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The article reviews the recent advances in comparative political economy. It reconnects knowledge on growth regimes and welfare regimes by analyzing how growth and welfare regimes covary over both time and space. It underlines the fact that governments pursue different growth strategies to adjust to new economic environments, focusing in particular on welfare state reforms. Synthesizing the literature, we propose a definition of growth and welfare regimes that integrates different engines of growth as a way to track general trends in the evolution of capitalism. We analyze the main trends of three eras of capitalism: Fordism, neoliberal financialization, and the digitalized knowledge-based economy. We trace the various paths of change by identifying the five growth strategies governments have pursued to adapt their growth and welfare regimes to the new capitalist era. The result is not a typology of fixed types of capitalist models but a dynamic process of adjustment.

This paper explores how local governments have addressed abandonment of a high-dollar investment: publicly funded sport facilities. The issue of abandoned professional sport facilities is becoming more ubiquitous as teams seek new, more modern, state-of-the-art venues to maximize operational revenues. This creates a scenario where the average lifespan of a professional sport facility is only 27 years. Using a comparative case study analysis, this research examines how municipalities have approached the redevelopment of abandoned stadium infrastructure in Detroit, Houston, and St. Louis. Successful outcomes related to the redevelopment of abandoned stadiums in Detroit have seen public and private stakeholders take advantage of their unique assets in public-private partnerships. However, abandoned stadium infrastructure in Houston and St. Louis have remained idle for years as local governments failed to secure private investment to aid with redevelopment efforts and/or created additional bureaucratic red tape that limits the prospects for site redevelopment.

AbstractThe literature on carbon pricing offers competing explanations for the introduction of carbon taxation. This article contributes to the field by highlighting the interaction of dynamic political factors and external pressures in explaining the timing of the adoption of carbon taxes. Focusing on the second wave of European countries, the study combines the multiple streams framework with qualitative comparative analysis to identify conditions favourable to the introduction of carbon taxes. Additional case studies on Ireland and Portugal serve to illuminate the reform process, especially the role of policy entrepreneurs. This approach yields three insights. First, fiscal crises provide political actors with an opportunity to raise environmental taxes. Second, the introduction of carbon taxation is most likely when push and pull factors come together, i.e. when high problem pressure coincides with governments receptive to environmental issues. Finally, the prospects of "green" policy entrepreneurs are strongly determined by their standing within the government.

The main purpose of this study is to clarify the difference in disaster resilience between survivors and victims' families by analyzing the language used in popular literature on disaster cases. The results showed that there were differences in emotions, behaviors, attitudes, role perceptions, etc., between survivors and victims' families in dealing with a disaster. In particular, survivors remember and think about the situation that occurred at the time of the disaster, which creates resilience to the incident, while victims' families attempt to establish resilience to the incident by investigating the facts and government countermeasures. While survivors were focused on building their own resilience, victims' families were more focused on improving government countermeasures to prevent such accidents from recurring. This can be considered as social or national resilience. Based on this comparative analysis, it is necessary to prepare various theoretical foundations for disaster preparedness and resilience, while further elaborating the theory.

AbstractClimate adaptation is context specific, and inclusion of diverse forms of knowledge is crucial for developing resilient social–ecological systems. Emphasis on local inclusion is increasing, yet participatory approaches often fall short of facilitating meaningful engagement of diverse forms of knowledge. A central challenge is the lack of a comprehensive and comparative understanding of the social–ecological knowledge that various stakeholders use to inform adaptation decisions. We employed cultural consensus analysis to quantitatively measure and compare social–ecological knowledge within and across three stakeholder groups: government employees, researchers, and local residents in rural coastal Maryland. The results show that 1) local residents placed more emphasis on addressing socioeconomic and cultural changes than researchers and government employees, and 2) that the greatest variation in social–ecological knowledge was found among local residents. These insights yielded by cultural consensus analysis are beneficial for facilitating more inclusive adaptation planning for resilient social–ecological systems.

This paper uses Aristophanes' Lysistrata to draw out the central violent tension of the weaving paradigm in Plato's Statesman. In the Lysistrata, weaving is offered as a metaphor for a tyrannical refashioning of the polis. In strikingly similar terms, the Eleatic Stranger of the Statesman proposes weaving as a metaphor for the best form of government. What is laughed off in the play, the characters of Plato's dialogue seem to take seriously. Through a comparative reading, I argue that the interpretations of the Statesman that take weaving as a paradigm for the best government of state, not only miss the comedy in the Stranger's discussion of statesmanship, but also the tragic allusions to tyranny. Furthermore, by drawing out the dialogue's resonance with comedy, I conclude that the weaving paradigm succeeds in giving us a means for identifying tyranny in the Statesman; even when tyranny appears dressed up in a political science ostensibly formulated with the best of intentions.

Contributing to a better understanding of the varying inequality patterns within Latin America, this paper examines the drivers of the private sector labour shares of Chile and Mexico between 1980-2011. Over this period, Chile's labour share has declined, similar to many advanced economies, while Mexico's labour share has remained relatively stable. Our historical and econometric analysis suggests that in Chile high private indebtedness has undermined wage demands and induced wage cuts, whilst policies of small government have also contributed to the decline in its wage share. Chile's natural resource exports have benefitted from Latin America's commodity boom and exhibited some limited positive effects on its wage share. Contrariwise, we find that Mexico, as a more capital-intensive economy, has experienced significant substitution effects, which have undermined its wage share. Yet, high government spending has counterbalanced the negative effects of globalization. These comparative results challenge popular narratives around hyper-globalization and policy homogenization.

This article is focused on the evolution of the constitutional position of the President of Lithuania in the Lithuanian Basic Laws. The analysis concerns the regulations of the three Lithuanian Basic Laws of the interwar period (of 1922, 1928 and 1938), two of which were an attempt to legitimize the political situation after the coup d'état against the constitutional government of the Republic of Lithuania in 1926 and also to implement the authoritarian government of President Antanas Smetona. The article also assesses the most important legal provisions concerning the constitutional position of the President, as well as compares the Lithuanian constitutional provisions with constitutions of other countries, primarily with the Polish Constitution of 1935. The research goals have been achieved thanks to the applied research methods, especially the comparative method, supplemented with the historical method and the method of institutional and legal analysis, which is used to analyse normative acts elaborated by legal bodies.

There is perennial debate in comparative politics about electoral institutions, but what characterizes this debate is the lack of consideration for citizens' perspective. In this paper, we report the results of an original survey conducted on representative samples in 15 West European countries ( N = 15,414). We implemented an original instrument to elicit respondents' views by asking them to rate "real but blind" electoral outcomes. With this survey instrument, we aimed to elicit principled rather than partisan preferences regarding the kind of electoral outcomes that citizens think is good for democracy. We find that West Europeans do not clearly endorse a majoritarian or proportional vision of democracy. They tend to focus on aspects of the government rather than parliament when they pass a judgment. They want a majority government that has few parties and enjoys wide popular support. Finally, we find only small differences between citizens of different countries. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Every ship that is going to sail is required to have a sailing approval letter issued by the harbormaster as an effort to control the security and safety of shipping. This research is a normative-legal research using a statute, comparative and conceptual approaches.The results show that the harbormaster as a government official at the port carries out and supervises efforts to fulfill shipping safety and security as a government administrative action by issuing a state document in the form of a sailing approval letter through a system of procedures for issuing a sailing approval letter. This letter is given to every ship that will sail or leave the port by ensuring that the ship, crew and cargo have technically-administratively fulfilled all sailworthiness requirements. The compliance of all parties in implementing the procedure for the issuance of the sailing approval will lead to the achievement of safety and security in shipping.

AbstractThis article applies the ideas of the core executive and court politics to Danish coalition and minority governments. It asks two questions. Do these ideas travel beyond their Westminster origins? What are the dilemmas confronting the Danish executive and its court politics? The analysis is based on documentary sources and 22 elite interviews with cabinet ministers and permanent secretaries. It identifies a duopoly of Prime Minister and Minister of Finance as a distinctive variety of court politics. It identifies the key dilemmas confronted by the Danish executive; namely trust, political support and politicization. It concludes that court politics provides unique insights into the workings of Danish government. The article is a contribution to the comparative analysis of the court politics of governing elites. It shows that the focus on court politics is not only useful for majoritarian Westminster systems but also for the analysis of consensual parliamentary democracies.

Due to the national importance of metropolitan areas, central governments seek to make them as attractive and competitive as possible. In many cases, this is done through state control over metropolitan areas and their governance arrangements. This article examines the relationship between state control and metropolitan governance capacity based on a comparative case study of four metropolitan areas: Auckland, Dublin, Montreal and Oslo. These areas represent different models of metropolitan governance, as well as different forms of state control. We studied state control by focusing on political and administrative decentralization: how independently can the metropolitan government make decisions and perform its tasks? The conclusion is that the different dimensions of decentralization are connected to capacity, but not straightforwardly. This study indicates that state involvement through different forms of control can increase metropolitan governance capacity, but only if it is combined with mandate and supportive policy actions.

Due to the national importance of metropolitan areas, central governments seek to make them as attractive and competitive as possible. In many cases, this is done through state control over metropolitan areas and their governance arrangements. This article examines the relationship between state control and metropolitan governance capacity based on a comparative case study of four metropolitan areas: Auckland, Dublin, Montreal and Oslo. These areas represent different models of metropolitan governance, as well as different forms of state control. We studied state control by focusing on political and administrative decentralization: how independently can the metropolitan government make decisions and perform its tasks? The conclusion is that the different dimensions of decentralization are connected to capacity, but not straightforwardly. This study indicates that state involvement through different forms of control can increase metropolitan governance capacity, but only if it is combined with mandate and supportive policy actions.

Due to the national importance of metropolitan areas, central governments seek to make them as attractive and competitive as possible. In many cases, this is done through state control over metropolitan areas and their governance arrangements. This article examines the relationship between state control and metropolitan governance capacity based on a comparative case study of four metropolitan areas: Auckland, Dublin, Montreal and Oslo. These areas represent different models of metropolitan governance, as well as different forms of state control. We studied state control by focusing on political and administrative decentralization: how independently can the metropolitan government make decisions and perform its tasks? The conclusion is that the different dimensions of decentralization are connected to capacity, but not straightforwardly. This study indicates that state involvement through different forms of control can increase metropolitan governance capacity, but only if it is combined with mandate and supportive policy actions.

To date, public sector organisation begin to implement the digital workplace as part of their digital government initiative but yet there is proven the success of its implementation and how it impacts the government operation effectiveness. Therefore, based on a Technology-Organization-Environment (TOE) framework, this paper aims to investigate the current landscape, issues and challenges in workplace digitalization in public sector organization. A comparative analysis of the digital workplace approach was performed on nine Malaysian Public Sector organisations of the various business core function. This study found that there are nine factors related to digital workplace implementation. The main finding revealed that most organisation are not fully optimizing the digital workplace functionality and only using it as a digital repository. Based on this finding, significantly it can contribute the development of a new digital workplace framework for public sector organization in ensuring its contribution to operational effectiveness