Suchergebnisse

UK: У статті актуалізується та обґрунтовується теза про те, що політичний плюралізм, як співіснування й конкуренція ідей, концепцій, теорій і систем, що дають різні відповіді на політичні питання, породжує важливі практичні проблеми: необхідність підтримки й зміцнення єдності суспільства, члени якого дотримуються різних світоглядів; забезпечення консенсусу щодо основних норм і цінностей, необхідних для його функціонування й розвитку; утвердження толерантності у відносинах між прибічниками різних світоглядів, розвиток діалогу між ними; запобігання гострих конфліктів на політичному підгрунті. Зазначені проблеми актуальні для українського суспільства, в якому представлений широкий спектр політично-ідеологічних орієнтацій. Крім того, в сучасній Україні гостро стоїть проблема подолання політичного протистояння. Це зумовлює необхідність розвитку толерантності й діалогу. Велика роль у розв'язанні цих проблем належить партійним лідерам. В цьому контексті підкреслюється, що партійні лідери, як важливі суб'єкти у системі політичної діяльності, виконують такі функції: артикуляція й агрегування інтересів певних соціальних груп; боротьба за здобуття політичної влади; використання політичної влади з метою здійснення суспільно значущих завдань; контроль за діяльністю державних органів або формування та здійснення прийнятого політичного курсу; політичне виховання й ідеологічна соціалізація виборців тощо. Важливою передумовою і водночас засобом їх досягнення в умовах конфліктного протиборства виступає політична толерантність. Політична толерантність розглядається як різновид взаємодії та взаємовідносин між різними соціальними групами, політичними партіями, лідерами, за якого сторони виявляють сприйняття і терпіння щодо різниці у поглядах, уявленнях, позиціях та діях. У статті аналізується політична толерантність як невід'ємний компонент та принцип діяльність партійних лідерів. Наголошується на тому, що у суспільствах із розмаїтістю культур і мов, численними каналами й інститутами вираження соціальних, національних, релігійних та інших інтересів, як правило, більше передумов для реалізації принципу толерантності у відносинах всередині багатопартійної системи. Водночас, на нашу думку, принцип толерантності на практиці поки що не є характерним для процесів партієтворення у нашій країні. Реальний формат взаємодії вітчизняних партійних сил подекуди, на жаль, виключає наявність будь-яких принципів, а тактика політичної боротьби та політичного протистояння відзначається відсутністю принципових засад толерантності. Робиться висновок, що партіям та їхнім лідерам необхідно опанувати науку й мистецтво політичного діалогу, взяти на озброєння певний набір правил політичної поведінки. Серед них, зокрема визначення правомірності протилежної позиції, відмова від претензії на монопольне володіння істиною в останній інстанції тощо. Розвиток політичного життя суспільства веде до розуміння й визнання того, що репрезентувати загальне, бути носіями суспільної сутності мають всі люди, а не якась окрема частина суспільства. Політична діяльність має спиратися на визнання того, що будь-яка суспільна проблема може бути розв'язана тільки на ґрунті загальної згоди. EN: The article is updated and argues that political pluralism, as a coexistence and competition of ideas, concepts, theories and systems that give different answers to political questions, raised important practical problems: the need to maintain and strengthen the unity society whose members have different ideologies; ensure consensus on the basic norms and values necessary for its functioning and development; the promotion of tolerance in relations between supporters of different ideologies, development of dialogue between them; conflict prevention political grounds. These problems are urgent for the Ukrainian society, which presents a wide spectrum of political and ideological orientations. In addition, in today's Ukraine, the acute problem of overcoming of political confrontation. This calls for the development of tolerance and dialogue. A big role in solution of these problems belongs to the party leaders. In this context, it is emphasized that the party leaders, as important actors in the system of political activity carry out the following functions: articulation and aggregation of interests of certain social groups; the struggle for the conquest of political power; the use of political power to implement socially important objectives; monitoring the activity of state bodies or the formation and implementation of the adopted political course; political education and ideological socialization of voters and the like. An important prerequisite and both the means to achieve them in conflict confrontation serves the political tolerance. Political tolerance is seen as the type of interaction and relationships between the various social groups, political parties, leaders, whose sides are of perception and patience in regard to difference in views, views, positions and actions. The article analyzes the political tolerance as an integral component and the principle of the activity of the party leaders. Stresses that, in societies with a variety of cultures and languages, numerous channels and institutions expression of social, national, religious and other interests, as a rule, more prerequisites for implementation of the principle of tolerance in the relations inside a multiparty system. At the same time, in our opinion, the principle of tolerance in practice is not yet indicative of the processes parton in our country. The actual format of interaction of domestic political forces somewhere on unfortunately excludes the existence of any of the principles and tactics of political struggle and political confrontation marked by a lack of fundamental principles of tolerance. It is concluded that the parties and their leaders need to master the science and art of political dialogue, to adopt a set of rules of political behavior. Among them, in particular for determining the appropriateness of the opposite position, giving up claims to exclusive possession of the truth in the last instance, etc. The development of the political life of the society leads to the understanding and recognition of what is to provide General, to be a carrier of a public entity, are all people, and not any particular part of society. Political activities should be based on the recognition that any social problem can be resolved only on the basis of mutual consent.

In der öffentlichen Debatte wird Online-Videos aus dem Spektrum des radikalen Islam zugeschrieben, einen großen Einfluss auf junge Menschen auszuüben. Doch wie nehmen junge Muslim*innen und Nicht-Muslim*innen diese Videos tatsächlich wahr? Wie stark wird ihre Sicht auf die Inhalte von ihrem Religionsverständnis, ihrer sozialen Zugehörigkeit und aktuellen politischen und gesellschaftlichen Debatten in Deutschland beeinflusst? Diese qualitative Studie untersucht die Rezeption ausgewählter radikalislamischer Videos von Marcel Krass, Ahmad Armih (bekannt unter dem Pseudonym "Ahmad Abul Baraa") sowie von Yasin Bala ("Yasin al-Hanafi").

Problem setting. Nowadays, social networks have become an integral part of communication processes in society. The influence of social networks on the socio-cultural development of Ukraine has both positive and negative manifestations, since both values and antivalues are spread in these communication systems, there are subjects who are guided by the norms of morality and law, and those who neglect them, direct their efforts to the harmonization of a certain sphere of public life, or vice versa, produces xenophobic sentiments, inciting enmity in the domestic society at the cultural, national, religious and other levels. Recent research and publications analysis. Significant numbers of scientific works are aimed at elucidating the signs and criteria of deviating as a social phenomenon. According to A.Demkiv, those values, the worldview and behavior that deviate from the organizational culture that exist in a certain social community are considered deviant. In the context of this research, it is important to note A.Khlebnikova's reflections on the recognition and determination of the axiological status of the social network in modern society and the scientific work of P.Kravchenko, which proves that religion, morality, values, language, traditions contribute to the internal consolidation of local social groups, and in this process, social networks perform a leading role. Researchers A.Onishchenko, V. Gorovoy, V. Popik and others devoted their scientific research to uncovering the negative impact of social networks on the development of the Ukrainian state and its socio-cultural and informational spheres. Paper objective. This research involves the disclosure of the negative impact of value deviations of social network subjects on the domestic socio-cultural area, information and spiritual security of Ukraine. Paper main body. The wide range of values presented in social networks has a consolidating, humanistic nature – they are reproduced by scientific and creative communities, spiritual and cultural associations, volunteer and human rights organizations, and so on. In turn, anti-values are presented in the content of extremist organizations, xenophobic associations of various orientations, which creates an ideological basis for the emergence of social conflicts, disintegration processes, and civil confrontation. Thus, social networks have become an influential actor in the development of the socio-cultural, spiritual, value, information space of our country. Considering Ukrainian society as a holistic formation, it is worth noting that value deviations are those ideas about the ways of being and about spiritual life that do not correspond to the humanistic and national guidelines for the democratic development of Ukrainian society. In the context of the research, worldview guidelines that contradict moral attitudes, existing legal norms, accepted traditions of the domestic society, etc. can be considered as value deviations in social networks. Freedom in social networks has a dual manifestation: on the one hand, it is free opportunities for self-realization of individuals and diverse perspectives for the development of the country's socio‑cultural space, and on the other hand, freedom in social networks creates conditions for the popularization of antihuman attitudes, pseudo-values, xenophobic ideologies and worldview systems. Conclusions of the research. The value deviations of social network subjects are a logical continuation of the deformations of the moral, political, legal, spiritual and other humanistic direction attitudes that are widespread in Ukrainian society. Undoubtedly, the influence of value deviations on domestic socio-cultural development is destructive and it can manifest itself in illegal, immoral, aggressive models of behavior. ; Определены особенности влияния ценностных девиаций у субъектов социальных сетей на социокультурное развитие Украины. Раскрыто характеристики социальной сети как субъекта социокультурного пространства в аксиологическом измерении. Показаны негативные последствия влияния ценностных девиаций в виртуальных сетевых структурах на информационную и духовную безопасность государства. Указано на необходимость проведения профилактических мероприятий по предупреждению распространения ценностных девиаций в социальных сетях. ; Визначено особливості впливу ціннісних девіацій у суб'єктів соціальних мереж на соціокультурний розвиток України. Розкрито характеристики соціальної мережі як суб'єкта соціокультурного простору у аксіологічному вимірі. Визначено негативні наслідки впливу ціннісних девіацій у віртуальних мережевих структурах на інформаційну та духовну безпеку держави. Зазначено про необхідність здійснення профілактичних заходів щодо попередження розповсюдження ціннісних девіацій у соціальних мережах.

In general, government agricultural extension services were low or inadequate in many communities. Farmers reported not having adequate information on sound farm management practices and when they do come, they come in late. The gendered differences on access to information were also evident. Most people who access extension services were men with bigger cocoa farms. Women and youth receive less extension services which was attributed to their poor resource base. Agricultural interventions were sometimes structured in ways that favour men with the unitary model of household logic which assumes that whatever the man learns will trickle down to the household. Meanwhile, the households themselves are spaces for the entrenchment of gender and generational ideologies and hierarchical power dynamics. The study found that in almost all communities, while older men favoured women's involvement in decision making and for them to take control of cocoa related decision making, they only accepted this for instrumental reasons such as the benefits that the household will derive from it. Most importantly, many male youth disfavoured women's participations in decision making. The reasons for these included the fact that women are made to help men and the labour intensiveness of cocoa production among others. This requires programmes that are modelled with a Gender Transformative Approach (GTA) framework that will tackle the individual level capacities, social relations and the inherent institutional rules of organisations that work in the cocoa sector. Recommendations i) Initiate programmes and campaigns that aim at behavioural change, especially targeting the discriminatory practices and patriarchal norms in communities. This means excavating traditional practices that promote equity and gender equality and combining these with modern ones. These messages should target specific constituencies such as youth who are more averse to women's participation in decision making. a) Initiate youth clubs where conversations are held about gender inequality and equity. ii) Develop gender sensitive extension service and training programmes that take into account literacy levels of the various social groups, local farm management practices and indigenous knowledge. a) Develop content in the Ghanaian languages spoken in the communities. b) Design programmes in formats that are clear, concise, accessible, sensitive and friendly to farmers especially women and youth. This should include the use of multiple dissemination channels such as community information centres, Farmer Based Organisations (FBOs), info graphics, local radio, storytelling, community durbars, festivals, religious activities and theatre among others. c) Integrate climate change and variability information in extension service delivery iii) Initiate affirmative action programmes through ensuring that the leadership of producer-based organisations in communities have women in leadership positions. iv) Promote safe traditional and modern savings and loans schemes to encourage savings and to enhance access to loans in times of shock. a) Support local credit schemes with resources to function in ways that promote equity and equality. These should target women, youth, poorer farmers and other vulnerable social groups. v) Design programmes that create a pool of labour-saving technologies in communities for easy access. a) Identify agricultural and non-agricultural labour-saving technologies that are required in communities. b) Identify ways in which access can be enhanced especially for women and youth. c) Promote collective/group ownership of equipment and its management to ensure sustainability of the programmes. vi) Design programmes that help free women and girls of reproductive roles so they can have enough time for productive activities and leisure. a) Invest in basic social services such as water and energy in communities. vii) Promote alternative on-farm and off-farm livelihood activities in farming communities through community-based discussion processes and skills development programmes. The programmes will promote reinvestment in cocoa production and vice versa. a) Promote food crop production as part of agroecological practices. b) Develop multiple clusters of livelihoods including animal rearing and crop production both in terms of intensification and extensification. c) Design programmes that encourage processing and value addition on agriculture and non-agricultural products to improve earnings. d) Create programmes that link rural producers to markets viii) Advocate for higher producer price for cocoa to compensate for farmer's investment in production. ix) Design programmes that promote the health of farmers.

Problem setting. Nowadays, social networks have become an integral part of communication processes in society. The influence of social networks on the socio-cultural development of Ukraine has both positive and negative manifestations, since both values and antivalues are spread in these communication systems, there are subjects who are guided by the norms of morality and law, and those who neglect them, direct their efforts to the harmonization of a certain sphere of public life, or vice versa, produces xenophobic sentiments, inciting enmity in the domestic society at the cultural, national, religious and other levels. Recent research and publications analysis. Significant numbers of scientific works are aimed at elucidating the signs and criteria of deviating as a social phenomenon. According to A.Demkiv, those values, the worldview and behavior that deviate from the organizational culture that exist in a certain social community are considered deviant. In the context of this research, it is important to note A.Khlebnikova's reflections on the recognition and determination of the axiological status of the social network in modern society and the scientific work of P.Kravchenko, which proves that religion, morality, values, language, traditions contribute to the internal consolidation of local social groups, and in this process, social networks perform a leading role. Researchers A.Onishchenko, V. Gorovoy, V. Popik and others devoted their scientific research to uncovering the negative impact of social networks on the development of the Ukrainian state and its socio-cultural and informational spheres. Paper objective. This research involves the disclosure of the negative impact of value deviations of social network subjects on the domestic socio-cultural area, information and spiritual security of Ukraine. Paper main body. The wide range of values presented in social networks has a consolidating, humanistic nature – they are reproduced by scientific and creative communities, spiritual and cultural associations, volunteer and human rights organizations, and so on. In turn, anti-values are presented in the content of extremist organizations, xenophobic associations of various orientations, which creates an ideological basis for the emergence of social conflicts, disintegration processes, and civil confrontation. Thus, social networks have become an influential actor in the development of the socio-cultural, spiritual, value, information space of our country. Considering Ukrainian society as a holistic formation, it is worth noting that value deviations are those ideas about the ways of being and about spiritual life that do not correspond to the humanistic and national guidelines for the democratic development of Ukrainian society. In the context of the research, worldview guidelines that contradict moral attitudes, existing legal norms, accepted traditions of the domestic society, etc. can be considered as value deviations in social networks. Freedom in social networks has a dual manifestation: on the one hand, it is free opportunities for self-realization of individuals and diverse perspectives for the development of the country's socio‑cultural space, and on the other hand, freedom in social networks creates conditions for the popularization of antihuman attitudes, pseudo-values, xenophobic ideologies and worldview systems. Conclusions of the research. The value deviations of social network subjects are a logical continuation of the deformations of the moral, political, legal, spiritual and other humanistic direction attitudes that are widespread in Ukrainian society. Undoubtedly, the influence of value deviations on domestic socio-cultural development is destructive and it can manifest itself in illegal, immoral, aggressive models of behavior. ; Определены особенности влияния ценностных девиаций у субъектов социальных сетей на социокультурное развитие Украины. Раскрыто характеристики социальной сети как субъекта социокультурного пространства в аксиологическом измерении. Показаны негативные последствия влияния ценностных девиаций в виртуальных сетевых структурах на информационную и духовную безопасность государства. Указано на необходимость проведения профилактических мероприятий по предупреждению распространения ценностных девиаций в социальных сетях. ; Визначено особливості впливу ціннісних девіацій у суб'єктів соціальних мереж на соціокультурний розвиток України. Розкрито характеристики соціальної мережі як суб'єкта соціокультурного простору у аксіологічному вимірі. Визначено негативні наслідки впливу ціннісних девіацій у віртуальних мережевих структурах на інформаційну та духовну безпеку держави. Зазначено про необхідність здійснення профілактичних заходів щодо попередження розповсюдження ціннісних девіацій у соціальних мережах.

Partendo dall'osservazione del caso curdo in Irak e in Siria attraverso un secolo di storia, questo contributo adotta un approccio dinamico e interrelazionale, al fine di studiare la questione della crisi dello Stato-nazione in Medio Oriente a partire da tre premesse. In primo luogo, la formazione dei gruppi identificati come « minoritari » è il risultato di una storia di relazioni di potere e, di conseguenza, il risultato di un processo sociale. In secondo luogo, i membri delle «maggioranze» e delle «minoranze» non sono ovunque ed ad ogni momento contrapposti. Quindi, la relazione tra «maggioranze» e «minoranze» fa parte di un processo dinamico, di cui dobbiamo prendere in considerazione sia le continuità che le discontinuità. Infine, esiste una forte interrelazione tra i periodi in cui gli Stati, o segmenti dello Stato, si alleano a dei gruppi «esterni» – açabiyyât (gruppi di solidarietà), etc. –, onde supplire alle carenze dello Stato, e le fasi del consolidamento del movimento curdo, e vice-versa. Il risultato, a lungo termine, è una trasformazione reciproca, che si manifesta con una frammentazione accentuata e degli Stai e dei movimenti curdi. Paradossalmente, mentre Stati e movimenti curdi sono riusciti ad assicurare la loro durabilità, essi si sono allontanati dalla loro dottrina originale : la creazione di Stati-nazione omogenei e sovrani su tutto il territorio nazionale. Così, se lo Stato-nazione è in causa, lo è anche il progetto nazionalista curdo. ; Partant de l'observation du cas kurde en Irak et en Syrie à travers un siècle, cette contribution adopte une approche dynamique et interactionnelle en vue d'étudier la question de la crise de l'État-nation au Moyen-Orient à partir de trois prémisses. Premièrement, la formation des groupes identifiés comme «minoritaires» est le résultat d'une histoire de relations de pouvoir et, par conséquent, le résultat d'un processus social. Deuxièmement, les membres des «majorités» et des «minorités» ne sont pas en tout lieu et en tout moment opposés. Dès lors, la relation entre «majorités» et «minorités» fait partie d'un processus dynamique dont nous devons prendre en considération à la fois les continuités et les discontinuités. Enfin, il existe une forte interrelation entre les périodes dans lesquelles les États ou des segments de l'État s'allient à des groupes «externes» – açabiyyât (groupes de solidarité), etc. –, pour pallier les carences de l'État et les phases de consolidation du mouvement kurde, et vice-versa. Le résultat, dans le long terme, est une transformation mutuelle, qui se manifeste par une fragmentation accentuée et des États et des mouvements kurdes. Paradoxalement, alors qu'États et mouvements kurdes sont parvenus à assurer leur durabilité, ils se sont éloignés de leur doctrine originale: la création d'États-nations homogènes et souverains sur tout le territoire national. Ainsi, si l'État-nation est en cause, le projet nationaliste kurde l'est aussi. ; The paper aims to observe state-minority relations in Iraq and Syria, in particular with regard to the Kurdish group, from a longue durée perspective in order to put forward two main arguments. First of all, state-society relations evolve over time. Therefore state-minority relations are a part of a dynamic process in which both continuity and change must be taken into consideration. In that sense, the choice of government majority or "consensus democracy" does not necessarily account for the actual relationship between a state and a minority group over time. Factors such as political stability and regional dynamics might affect state-minority relations and lead regimes to "betray" their official ideologies to secure their durability. Secondly, and related to the previous idea, minorities, be it ethnic or religious, should not be analyzed only as "victims" and/or passive actors. The long-term perspective allows us to identify peaceful periods, strategies of accommodation as well as the active involvement of leaders issued from minority groups into national politics. Finally, while observing the unprecedented events of the last decade (e.g. US invasion of Iraq of 2003 and the so-called "Arab Spring" of 2011) it suggests that historical observation should lead us to be cautious before concluding to a final break between the above mentioned states and the Kurds.

ÖZET17 Ekim 1966'da kurulan ve 27 Kasım 1971'de toplanan üçüncü kongrede isminin önüne Türkiye ibaresini ekleyerek siyasi varlığını sürdüren Birlik Partisi 12 Eylül 1980 Müdahalesi ertesinde kapatıldı. Katıldığı ilk genel seçim olan 12 Ekim 1969 milletvekili seçiminde aldığı yüzde 2,8'lik oy ve çıkardığı sekiz milletvekili en büyük seçim başarısı olarak kaldı. Bir ölçüde 15 Mart 1970'deki AP hükümetinin güvenoylaması dışta tutulursa, nicel gücü itibariyle genel siyasetin tayin edici bir aktörü olamadı. Bununla birlikte niceliğe indirgenmiş bir yaklaşım Partinin, siyaset tarihimizdeki özgünlüğünü göz ardı etmektir. Özgünlük öteden beri Türkiye tarihinde yaygın tartışmalara konu olmuş Alevilik-Bektaşilik olgusuyla arasında kurulan bağdır ki, partinin nicel gücünü aşan bir ilgiyi gerektirir.Alevi partisi isnadı başından itibaren yetkilileri tarafından reddedilse de partiye dair algının temel bir unsuru olarak varlığını korudu. Geleneği temsil eden kişilerin parti dışına düşmesiyle birlikte yürüyen sol dönüşüm, 1970'li yıllarda partiye damgasını vurdu. Dönüşümün ilk evresinde "Materyalist felsefelerle" "dinsel inançlara aynı ölçüde" değer verdiğini ilan eden parti, 1973 yılındaki "Demokratik-Sol" kabulüyle, çerçevesi belirlenmiş bir Sol "doktrin"de karar kıldı. Bir süre sonra bu kavram da yetersiz görülerek sosyalizm ana eksen haline getirildi. 1961 anayasası çerçevesinde Atatürkçülük, laiklik gibi ülke siyasetinin genel standardını teşkil eden bir vasatla yola çıkan ve faşizm, Nazizm gibi ideolojilerle birlikte Komünizm düşmanlığını da programına yazan parti, 1980'e gelindiğinde artık komünizm düşmanlığını programından çıkarmış, sosyalizmde ısrarlı bir partiydi. Sosyalizm perspektifinden yorumlanan bir Atatürkçülük anlayışı ise, parti söylemindeki varlığını korudu. Kuruluşundan itibaren iç çekişmeler yaşayan parti, Ekim 1969 seçimlerinde beklentisinin çok altında kalan bir Alevi desteğiyle yetinmek zorunda kaldığı gibi, 1970'li yıllarda bunu da koruyamadı. Oylardaki düşüş eğilimini ancak 14 Ekim 1979'daki kısmi senato seçimlerinde terse çevirdiyse de, bunun kalıcı bir eğilim olup olmadığını test etmek 12 Eylül 1980 müdahalesi nedeniyle mümkün olamadı. ABSTRACTUnity Party (BP) was founded in October 17, 1966 and at the third congress ,(November 17, 1971) party got "Turkey" phrase and continue its existence, the party was closed in the aftermath of the political intervention September 12, 1980. Party gained % 2.8 vote and 8 MP's in the first attended general election October 12, 1969 that has remained the biggest election success for the Unity Party. Party could not be a decisive actor in general politics becasue of its quantitive power, if keeps outside the AP Government's vote of confidence March 15,1970. However, a quantitive approach would ignore the party's authenticity in Turkish political history. In Turkey history, Originality has been the subject of widespread debate related to Alevi-Bektashi issue in the party that requires an interest beyond the quantitative power.Although, the authorities denied the claim of being Alevi Party since the beginning and this sense has kept its existence as primary element. When the representatives of the tradition left the party, it became a totally leftist party in 1970's. İn the first phase of the transformation party have declared that, they have the same value towards "Materialist Philosophy" and "Religious Beliefs" and in 1973 party ratified "Democratic-Left" doctrine as a new left framework. After a while, this concept was taken insufficient and Socialism was brought into the main axis.Within the framework of the 1961 constitution, Kemalism, and Secularism are main standards of the politics in Turkey, in related to those standards the party had enmity with ideologies of Nazism, Fascism and Communism and by 1980, hostility to Communism was out of the Party programme and the Party was totally insist on Socialism. Understanding of Kemalism that interpreted from the perspective of Socialism has maintained its presence in the Party discourse.Infighting from the beginning of the Party, in October 1969 election, Party could not met expectations and had to content with small group of Alevi supporters, 1970's Party could not maintain even this support. Although, party reversed the downward trend of votes in the partial senate election October 14, 1979, it was not possible to test whether this is a lasting trend or not due to political intervention of September 12, 1980.