Suchergebnisse

AbstractThe US has taken an active role in formulating drugs policy for over a century, and thus much debate on how best to control drug use occurs in that country. Though most Americans support keeping drugs illegal, voices for changing the specifics of how prohibition is administered have grown louder and more effective in the past ten years—witness the recent success on the state and local level for rolling back restrictions on medical cannabis or punitive state mandatory minimum penalties (i.e. Rockefeller drug laws). Expectedly, these successful reforms have happened with the support of voters in those particular states and localities where reforms have been introduced. On the federal level, the accusation of racism has become a familiar cry among anti‐prohibitionists, who argue that cocaine laws, in particular, disproportionately affect African‐Americans and contribute to racial division. The federal government makes a great distinction in sentencing between powder cocaine, usually snorted, and crack cocaine, which is smoked. A person caught in possession of five grams of crack gets an automatic mandatory minimum sentence of five years in prison. Possessing cocaine in its powder form does not carry a mandatory minimum. Additionally, these laws are the target of much debate because, for trafficking in the drug, it takes 100 times more powder cocaine than crack to trigger the same mandatory minimum penalty (the so‐called "100 to 1 quantity ratio"). I will argue that repealing the mandatory minimum sentence for crack is both justified based on the evidence and politically viable. Although the number of people affected by this law every year is minuscule, African‐Americans are undoubtedly disproportionately affected by the penalty. Eliminating the provision should not be expected to have a deleterious effect on crime or drug control efforts, and would instead have a positive effect in reinvigorating faith in the criminal justice system and in promoting positive race relations. Very importantly, it is a politically realistic reform for making prohibition work better. Erasing or dramatically changing the more controversial 100 to 1 quantity ratio—though affecting far more people than the mandatory minimum for crack possession—may or may not justify itself based on the evidence. Nonetheless, it is certainly not a politically realistic option for lawmakers.

Objective.This study examines the conditions under which minorities will face policy inequity within the educational system. It turns to the theory of representative bureaucracy as one possible explanation, and extends the literature by considering whether African‐American students benefit from the presence of Latinos on teaching faculties and vice versa. This study also tests competing theories of how racial context influences minority educational policy outcomes.Methods.This study combines original survey data with data gathered by the U.S. Census to predict levels of academic grouping in U.S. school districts as reported by the Office of Civil Rights.Results.Minority teachers lower levels of discrimination among all minority students, not just co‐ethnics. Moreover, minority teachers do so consistently and with a substantive impact that occasionally rivals that of co‐ethnic teachers. The findings also suggest that greater levels of racial/ethnic diversity within a district are associated with lower levels of discrimination.Conclusion.Theories of race relations must move beyond black‐Anglo or Latino‐Anglo relations to consider how multiple racial/ethnic groups interact, and how such interactions affect the lives of minority groups differently.

During the two 5-year consecutives phases ( 1994–1998 and 1999–2003) EARRNET operated considerably among the national cassava research programs of Burundi, Democratic Republic of Congo, Kenya, Madagascar, Rwanda, and Uganda. After 2000, the network expanded significantly with activities in Southern Sudan and Ethiopia with a mission to transform cassava into a broad-based commercial commodity for sustained food security, poverty alleviation, and income generation through integrated regional production, utilization, marketing, and trade. This entailed the development, transfer, and promotion of sustainable market oriented technologies broadly defined as "technologies that respond to a market opportunity, are developed at the behest of and with potential users, based on previous market experience, and are economically viable in a significant number of market settings". During the period from 2004 to 2007, the network implemented projects based on the recommendations of the workshop that discussed the subsector analysis that was commissioned during the second phase. The subsector analysis provided a comprehensive database, identified opportunities, constraints, and needs, and proposed areas for technological, institutional, organizational, and policy interventions. The outcome of the workshop developed the priority setting exercise which influenced the network's activities. Germplasm development remained one of the major core activities of the network. More efforts were made to develop germplasm that responded to the emerging markets needs. Exchange and capacity building were increased. Germplasm from different sources was used, either as exotic or local seeds from crossing blocks or half-sib seeds collected from local cultivars to plant seedlings trials. A total of 869 families were planted at Namulonge and Serere Research Stations during the period. From these seedlings, the clones selected were advanced in clonal evaluation and in preliminary yield trials from which the national agricultural; research systems (NARS) continued to receive advanced germplasm for further evaluation in their respective agro-ecologies. Cassava is known primarily to have white roots. Cassava with yellow roots and enhanced β-carotene content has been grown by smallholder farmers for centuries with varying levels of importance in different cassava growing regions. IITA's cassava breeders began working early on yellow root cassava with the selection and testing of improved yellow root clones. In East Africa, EARRNET took the lead in collaboration with Ugachick Poultry Breeders Ltd in testing the potential of incorporating cassava into animal feeds (for broiler chickens) with the objective of replacing a reasonable 10–20% of maize with cassava in feed formulations. This collaboration included screening yellow genotypes for multiple resistance, particularly to cassava mosaic disease (CMD) and the new threat, cassava brown streak disease (CBSD). From a total of 18 genotypes selected from yellow cassava trials in Namulonge, only two genotypes had a foliar CBSD index score above 20, namely MH05/0309 and MM98/1790. The genotype MM98/1790 also had severe CBSD root symptoms (score 4.5). Another genotype, MH04/2990, had no foliar CBSD symptoms but showed root symptoms (score 2.7). The rest showed good resistance to both CMD and CBSD. With the spread of CBSD into high altitude environments, contrary to what was known to be the ecology of the disease (low land along the coast of East and Southern Africa), more efforts were initiated by screening for CBSD the improved CMD resistant IITA/EARRNET midaltitude germplasm that were in in situ conservation. Additional seeds with a background from Amani (a research station in Kenya) materials were introduced for evaluation under high disease pressure areas in Mukono district in Uganda. After 4 years of intensive screening, potential resistant/tolerant genotypes were identified with good agronomic characteristics and preferred by farmers. These 50 genotypes were then challenged to CBSV infection through grafting. ; United States Agency for International Development

The taxation of cross-border services has for a long time been a contentious topic of discussion across the international tax arena. The controversy of this debate stems predominantly as a result of the long held notion of the permanent establishment as a nexus requirement for source taxation; in a world where global trade, especially in services, can be significantly conducted without the need to establish a prolonged physical presence in the state of source. This is aided by digital technologies and advancements in telecommunications that enable business activities to be carried on remotely. Thus, significant economic activity can take place in a state without meeting the minimum taxable presence required to justify source-based taxation. The problem is that with cross-border transactions between developed and developing countries, where the developing country is typically a capital-importer of services, that developing country will never have the jurisdiction to tax active service-based business income, since the threshold relied on is high, relative to how global trade is conducted today, as it is predominantly dependent on satisfying a physical presence requirement. This study examines the nexus requirements contained in South Africa's domestic legislation for the taxation of service fee income earned by non-residents. The analysis highlights how the threshold relied on to justify source-based taxation in South Africa is high, since it requires the physical presence of the service provider within the Republic. The study further highlights how South Africa's policy choice in this regard is akin to a residence-based taxation system, by drawing parallels with the OECD model, which is renowned for its suitability to net capitalexporting and developed economies. Alternative proxies used to tax cross-border services, as noted in the United Nation's Article 12A, the SADC Model Treaty and the domestic legislation of some BRICS member states, are introduced to the study as comparatives. The general finding hereon is that these alternative nexus requirements are predominantly akin to a policy choice slanted towards source-based taxation, contrasted by the residence-based approach evident in South Arica's policy choice. Furthermore, the study conducts an analysis of the development of the taxation system in South Africa. The analysis reveals that South Africa's policy choice to tax active income was largely influenced by the desire to ensure that South African tax laws were internationally compatible at the time when the South African economy was reintegrated with the global economy, postdemocratisation of the Republic. This led to the introduction of the permanent establishment 6 concept into South African domestic law, notwithstanding the knowledge of a not too distant future, where global trade would be conducted via digital technologies and telecommunications, which would render the requirement for physical presence to conduct trade obsolete. The objective of the study is to provide policy recommendations that support a gravitational pull towards more of a territorial-based taxation system. The impact thereof is envisaged to contribute to the strengthening of South Africa's domestic source rules; the broadening of South Africa's tax base and the enhancement of the competitiveness of South Africa's economy.

"Goldwater Girls to Reagan Women is a statewide study of women's part in the history of conservatism, the New Right, and the Republican Party in the state of Georgia. Robin M. Morris examines how the growth of the Republican Party in the 1960s and 1970s was due in large part to the political activism of white women. The book begins with the African American women who established the Georgia Federation of Republican Women and follows how they lost the organization and the party to white women moving to the Sunbelt South. Conservative white women developed a language and strategy of family values that they deployed to battle school busing, defeat the Equal Rights Amendment, and elect Republican leaders even in Jimmy Carter's home state. Morris uses original interviews and archival research in personal papers of women activists in the Georgia New Right movement, including Lee Ague Miller, Beth Callaway, Kathryn Dunaway, Lee Wysong, and Hattie Greene, to reveal the motivations and actions that transformed the state from blue to red. In this era, perceived threats to family life and traditional values spurred women-led grassroots organization that enabled broad political shifts on the state level. Conservative women carved out their political niche as they consolidated and expanded their power and influence. Rather than a male-dominated, top-down approach, Morris centers her historical account on the middle-class white women whose actions changed the political landscape of the state and ultimately the country"--

Intro -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- 1 Introduction: Logics of Exclusion -- The State and Exclusion -- The State, Homogeneity and Multiculturalism -- The Short History of Official Multiculturalism and the Persistence of White Australia -- The Australian State and the State of Emergency -- Surveillance, Authoritarianism and Exclusion -- Social Abjection, the Border and Exclusion -- Conclusion -- References -- 2 Expression, Ethnicity and the Perth Nightclub Scene of the 1980s: Coauthored with Panizza Allmark (Edith Cowan University) -- Multiculturalism and Nightclubbing -- Jules, Blackness and Racism -- Dancing -- Black and White -- The African-American Sailors -- And Then It Ended -- References -- 3 With God on Our Side: The Unholy Mixture of Religion and Race, Christianity and Whiteness, Islam and Otherness, in the Australian Experience -- Introduction -- Christianity and Whiteness -- Islam and Christianity -- The Church of England and Australia -- Catholicism and Multiculturalism -- Christianity and the Stigmatisation of Islam -- The Production of the 'Australian Muslim' -- Conclusion -- References -- 4 The Sapphires Were Not the Australian Supremes: Neoliberalism, History and Pleasure in The Sapphires -- Rewriting the Past -- Who Likes Motown Soul? -- What Happened to Self-Determination -- Narrative in the Sapphires -- Rural and Urban: Country and Western, and Soul -- Conclusion -- References -- 5 Whose Home -- Which Island?: Displacement and Identity in 'My Island Home' -- 'My Island Home' and Land Rights -- My Island Home -- Conclusion: Tiddas-Still Longing for That Island Home -- References -- 6 The Jackson Jive: Blackface Today and the Limits of Whiteness in Australia -- Recent Blackface in Australia and the United States -- Blackface History -- The Meanings of Blackface -- Thinking About Blackface in Australia -- Blackface and Bogans.

"Before the Civil War, most Southern white people were as strongly committed to freedom for their kind as to slavery for African Americans. This study views that tragic reality through the lens of eight authors - representatives of a South that seemed, to them, destined for greatness but was, we know, on the brink of destruction. Exceptionally able and ambitious, these men and women won repute among the educated middle classes in the Southwest, South and the nation, even amid sectional tensions. Although they sometimes described liberty in the abstract, more often these authors discussed its practical significance: what it meant for people to make life's important choices freely and to be responsible for the results. They publicly insisted that freedom caused progress, but hidden doubts clouded this optimistic vision. Ultimately, their association with the oppression of slavery dimmed their hopes for human improvement, and fear distorted their responses to the sectional crisis"--

AbstractThis essay explores a domain of geopolitical conflict called "covert netherworld" that has been a seminal in world politics for the past half century and likely to become more central in the century to come. During the Cold War and its aftermath, covert netherworlds formed worldwide through confluence of four essential elements: reliance of modern states oncovert methodsfor power projection at home and abroad; the consequent emergence of aclandestine social milieupopulated by secret services and criminal syndicates; a complementaryillicit economic nexusthat sustains non-state actors and sometimes state security; and finally,spatial dimensionsthat range from a narrow criminal or covert milieu to entire countries or continents. When these elements align, this netherworld can attain the sheer geopolitical power to shape the course of national and international events. To lend substance to these generic elements, the essay explores three arenas of widening geographical scope. At thelocallevel in the southern Philippines, a regional netherworld fostered Islamic insurgency and state counterinsurgency, whilenationalelections were sustained by an illegal lottery, shaping the character of an emerging polity. At thetransnationallevel, France's postcolonial hold on the West African region dubbed Françafrique constrained corruption within state-mediated circuits and entrenched elites at both ends of this bilateral exchange. By contrast, U.S. covert operations in Afghanistan and Central America had divergent outcomes influenced by their degree of congruence with the narcotics traffic, demonstrating that the covert netherworld can exercise sufficient autonomy to be treated as a significant factor in world politics.

Over the last few decades, many states in sub-Saharan Africa have adopted draconian anti-migrant policies, leaving refugees and migrants vulnerable to violence, harassment, and economic exploitation. These policies represent a shift from the relatively hospitable attitude shown by many African nations in the immediate post-colonial period. Explanations at the local level do not adequately explain the pervasiveness of these changes or why many developing states are now replicating the migration discourse and practices of the global north. Drawing on scholarship and data from a number of states in the region, including Tanzania, Kenya, Ghana, and South Africa, this paper argues that owing to the widespread implementation of neoliberal economic policies, these states are now subject to many of the same incentives and constraints that operate in the developed north. As a result, political parties and business elites have used national migration policy as an instrument for enhancing their political and economic positions. Insofar as neoliberal globalization continues to exacerbate inequality within the developing world, the harsh measures taken by governments of developing countries against their refugee and migrant populations are likely to increase. It is therefore important that scholars of migration and human rights begin to reassess the prevailing, nearly exclusive emphasis in many globalization studies on the dehumanizing policies and exploitation of southern migrants by states in the global north, as such an emphasis risks obscuring the emergence of more complex patterns of migration and anti-migrant practices in the developing world.

The issue of whether US-born minority workers' employment in occupational niches generally dominated by minorities augments these workers' labor-market prospects is addressed, along with the effects of immigrant workers' succession into certain occupational niches on native-born minority workers' employment in these sectors. Data from the 1980 & 1990 Public Use Microdata Samples are used to create employment-sector measures for 32 major industry & 7 major occupational categories; the extent of Asian American, Latino American, African American, & white American workers' employment in these various sectors is analyzed. Findings show that high unemployment rates, low occupational status, & low wages were associated with US-born minority & immigrant workers' employment in occupational niches dominated by minority populations. The need to perform comparative research that studies how disparate minority groups use different attributes (eg, English proficiency) in realizing labor-market gains is expressed. 10 Tables, 1 Appendix, 23 References. J. W. Parker

Given the nature of global counterinsurgency operations, the demands of military expansion, and the need for cultural, linguistic, and regional expertise, the United States Army should evaluate the establishment of US-led foreign troop units for its evolving force structure. This article proposes the creation of an American foreign legion based upon the recruitment of US-led, ethnically homogeneous tribal force units to meet the grist mill of counterinsurgency operations. This structured approach would be more beneficial than the current reliance on a de facto American Foreign Legion, represented by private military contractors (PMCs), many of them comprised of foreigners. These PMCs carry a number of oversight, accountability, and legal risks not found in a fully integrated, and US-officered foreign legion. The British Brigade of Gurkhas, the South-West African Police Counter-Insurgency Unit (Koevoet), and the Kit Carson Scouts serve as relevant historical examples where foreign troops were used to supplement national manpower resources. (Small Wars and Insurgencies/ FUB 2011)

Affordable and safe public transport underpins effective citizenship and freedom as well as work. Citizens expect the democratic state to be caring and reciprocal. Using in-depth interviews with residents and community leaders in Khayelitsha, we look at how worsening public and private transport – mainly mini-bus taxis – not only significantly extends the working day but also destroys political hopes – a process called de-citizenship. We show how mobilities are fundamentally rooted in radically bifurcated spaces of classed citizenship – a new class apartheid – in turn reflecting the structural contradictions of Cape Town and its class struggles.

This paper assesses the performance of democratic leadership in the Nigerian state in sub-Saharan Africa to determine if democracy dividends accrue to the citizens. The study suggests that in the fight against corruption, the government must guarantee the independence of the anticorruption institutions and fix the socioeconomic factors plaguing the nation. Evidence from the descriptive statistical outputs of the moderator factors such as corruption, inflation, infrastructure and insecurity suggests a deleterious moderation in the relationship between 'democratic leadership performance' and 'democracy dividends'. Thus, the diminutive influence of the former on the latter potentially leaves the citizens vulnerable.

There was an uncritical transition from handloom clusters to powerloom clusters initiated by the Government of Odisha in 1972, having a debilitating effect on both handloom and powerloom. This article examines the factors contributing to the plight of powerloom clusters in Odisha. In-depth personal interviews were conducted with various stakeholders of Siminoi powerloom clusters of Dhenkanal District in Odisha. A lack of planning in powerloom, education, government patronage, competitiveness, product diversification, marketing, infrastructure bottleneck, and so on is responsible for the plight of powerloom sector in the state. Hence, there is a need to critically integrate both handloom and powerloom in Odisha.

Using the neo-Foucauldian literature on neoliberal governmentality as conceptual lens, this paper critically examines Uber's influence on the governance of urban transport. It argues that 'uberization' represents a form of neoliberal governmentality in which Uber replaces the state as the arbiter and protector of citizenship. It distils the underlying logics of uberization through four discursive moments of subjectification and subjectivation in Ghana's transport sector. Mainly conceptual but interlaced with empirical moments, the paper makes a vital contribution to the literature on how new forms of neoliberalization manifest through varied techno-material instruments in global south cities.