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The intensification of trade between countries has led to the need to regulate the conduct of trading partners. The World Trade Organization (WTO) forum emerged with the mission of arbitrating these disputes and making trade fairer. However, many countries choose not to participate in this forum because of the financial and legal resources required to conduct the proceedings. The purpose of this research was to verify how the relations within the WTO were configurated in 2014. We identified the dichotomy between central and emerging countries through the concept of forum shopping. The most important actors in the network were shown to be the United States and the European Union, whereas small economies had low participation, especially African and Central American countries. Thus, this study shows that many WTO's members do not use its forum, which allows inferring they choose regional forums due to the restriction of resources. ; La intensificación del comercio entre los países ha llevado a la necesidad de regular la conducta de los socios comerciales. El foro de la Organización Mundial del Comercio surgió con la misión de arbitrar esas disputas y hacer el comercio más justo. Sin embargo, muchos países optan por no participar en ese foro a causa de los recursos financieros y legales necesarios para conducir el proceso. El objetivo de esta investigación fue verificar cómo las relaciones dentro de la OMC se configuraron en 2014. Identificamos la dicotomía entre países centrales y emergentes a través del concepto de forum shopping. Los Estados Unidos y la Unión Europea se revelaron como los actores más importantes de la red, mientras que las economías pequeñas tuvieron baja participación, especialmente países de África y Centroamérica. Así, este estudio muestra que muchos miembros de la OMC no utilizan su foro, lo que permite inferir su elección de foros regionales debido a la restricción de recursos. ; A intensificação do comércio entre os países levou à necessidade de regular a conduta dos parceiros comerciais. O fórum da Organização Mundial do Comércio surgiu com a missão de arbitrar essas disputas e tornar o comércio mais justo. No entanto, muitos países optam por não participar daquele fórum por causa dos recursos financeiros e legais necessários para conduzir o processo. O objetivo desta pesquisa foi verificar como as relações dentro da OMC se configuraram em 2014. Identificamos a dicotomia entre países centrais e emergentes através do conceito de forum shopping. Os Estados Unidos e a União Europeia se revelaram como os atores mais importantes da rede, enquanto as economias pequenas tiveram baixa participação, especialmente países da África e da América Central. Assim, este estudo mostra que muitos membros da OMC não utilizam seu fórum, o que permite inferir sua escolha de fóruns regionais devido à restrição de recursos.

This conference was organised by the Club de Bruxelles with the support of the European Commission (DG VIII), the Belgian Administration for Development Cooperation (BADC), Capespan, Elf Aquitaine and Sabena, the cooperation of European Report and the participation of the Governments of the SADC Member States

"During the spring of my fourteenth year, I ran away from home. On a cold night in early February, I disappeared into a Kansas snowstorm. My family lived outside Kansas City. For much of our time together, Dad preached at Edwardsville Christian Church. We lived in the parsonage, a two-bedroom box just south of the railroad tracks separating the white and black parts of town. As the Civil Rights movement heated up, Mom crossed the tracks whenever she could. For that, and for other indiscernible reasons, Dad beat her. My story begins during America's Civil Rights movement, a time when my family fell apart and my future became a struggle between parents and ways of life. Much of my struggle took place within my father's house. In running away, I found a new life. But I wasn't alone. My journey also marked a rebirth for mom and for Jefferson Jackson, the black Baptist preacher who became my father and who raised me. Together, we lived in hiding and in poverty. From that beginning, I've risen to the highest levels of international charity, serving as senior vice president of World Vision U.S. and vice president of PATH before joining Global Impact as CEO. Take Me with You delivers a first-person narrative of a boy who found his future by running away. My childhood and escape from abuse has influenced my present work and driven a personal inspiration to leave a lasting mark on humanity. Today, as the CEO and President of Global Impact, I've made a career of trying to stop cycles of abuse, racism, and inequality. I'm the sum of my story, this memoir rooted in love, faith, and moral courage. Take Me with You is one boy's story about choosing love, forgiveness, and the charity within-and about choosing to be positive. Take Me with You is a call to action to help those in need, especially children. As the statistics reveal, there is an alarming need both in the United States and throughout the world: [dot below] In 2013, 14.7 million children under the age of 18 were in poverty in the America [dot below] More than one in three African American children live in food-insecure households [dot below] Today, nearly 18,000 children under age 5 will die of mostly preventable causes, such as diarrhea, malaria, and pneumonia. This translates to more than 6.5 million per year [dot below] Globally, nearly half of under five deaths are attributable to undernutrition [dot below] Globally, 51 million under-five-year-olds were wasted (malnourished) and 17 million were severely ...

"In 1991, Anita Hill's courageous testimony during the Clarence Thomas confirmation hearings sparked a national conversation on sexual harassment and women's equality in politics and the workplace. Today, she turns her attention to another potent and enduring symbol of economic success and equality-the home. Hill details how the current housing crisis, resulting in the devastation of so many families, so many communities, and even whole cities, imperils every American's ability to achieve the American Dream. Hill takes us on a journey that begins with her own family story and ends with the subprime mortgage meltdown. Along the way, she invites us into homes across America, rural and urban, and introduces us to some extraordinary African American women. As slavery ended, Mollie Elliott, Hill's ancestor, found herself with an infant son and no husband. Yet, she bravely set course to define for generations to come what it meant to be a free person of color. On the eve of the civil rights and women's rights movements, Lorraine Hansberry's childhood experience of her family's fight against racial restrictions in a Chicago neighborhood ended tragically for the Hansberry family. Yet, that episode shaped Lorraine's hopeful account of early suburban integration in her iconic American drama A Raisin in the Sun. Two decades later, Marla, a divorced mother, endeavors to keep her children safe from a growing gang presence in 1980s Los Angeles. Her story sheds light on the fears and anxiety countless parents faced during an era of growing neighborhood isolation, and that continue today. In the midst of the 2008 recession, hairdresser Anjanette Booker's dogged determination to keep her Baltimore home and her salon reflects a commitment to her own independence and to her community's economic and social viability. Finally, Hill shares her own journey to a place and a state of being at home that brought her from her roots in rural Oklahoma to suburban Boston, Massachusetts, and connects her own search for home with that of women and men set adrift during the foreclosure crisis. The ability to secure a place that provides access to every opportunity our country has to offer is central to the American Dream. To achieve that ideal, Hill argues, we and our leaders must engage in a new conversation about what it takes to be at home in America. Pointing out that the inclusive democracy our Constitution promises is bigger than the current debate about legal rights, she presents concrete proposals that encourage us to reimagine equality. Hill offers a twenty-first-century vision of America-not a vision of migration, but one of roots; not one simply of tolerance, but one of belonging; not just of rights, but also of community-a community of equals"--Provided by publisher

Forty years before the war of annihilation in eastern Europe and the Holocaust, German colonial troops in German South West Africa perpetrated the first genocide of the twentieth century. From Windhoek to Auschwitz? interrogates the relationship between colonialism and National Socialism, using genocide, the 'racial state', and systems of forced labour as points of departure for comparative observation. The book is an indispensable document in the intensive debate among German and international scholars about the postcolonial expansion of German history, and it offers a fresh look at the history of colonialism and also the 'Third Reich'

Reverend John Daniel (Father) Kestell (1854-1941) was a wellknown minister of religion in the Dutch Reformed Church. Through various actions he earned himself the nickname of "Father (Vader) Kestell" among his fellowmen. Although he supported the actions of the Republic of the Orange Free State and the Zuid-Afrikaansche Republic in the South African War (1899-1902), he declined to fight or take up a military rank. He in stead tried to strengthen the faith in God of the burgers and acted as a medical assistant to Boer and Briton when needed. As a chaplain he only wanted to be a minster of religion, no soldier. In this article the actions of Kestell as a Boer chaplain in the War of 1899-1902 are investigated: His motives for supporting the two Republics, his work as a chaplain, his belief in the providence of God, his emotional conflicts in case of Boer losses and his close relations to his president, MT Steyn and his chief of army, General CR de Wet. Kestell was a tipical spiritual shepherd who had an openness to people and their needs and customs. He attracked those in need.

Pt. ONEIntroduction: A New Voice for Freedom --Jacobs's Early Life --What Really Happened? --Other Dominant Themes --The Power of the Pen --Pseudonyms of Key Figures in Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl, Written by Herself --pt. TWOThe Document --Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl, Written by Herself /L. Maria Child --pt. THREERelated Documents --1.Title Page of the First Edition o/Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl, 1861 --2.Will of Margaret Horniblow, April 8, 1825 --3.American Beacon, Advertisement for the Capture of Harriet Jacobs, July 4, 1835 --4.Harriet Jacobs, Letter to Amy Post, 1852? --5.Harriet Jacobs, Letter to Amy Post, April 4, 1853 --6.Harriet Jacobs, Letter to Amy Post, March 1854 --7.Harriet Jacobs, Letter to Amy Post, June 21, 1857 --8.Lydia Maria Child, Letter to Harriet Jacobs, August 13, 1860 --9.Weekly Anglo-African, Review of Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl, April 13, 1861 --10."Am I Not a Woman and a Sister?", 1832 --11.John S. Jacobs, A True Tale of Slavery, 1861 --12.Harriet Jacobs, Life among the Contrabands, 1862 --13.Harriet Jacobs, Letter to Ednah Dow Cheney, April 25, 1867.

"The St. Croix-born, Harlem-based Hubert Harrison (1883-1927) was a brilliant, class and race conscious writer, orator, editor, educator, book reviewer, political activist, and radical internationalist. Considered the most class conscious of the race radicals and the most race conscious of the class radicals of his era he was described by J.A. Rogers as "perhaps the foremost Aframerican intellect of his time" and by A. Philip Randolph and others as "the father of Harlem radicalism." In this second volume biography covering 1918 to 1927, Jeffrey Perry follows Harrison as he resurrects The Voice, the first newspaper of the "New Negro Movement" (1918); edits The New Negro monthly "intended as an organ of the international consciousness of the darker races-especially of the Negro race" (1919); serves as principal editor of Marcus Garvey's Negro World reshaping and developing that paper into the preeminent radical, race conscious, political and literary publication of that time (1920); publishes When Africa Awakes: The 'Inside Story' of the Stirrings and Strivings of the New Negro in the Western World (1920); and makes clear his pioneering role as the founder and driving force of the "New Negro Movement" (years before Alain Locke's 1925 publication of the New Negro). Working from his race conscious radical internationalist perspective, he is a prolific writer of articles, editorials, theatre and book reviews for a wide range of publications, he lectures widely, and he interacts with, and often openly criticizes, prominent individuals (like Du Bois and Marcus Garvey) and organizations as he struggles for democracy and equality in America."--

"What happened to black youth in the post-civil rights generation? What kind of causes did they rally around and were they even rallying in the first place? After the Rebellion takes a close look at a variety of key civil rights groups across the country over the last 40 years to provide a broad view of black youth and social movement activism. Based on both research from a diverse collection of archives and interviews with youth activists, advocates, and grassroots organizers, this book examines popular mobilization among the generation of activists - principally black students, youth, and young adults - who came of age after the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Franklin argues that the political environment in the post-Civil Rights era, along with constraints on social activism, made it particularly difficult for young black activists to start and sustain popular mobilization campaigns. Building on case studies from around the country--including New York, the Carolinas, California, Louisiana, and Baltimore--After the Rebellion explores the inner workings and end results of activist groups such as the Southern Negro Youth Congress, Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, the Student Organization for Black Unity, the Free South Africa Campaign, the New Haven Youth Movement, the Black Student Leadership Network, the Juvenile Justice Reform Movement, and the AFL-CIO's Union Summer campaign. Franklin demonstrates how youth-based movements and intergenerational campaigns have attempted to circumvent modern constraints, providing insight into how the very inner workings of these organizations have and have not been effective in creating change and involving youth. A powerful work of both historical and political analysis, After the Rebellion provides a vivid explanation of what happened to the militant impulse of young people since the demobilization of the civil rights and black power movements - a discussion with great implications for the study of generational politics, racial and black politics, and social movements"--

Intro -- Contents -- 1. Meet Father Groppi -- 2. Early Years -- 3. Entering the Priesthood -- 4. The National Civil Rights Movement -- 5. Selma -- 6. Becoming a Milwaukee Organizer -- 7. The Eagles Club Protests -- 8. The Fair Housing Campaign -- 9. Across the Great Divide -- 10. Priest and Leader -- 11. After the Marches -- Appendix: Father Groppi's Time Line -- Glossary -- Reading Group Guide and Activities -- To Learn More about the Civil Rights Movement -- Acknowledgments -- Index.