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International audience ; As Sorcha Gunne states in Space, Place, and Gendered Violence in South African Writing (Palgrave, 2014), "liminality is not a third space or a neat hy brid, but a state of transformation. I t is the moment where, in the process of changing from one thing to another, both old and new states are experienced simultaneously" (32). It is not only the date of publication of Gordimer's Jump and Other Staries (1991) that positions it as a text which can fruitfully be analysed through the prism of liminality. Although the collection was published the year after which apartheid began to crumble and the transition began, ail of the stories had been published prior to this in various literary joumals and magazines. It will be my contention in this paper that Jump and Other Stories develops a poetics of liminality which is characterised not only by spatial and temporal in-betweenness, but by an aesthetics built, precariously, on a "place of shifting ground" ('Living in the Interregnum'). The stories in Jump deftly interweave elements of realism and metafiction, sexual politics and po!itical commitment, the everyday and the outlandish. Sometimes heavy-handed, sometimes full of finesse, these stories present "liminal circumstances" which "provide a potential platform for social cohesiveness" (Gunne 36) even as they destabilise important signifiers such as "home".

Artículos en revistas ; La UE y sus Estados miembros están llevando a cabo compromisos con terceros países principalmente africanos para externalizar el control de su frontera sur. Para ello, la UE y sus Estados miembros podrían estar utilizando un equivocado concepto de tercer país seguro. La dificultad consiste en que junto a la externalización del control de la frontera se podría estar haciendo dejación del cumplimiento de obligaciones derivadas del derecho internacional de los derechos humanos y del derecho de los refugiados plenamente vinculantes y, alguna de ellas, de carácter imperativo e inderogable. Si así fuera, la UE y sus Estados podrían incurrir en responsabilidad internacional por hechos internacionalmente ilícitos. ; he EU and its member states are adopting agreements with third countries (mainly African) to outsource control of their southern border. To this end, the EU and its member states might be using a mistaken concept of safe third country The difficulty is that along with this outsourcing of border control, binding obligations of the international law of human rights and of the law of refugees, fully binding, and some of them, imperative and non-derogable, could be breached. If this were the case, the EU and its states could incur international responsibility for internationally wrongful acts. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Contemporary political debates about language policy in the United States focus on three primary policy issues: bilingual education in public schools, English‐only legislation, and the access of non‐English speaking citizens to political rights. Using the "Multi‐Ethnic United States" module from the 2000 General Social Survey (GSS), this article tests multiple attitudinal, behavioral, demographic, and contextual hypotheses for how Anglos and African Americans view bilingual policy issues. We examine the role of linguistic contact, self‐interest, group threat, and discriminatory views of Latinos, finding that the latter—as measured by the "Three Ds" (Derogation, Disrespect, and Distance)—are the strongest predictors of attitudes toward bilingualism. Distance (social distance from Latinos) is consistently significant, disrespect (doubts about Latino contributions to the United States.) is mostly significant, and derogation (Latino stereotypes) is occasionally significant. Also, political ideology and knowledge of a non‐English language play important roles in the formation of favorable bilingualism opinions. However, the self‐interest and group threat variables were largely insignificant. Taken together, these findings indicate the importance of understanding how policy views may be structured by opinions about out‐group individuals and cultures. Language can serve as a proxy for immigrants themselves, as negative attitudes toward Latinos are associated with negative attitudes toward bilingualism.

This study examines the current corruption practices in Somaliland and how a once the promising democracy and economy of Somaliland has been betrayed by an elected regime and its future compromised by purging the most publicly-trusted figures from his cabinet members who were believed to be the chief architects of the regime's economic recovery initiatives post–2010 election. The study finds out the ferocious policies which is not based meritocracy rather on 'who you loyal to' by appointing anyone who cannot pose any challenge against a legitimate minister with illegitimate executive power, the 'Umaru Dikko' of Somaliland who keep the will of the nation on a narrow edge. The study questions why Silanyo has spent eight years as an opposition figure against a regime less corruption and nepotism than his system, while recycling the most criticized policies of his predecessor. The conclusion outlines the need for having state persons to preserve the scarce resources of this poor tiny unrecognized nation in the Horn African region. And it raises the concerns from the state leaders and questions why the knowledge gaps that existed within some government officials include: lack of professional integrity and experience have not been purged from the government positions and replace them better state persons those at least could understand the needs of their fellow citizens.Â

AbstractOver the past four decades, increasingly punitive and enforcement-oriented U.S. immigration policies have been legitimized by a rhetoric of criminality that stigmatizes Latino immigrant workers and intensifies their exploitation. Simultaneously, there has been a sevenfold increase in the prison population in the United States, in which African Americans are eight times more likely to be jailed than Whites (Western 2006, p. 3). In this paper, I draw on scholarship in history and sociology, as well as my own anthropological research, to develop the argument that criminal justice policies and immigration policies together disempower low-wage U.S. labor and maintain categorical racial inequalities in a "postracial" United States. First, I review the historical role of race in U.S. immigration policy, and I consider the evidence for systemic racism in immigration enforcement in the contemporary period. Second, I discuss criminal legislation in the neoliberal era and examine the ways in which criminal legislation and immigration policies together disempower large segments of the U.S. workforce, satisfying employer demands for low cost and pliant labor. Finally, I argue that a political focus on immigrant workers' "illegality" masks the role of the state in (re)defining the legal status of low-wage workers and veils the ways in which punitive policies maintain historical racial and class inequalities.

Religion and politics : Jews and North African Muslims in France.
The Jewish modes of social integration since the French Revolution cannot be compared summarily with the much more recent ones of the Muslims. In both cases, however, a minority group with a strong historical awareness of its cultural and religions identity tends to assert itself in a sort of collective bargaining with the centralized State. The Jews managed to obtain State protection by giving up much of their specificity, and by confining the religious element within the private sphere. A comparable evolution is beginning for the Muslims, particularly those born in France, familiarly called "beurs ". Some older or culturally less well-integrated groups are still seeking outside protection, while expressing their ambiguous desire to remain within the French space. Torn between their wish to affirm a public religious practice conforming to that of mainstream Islam and the daily compromises necessary if one has to live and work in a country where Islam is not the majority religion and where the State has recognized no religion since 1905, they can find no public agency with which to pursue peacefully a process which might result in the satisfaction of most of their collective demands, in exchange for giving up those which are incompatible with the essential features of France's secular tradition.

What are the local effects of major economic and political reforms in Africa? How have globalized pro-market and pro-democracy reforms impacted local economics and communities? Examining case studies from The Gambia, Ghana, Mozambique, Kenya, Ethiopia, and Somalia, Peter D. Little shows how rural farmers and others respond to complex agendas of governments, development agencies, and non-governmental organizations. The book explores the contradictions between what policy reforms were supposed to do and what actually happened in local communities. Little's bold vision of development challenges common narratives of African poverty, dependency, and environmental degradation and suggests that sustainable development in Africa can best be achieved by strengthening local livelihoods, markets, and institutions.

The exponential rise of Chinese activities in Africa over the last eight years has been accompanied by a rise in accusations that "China" is seeking to colonise Africa and/or is responsible for a whole host of issues and problems on the continent. Such commentaries have had the intriguing effect of manufacturing a new "two whateverisms" (liangge fanshi), this time built around crude binaries: whatever "China" does in Africa is immoral, and whatever others (either "the West" or African actors) do - or do not do - can be explained away, if not defended. This article argues for a more nuanced perspective on the prospects and issues that rising Chinese activities in Africa bring.

Using North Carolina as a lens to illuminate broader national developments, this paper examines how and why educational policy in the United States turned away from a civil rights agenda of opportunity and embraced test-based accountability as a way of promoting racial equality. We show that comprehensive desegregation, enforcement of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and Great Society Programs expanded educational opportunities for African Americans, fueled significant increases in black educational achievement and attainment, and brought African Americans closer to equality with whites by the 1980s. We situate the turn to accountability in a political context shaped by an increasingly conservative political environment, and examine three overlapping waves of test- based accountability that began in North Carolina in the late 1970s and spread throughout the region and the nation in the decades that followed: the minimum competency movement of the late 1970s and early 1980s, the standards based reforms of the 1980s, and the more comprehensive and coercive forms of high stakes testing in the 1990s. We argue that the southern political leaders who shaped U.S. educational policy turned to test-based accountability as a politically expedient alternative to the task of equalizing educational opportunities for African Americans. Civil rights organizations endorsed test-based accountability, but we find little evidence that test-based approaches improved African American educational outcomes. Opportunity policies, we conclude, did more to promote racial equality in educational achievement and attainment than test-based accountability. ; Usando el caso de Carolina del Norte como una lente para iluminar acontecimientos nacionales más amplios, este artículo examina cómo y por qué la política educativa en los Estados Unidos se alejó de una agenda de los derechos civiles y oportunidades para abrazar modelos de rendición de cuentas basados en exámenes como una manera de promover la igualdad racial. Se demuestra que una desagregación total, basado en la aplicación de la Ley de Derechos Civiles de 1964 y los programas de la "Gran Sociedad" han ampliado las oportunidades de educación para los afroamericanos, fomentando un aumento significativo en el rendimiento académico de estudiantes negros y afroamericanos acercándose a la meta de igualdad con estudiantes blancos en la década de 1980. Situamos la virada hacia modelos de rendición de cuentas educativos en un contexto político x cada vez más conservadora y examinamos tres olas superpuestas de exámenes basadas en modelos de rendición de cuentas educativos, que comenzaron en Carolina del Norte a finales de 1970 y se extendió por toda la región y de la nación en las décadas siguientes: el movimiento de competencias mínimas de finales de 1970 y principios de 1980, las reformas basadas en estándares de la década de 1980 y las formas más completas y coercitivas de pruebas de consecuencias severas de la década de 1990. Argumentamos que los líderes políticos del sur que condujeron la política educativa de los Estados Unidos hacia las modelos de rendición de cuentas educativos como una alternativa políticamente conveniente para la tarea de generar igualdad de oportunidades educativas para los afroamericanos. Las organizaciones de derechos civiles aprobaron los modelos de rendición de cuentas educativos, pero encontramos poca evidencia de que los enfoques basados en esos modelos mejoraron los resultados educativos de los afroamericanos. Concluimos que, políticas de oportunidades fueron más efectivas para promover la igualdad racial en el rendimiento escolar que los modelos de rendición de cuentas educativos. ; Usando o caso de Carolina do Norte como uma lente para iluminar os desenvolvimentos nacionais mais amplos, este artigo examina como e por que a política educacional nos Estados Unidos se afastou de uma agenda de oportunidades de direitos civis e abraçou a prestação de contas com base em exames, como forma de promoção da igualdade racial. Mostramos que uma desagregação abrangente, baseada na aplicação da Lei dos Direitos Civis de 1964 e os Programas Grande Sociedade expandiram oportunidades educacionais para os afro-americanos, alimentaram aumentos significativos no rendimento escolar dos negros e trouxeram os afro-americanos mais perto de igualdade com os brancos na década de 1980. Situamos a virada para os modelos de responsabilidade educativa em um contexto político moldado por um ambiente político cada vez mais conservador e examinamos três ondas sobrepostas de prestação de contas com base em testes, que começaram na Carolina do Norte no final de 1970 e se espalharam pela a região e pela nação nas décadas que se seguiram: o movimento de competência mínima do final dos anos 1970 e início dos 1980, as reformas com base em padrões da década de 1980 e as formas mais abrangentes e coercivas de testes de alta participação na década de 1990. Argumentamos que os líderes políticos do sul que deram forma, a política educacional dos Estados Unidos voltada para a responsabilidade educativa com base em testes como uma alternativa politicamente conveniente à tarefa de equalização de oportunidades educacionais para os afro-americanos. Organizações de direitos civis aprovaram a prestação de contas com base em testes, mas encontramos poucas evidências de que as abordagens baseadas em testes melhoraram os resultados educacionais dos afro-americanos. Políticas de oportunidade, podemos concluir, fizeram mais para promover a igualdade racial no sucesso escolar e realização dos modelos de responsabilidade educativa; com base em testes.

The tireless resistance of local communities fighting for ownership of America's third largest water system Toxic Water, Toxic System exposes the consequences of a seemingly anonymous authoritarian state willing to maintain white supremacy at any cost--including poisoning an entire city and shutting off water to thousands of people. Weaving together narratives of frontline activists along with archival data, Michael Mascarenhas provides a powerful exploration of the political alliances and bureaucratic mechanisms that uphold inequality. Drawing from three years of ethnographic fieldwork in Flint and Detroit, this book amplifies the voices of marginalized communities, particularly African American women, whose perspectives and labor have been consistently overlooked. Toxic Water, Toxic System offers a fresh perspective on the ties between urban austerity policies, environmental harm, and the advancement of white supremacist agendas in predominantly Black and brown cities.

This is the first historical biography in English to be published on Egyptian scholar-diplomat, Boutros Boutros-Ghali, the most intellectually accomplished of the nine UN secretaries-general. The first African and first Arab to occupy the post, Boutros-Ghali held the office in the momentous five post-Cold War years (1992-1996), massively expanding UN peacekeeping and leading intellectual debates on development, democratisation, and human rights. He had earlier been a key architect of the Egypt-Israel peace treaty as Egypt's minister of state for foreign affairs, a major figure in Third World diplomacy, and a Professor of International Law and International Relations. This accessible biography sets Boutros-Ghali's career within the political, social, and cultural contexts from which he emerged. Please note: T&F does not sell or distribute the print version in Sub-Saharan Africa.

The formation of post-colonial states in Africa, and the Middle East gave birth to prolonged separatist wars. Exploring the evolution of these separatist wars, Yaniv Voller examines the strategies that both governments and insurgents employed, how these strategies were shaped by the previous struggle against European colonialism and the practices and roles that emerged in the subsequent period, which moulded the identities, aims and strategies of post-colonial governments and separatist rebels. Based on a wealth of primary sources, Voller focuses on two post-colonial separatist wars; In Iraqi Kurdistan, between Kurdish separatists and the government in Baghdad, and Southern Sudan, between black African insurgents and the government in Khartoum. By providing an account of both conflicts, he offers a new understanding of colonialism, decolonisation and the international politics of the post-colonial world.

In his extensive body of work, Professor Abdullahi Ahmed An-Naim challenges both historical interpretations of Islamic Sharia and neo-colonial understanding of human rights. To advance the rationale of scholarship for social change, An-Naim proposes advancing the universality of human rights through internal discourse within Islamic and African societies and cross-cultural dialogue among human cultures. This book proposes a transformation from human rights organized around a state determined practice to one that is focused on a people-centric approach that empowers individuals to decide how human rights will be understood and integrated into their communities. Decolonizing Human Rights aims to illustrate the decisive role of human agency on the subject of change, without implying that Islamic or any other society are exceptionally disposed to politically motivated violence and consequent profound political instability

Cover -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of figures and tables -- List of contributors -- 1. Introduction -- PART I: Definitions and parameters -- 2. The genocidal pressures on indigenous peoples: capitalism's cultural and environmental violence -- 3. Raphaël Lemkin: Genocide, cultural violence, and community destruction -- 4. Linguistic genocide -- PART II: Epistemological dimensions -- 5. The interconnected histories of South African and American sociology: Knowledge in the service of colonial violence -- 6. Jerusalem and violence: The transformation of secular and sacred interpretations -- 7. The art of destruction: Theorizing ontological violence in the Islamic State -- PART III: Spatial and material dimensions -- 8. Community destruction, museum collections and the work of resilience -- 9. Tahrir, and the many faces of violence in the Egyptian Revolution -- 10. An unraveling landscape: Harput and Mezre during Turkey's transition from empire to republic -- Index.

The contributions compiled in this issue engage in critical evaluation of China's "New Silk Road initiative" ("Belt and Road Initiative" [BRI]) by focusing on the potential long-term political and economic effects and implications for Sino-EUropean and Sino-African relations. The authors take the launching of the BRI (October 2013) as a starting point for a general, theory-guided qualitative re-evaluation of the basic patterns of Chinese foreign relations and global interactions under the fifth generation of Chinese political leaders. In 2013, the Chinese state president, Xi Jinping, framed BRI as a global connectivity network consisting of a multitude of overland passages and maritime transportation corridors. Xi Jinping's report to the 19th Party Congress (2017) set the BRI as an anchor concept of China's fine-tuned foreign strategy in the 21st century.