include local politics and electoral behaviour. Patricia Silva is Assistant Professor in the Department of Social, Political and Territorial Sciences at the University of Aveiro, Portugal. Her research interests include political parties, public administration, and local governance. Filipe Teles is Pro-Rector for Regional Development and Urban Policies at the University of Aveiro, Portugal. His research interests include governance, local administration, territorial reform and political leadership.

The Comparative Agendas Project (CAP) collects, organizes, and makes freely available millions of bits of information concerning the objects of government attention over long periods of time (often back to the Second World War) for more than 25 political systems, worldwide. As researchers affiliated with the CAP expand their projects into Latin America, they confront some challenges similar to those from other regions, and some unique to their national political systems. In this introductory essay, we explore the background of the CAP and the opportunities posed by its expansion into Latin American political systems. ; El Comparative Agendas Project (CAP, por sus siglas en inglés) recopila, organiza y pone a disposición de forma gratuita millones de datos sobre los temas que han sido priorizados por parte de políticos y gobernantes en más de 25 sistemas políticos de todo el mundo. Estas bases de datos abarcan un período de tiempo largo, que en la mayoría de casos comienza tras el fin de la Segunda Guerra Mundial). Los investigadores que desarrollan proyectos siguiendo la metodología del CAP en América Latina tienen que hacer frente a los desafíos comunes que los investigadores han encontrado al analizar la agenda política, a otros exclusivos de los sistemas políticos de los países de esta región. En este ensayo introductorio, exploramos los antecedentes del CAP y las oportunidades que se presentan con su expansión a los sistemas políticos latinoamericanos. ; O Comparative Agendas Project (CAP) coleta, organiza e disponibiliza gratuitamente milhões de dados sobre os temas que têm chamado a atenção de governos em mais de 25 sistemas políticos de todo mundo. Os dados disponíveis compreendem um longo período desde a Segunda Guerra Mundial. Na expansão de seus projetos para a América Latina, os pesquisadores ligados ao CAP enfrentam, além de desafios comuns aqueles encontrados globalmente, outras adversidades particulares dos sistemas políticos adotados nas nações da região. Neste ensaio introdutório, exploramos os antecedentes do CAP e as oportunidades que se apresentam com sua expansão aos sistemas políticos latino-americanos.

In the decade following the signing of the North American Free Trade Agreement, economic and political relations between Canada and Mexico have expanded significantly. Today, Canada and Mexico are each other's third largest trading partners and, outside of the United States, Mexico is the second largest tourist and business destination for Canadians. In the face of increasing competition from Asia, Canada and Mexico need to strengthen their economic competitiveness by leveraging their comparative advantages more effectively. In a multi-polar world, Canada and Mexico have an opportunity to utilize their North-South partnership to provide leadership on the pressing issues of our time, such as climate change, transnational crime, and global crisis management. In Canada Among Nations, 2011-2012 a leading group of Canadian, Mexican, and American academics, policy makers, politicians, journalists, and energy and climate change experts offer substantive recommendations for Ottawa and Mexico City to realise the full potential of their strategic relationship. Canada Among Nations is the premier source for contemporary insight into pressing Canadian foreign policy issues. This volume continues that tradition by providing students, policy makers, and business people with a timely compendium of expert opinion on Canada-Mexico relations.

This article analyses the factors that seem to play an important role in determining the cost of sovereign debt. Specifically, we evaluate to what extent transparency, the level of corruption, citizens' trust in politicians and credit ratings affect interest rates. For that purpose, we create a transparency index matching the 2007 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development/World Bank Budgeting Database items with the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development Best Practices for Budget Transparency sections. We also check our assumptions with the International Budget Partnership's Open Budget Index and with a non-linear transformation of our index. Furthermore, we use several control variables for a sample of 103 countries in the year 2008. Our results show that better fiscal transparency, political trust and credit ratings are connected with a lower cost of sovereign debt. Finally, as expected, higher corruption, budget deficits, current account deficits and unemployment make sovereign interest rates increase. Points for practitioners The key implications for professionals working in public management and administration are twofold. First, despite the criticism raised by credit ratings, it is clear that poorer ratings are connected with higher financing costs for governments. Therefore, governments should enhance those indicators that impact the credit rating of their sovereign debt. Second, governments should seek to be more transparent, since transparency reduces uncertainty about the degree of cheating, improves decision-making and therefore decreases the cost of debt. Transparency reduces information asymmetries between governments and financial markets, which, in turn, diminishes the spread requested by investors.

Textual analysis : big data approaches / Kirk A. Hawkins, Bruno Paula Castanho Silva -- Textual analysis : the UK party system / Luke March -- Textual analysis : Croatian presidential candidates / Berto Salaj, Marijana Grbesa -- Expert surveys / Nina Wiesehomeier -- Elite surveys / Ioannis Andreadis, Saskia Pauline Ruth -- Public opinion surveys : existing measures / Steven M. Van Hauwaert, Christian H. Schimpf, Flávio Azevedo -- Public opinion surveys : a new measure / Levente Littvay, Bruno Castanho Silva, Ioannis Andreadis, Eva Anduiza, Nebojša Blanuša, Yazmin Morlet Corti, Gisela Delfino, Guillem Rico, Saskia P. Ruth, Bram Spruyt, Marco Steenbergen -- Populist mobilization across time and space / Hans-Georg Betz -- Populist success in Latin America and Western Europe : ideational and party-system-centered explanations / Simon Bornschier -- Populist voting in Chile, Greece, Spain, and Bolivia / Ioannis Andreadis, Kirk A. Hawkins, Ivan Llamazares, Matt Singer -- Populist success : a qualitative comparative analysis / Bruno Castanho Silva -- Populism in Spain : the role of intellectuals in Podemos / Margarita Gomez-Reino, Iván Llamazares Valduvieco -- Populism in Venezuela : the role of the opposition / Sahar Abi Hassan -- Populism in Belgium : nativist-cynical perceptions / Koen Abts, Thierry Kochuyt, Stijn van Kessel -- Populism in the US : the evolution of the Trump constituency / Wendy Rahn -- Activating populist attitudes : the role of corruption / Ethan Busby, David Doyle, Kirk A. Hawkins, Nina Wiesehomeier -- Populist voters : the role of authoritarianism and ideology / Rosario Aguilar, Ryan E. Carlin.

Across nineteenth-century Europe, the emergence of constitutional and democratic nation-states was accompanied by intense conflict between Catholics and anticlerical forces. At its peak, this conflict touched virtually every sphere of social life: schools, universities, the press, marriage and gender relations, burial rites, associational culture, the control of public space, folk memory and the symbols of nationhood. In short, these conflicts were 'culture wars', in which the values and collective practices of modern life were at stake. These 'culture wars' have generally been seen as a chapter in the history of specific nation-states. Yet it has recently become increasingly clear that the Europe of the mid- and later nineteenth century should also be seen as a common politico-cultural space. This book breaks with the conventional approach by setting developments in specific states within an all-European and comparative context, offering a fresh and revealing perspective on one of modernity's formative conflicts

Part 2: Critical Reflections ; International audience ; With the growing utilization of "smart" technologies, social media and "Internet of Things" applications, citizen-government interactions are rapidly changing. These changes have substantially transformed participatory models where governments apply e-participation measures not necessarily for participatory goals. As cosmetic e-participation applications and mass online surveillance increase in scope, there is a critical need to re-assess the applicability of dominant frameworks of analysing participatory practices. The paper aims to provide a nuanced understanding of the role of the internet in citizen-government interactions in authoritarian contexts based on a critical assessment of dominant participation models. It first maps key analytical typologies and models of public participation based on an extensive literature review. This is intended to help identify potential models that explain public participation—or lack thereof—in authoritarian contexts. The outcomes of this review are (1) revealing a scholarly gap of substantial policy relevance on e-participation in authoritarian contexts, and (2) assessing the applicability of dominant e-participation analytical models in such contexts. The findings indicate that, in the digital era, the transformations in citizen-government interactions lack contemporary understanding. Based on this comparative review, an analytical framework is proposed which extends and adapts Arnstein's ladder of participation to the digital era. The paper argues that the proposed model helps better understand emerging practices of citizen-government interaction, especially in authoritarian contexts, but also in some democratic contexts where e-participation measures are utilized for mass-surveillance or as political façade.