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Although the existence of gender polarization in the United States House of Representatives is widely acknowledged, the purpose of this thesis was to examine why it exists. While is difficult to pinpoint a specific cause of this polarization, the study examines principles and traditions adopted by America from England during colonization, the role of women in America from 1776 to 2010, and case studies of individual women who have served in the United States House of Representatives, in an attempt to point out the multiple principles, institutions, and patterns of thought that keep women from running for - or getting elected to - the United States House of Representatives. ; 2011-05-01 ; B.A. ; Sciences, Dept. of Political Science ; Masters ; This record was generated from author submitted information.

This article is a history of the creation of the Naval Science class within the Library of Congress Classification System (LCCS) during that system's fashioning and development at the turn of the twentieth century. Previous work on the history of classification and especially of the LCCS has looked closely at the mechanics of the creation of such systems and at ideological influences on classification schemes. Prior scholarship has neglected the means by which ideologies are encoded into classification systems, however. The present article examines the history of a single class by looking at the ideological and political assumptions behind that class and the means by which these assumptions were written into the LCCS. Specifically, we argue that the Naval Science class resulted from a concerted effort by naval theorists to raise their field to the status of a science, the interest of Washington's political class in this new science as a justification for imperial expansion, and a publishing boom in naval matters as the American public became eager consumers of such work during the Spanish-American War. This complex narrative thus illustrates the manifold influences on the creation of any classification system and asks us to consider that multiplicity of influences, whether we as librarians teach about existing systems or work to build new ones. ; Cet article relate l'histoire de l'ajout de la catégorie Sciences navales au système de classification de la Bibliothèque du Congress (B.C.) durant son élaboration et son essor au tournant du vingtième siècle. Les travaux antérieurs sur l'histoire de la classification, notamment celle du système de classification de la B.C., ont examiné de près les mécanismes de création de tels systèmes et les influences idéologiques sur les schémas de classification. Cependant, les études précédentes ont négligé les moyens par lesquels les idéologies se retrouvent encodées dans les systèmes de classification. Le présent article examine l'histoire d'une seule catégorie en se penchant sur les hypothèses idéologiques et politiques à l'origine de celle-ci, ainsi que les moyens par lesquels ces hypothèses ont été intégrées au système de classification de la B.C. Plus précisément, nous avançons que la catégorie des Sciences navales résulte d'un effort concerté par les théoriciens navals pour faire de leur domaine une science ; de l'intérêt porté par la classe politique de Washington à cette nouvelle science pour justifier l'expansion impériale ; et de l'essor de l'édition sur le sujet pour satisfaire un public américain devenu friand de ces travaux au cours de la guerre hispano-américaine. Cet exposé illustre ainsi la complexité des influences variées qui s'exercent sur la création d'un système de classification, et nous invite à examiner la multiplicité des influences à titre de bibliothécaires qui enseignent les systèmes existants ou qui s'emploient à en créer de nouveaux.

Purpose
This paper aims to evaluate the Digital Government Collaborative Platform (DGCP), which facilitates collaborations between the citizens and the government to address environmental issues in Sri Lanka. The DGCP is an artifact developed by the value-sensitive design approach.


Design/methodology/approach
The DGCP is evaluated following the Framework for Evaluation in Design Science Research (FEDS). In total, 224 citizens participated in the survey based on the User Experience Questionnaire (UEQ) and open questions about human values embedded in the design. Fifteen government officers were interviewed to enhance the evaluation.


Findings
The DGCP received positive evaluations from the citizens and government officers. The platform is attractive, novel and pragmatic, also generating hedonic experiences for the citizens. The users believed that human values are reflected in the DGCP. Furthermore, they shared a few suggestions to improve it.


Originality/value
The paper contributes knowledge to evaluating digital government systems, especially in developing countries. The human-value-centered DGCP was evaluated using multiple methods of quantitative (i.e. UEQ Survey) and qualitative (i.e. qualitative interviews with stakeholders) techniques. Furthermore, the systematic process of DGCP evaluation produces a case-based guideline for evaluating related and similar digital government systems using FEDS.

The article draws attention to the fact that in legal science there is no consensus on the answer to the question - to what kind should the domestic form of government be attributed. Analyzing the constitutional provisions, as well as exploring the features of the organization and activities of the highest state authorities, scientists come to various conclusions. The presence of modified signs of various types of forms of government in the domestic system of higher authorities and management is one of the reasons for the diversity of approaches to characterizing the form of government in the Russian Federation. On the one hand, such a symbiosis of ways of organization and interaction of the highest authorities and management allows us to speak about the synthesis of the model of the form of government of Russia, on the other hand, that the existing criteria (grounds) for the classification of forms of republican government need to be revised due to the fact that they do not meet the modern level of development (i.e. archaic) statehood and do not allow to properly identify the forms of government of states, including the Russian Federation.

International Journal of Advanced Computer Science and Applications(IJACSA), 5(6), 2014 ; developing cloud computing is a key policy for government, while convenient service is an important issue for people living. In the beginning of 2010, the Taiwan Government has launched a "Cloud Computing Development Project", and has devoted to service planning and investment activities. At the end of 2012, in a three-year comprehensive review and suggestion adoption from public and private sectors, the Taiwan Government adjusted the policy and rename as "Cloud Computing Application and Development Project". From the perspectives of government application, industry development, and cloud open platform, this study describes how the vision drive goals and thinking push forward strategies. In the process of government and industry collaboration, it is progressively created value for cloud services. The Cloud Computing Project Management Office acts a key role as policy advisor, matching platform, and technical supporting to the achievements of (1) policy assessment and strategy enhancement; (2) construction of cloud open platform to the demand and supply linkage; (3) innovation and integration planning for government service application, leading to industry development. ; http://thesai.org/Downloads/Volume5No6/Paper_4-An_Experience_of_Taiwan_Policy_Development_to_Accelerate_Cloud_Migration.pdf

Mathematical Social Sciences, V. 64, No. 3, pp 203-213. ; We formulate a rational choice model of popular behavior during an insurgency. An individual in the population either supports the insurgents or the government depending upon his attitude and the actions taken by each side. We focus on the effect of insurgency actions: benefits, impositions, and coercion. While benefits and impositions are applied uniformly throughout, the insurgents intend to only coerce those actively providing information to the government. However, due to the "fog of war", which may lead to limited situational awareness, the insurgents may mistakenly coerce their own supporters and potential drive them to aid the government. We examine how popular behavior varies under different situational awareness scenarios. When the insurgents have little situational awareness, they should take a few coercive actions. This implies that the government will be able to foster intelligence sources within the population. If the insurgents have perfect situational awareness, tipping points may occur that result in a significant reduction in active support for the government. In this case the government should take actions to decrease the coercing effectiveness of the insurgents and increase incentives to the population so they continue to provide information.

Even before they had fully secured representative government with universal suffrage and frequent elections, the most ardent English democrats had already grown quite sensitive to the drawbacks of democracy. By the middle of the nineteenth century a number of them had become seriously disturbed about the difficulty of combining popular government with efficient government. They believed that ordinary men should rule but were learning that only extraordinary men could rule well. They opposed government by an aristocracy because it sacrificed the good of all to the interests of a few but they were discovering that the people could disregard or violate the common good as easily as the aristocracy. The defects of democracy became a heavier burden still for English socialists at the end of the century. Convinced that government should take over control of economic life, and persuaded by its achievements in other realms that modem science was the most efficient means of control, they wanted the real work of governing to be done by scientific experts; yet the democratic tendencies of both the English and the socialist traditions obliged them to favor constitutional forms that would preserve the principle, or at least the appearance, of government by the people.

Since the invasion by the US forces in 2003, Iraq has been struggling to overcome social, political, and economic crises. The democratic standards that promised to bring social and political equality were legalized following the invasion; however, they could not be actualized due to the patriarchal political culture on Iraq. Thus, Iraqi women are still far from being able to enjoy their democratic rights of participating in political life, as they have been experiencing gendered violence and discrimination in all aspects of their lives. This thesis explores the social and political dynamics in Iraq between 2003 and 2020 through a feminist perspective in order to identify the impact of the patriarchal political culture that isolates Iraqi women from politics in general and prevents their participation in political decision-making mechanisms in particular.

The modern political distinction between right and left has functioned as the symbolic structuring of democratic politics. The significance of this political code lies in the institutionalisation of political discourse as relatively autonomous in relation to cultural and religious discourses in which right as a general rule has been conceived as positive and left as negative. Modern political revolutions marked the transformation of RIGHT/LEFT from a cultural and religious codex of domination/subordination to a political one of parity, which cleared a space for the legitimacy of opposition and disagreement as well as for public reason and the balancing of judgement. RIGHT/LEFT is thus associated with a political symbolic order that underpins the autonomy of democratic politics by signifying the distinction between parties of equal political status.

This paper is concerned with the effectiveness of Westminster parliamentary institutions in ensuring the stability of a nation's public finances. Our starting point and major hypothesis is that the governance structure embodied in Canada's parliamentary system has contributed importantly to the maintenance of fiscal stability. The fact that the Government of Canada, like the central government of many other modern democracies, has survived for over a century without default on its public debt means that in some meaningful sense, long run responsibility with respect to the nation's finances has in fact been achieved, and we show that this is in fact the case. Hence a more meaningful test of our main hypothesis requires the designation of specific sub-periods when the ideological background for political policy making changed and/or when the institutions and organizations for operationalizing policy varied in ways that either improved or discouraged responsible fiscal performance. We consider ideational and institutional factors that are predicted to either enhance or detract from accountability and fiscal stability, including central banking, the adoption of Keynesianism, inflation targeting and periods of minority government, and test for their effects on long run stability of the debt to GDP ratio using data for almost the entire history of the modern state from 1867 to 2008.

International audience ; History has always been made of little stories, of subplots that underneath structure and lock great events. In political history, the public opinion receives information and keep memories through the filter of medias and governments who tend to impose and orientate to "what must be remembered". Coming from business systems and marketing theories, the storytelling – or the ability to tell stories - has swooped down on techniques of communication and information. The population thus perceives in a one-way vision, imposed through political, economic and social objectives. The not-so-clear role of the spin doctors will be treated in this article whose development featuring historical examples will emphasize the propaganda influences as well as the process used to reach the goals. ; La grande Histoire a toujours été affaire de petites histoires, d'intrigues de coulisses qui souterrainement structurent et enchâssent les grands événements. Dans l'histoire politique, l'opinion publique reçoit des informations et conserve des souvenirs passés au prisme des médias et des gouvernances qui visent à imposer et orienter « ce qu'il faut en retenir ». Empruntant ainsi aux systèmes des entreprises et aux théories marketing, le storytelling – ou la capacité à raconter des histoires – a fait main basse sur les techniques de communication et d'information. En résulte dans la population une perception unilatérale, un /devoir-croire/, une vision imposée dans des objectifs politiques, économiques ou sociaux. Le flou qui entoure le rôle des spin doctors, ces conseillers en communication proches des gouvernants, sera évoqué dans cet article dont l'argumentation étayée d'exemples historiques mettra en lumière les influences propagandistes et les procédés utilisés pour ces fins.

"Recounting the gripping tale of Europe's quest for a constitution surveying events from Joschka Fischer's ground-breaking Quo-Vadis speech at Berlin's Humboldt University in 2000, to the failed referendums in France and the Netherlands fiver years later, this book addresses a relatively new aspect in EU Studies: the importance of public communication for bridging the legitimacy dilemmas of European integration. Through analysis of newspaper coverage on the debate over the future of Europe in Great Britain and Germany between 2000 and 2005, this book explores how national identities interact with, and are reproduced in, the discursive construction of the future of the EU and in doing so, it provides powerful insights into Europe's emerging communicative space(s). The results of the three case studies suggest that the debate surrounding the future of Europe touch the core of a European construction, which exposes contradictory connotations and expectations while also highlighting that totally different ontological assumptions exist in Germany and the UK. The implications for the "European Public Sphere' are severe as while communication across borders does not require consensus, it presupposes a common understanding of the issues at stake"--

"Der Machtwechsel im April 2010 und die darauf folgenden Pogrome gegen die usbekische Minderheit im Süden haben Kirgistan in eine Krise gestürzt, von der es sich nur mit Mühe erholen wird. Zum einen hat das ressourcenarme Land mit gravierenden wirtschaftlichen Problemen zu kämpfen. Zum anderen wird der Versuch eines politischen Neuanfangs - gekennzeichnet durch die Einführung der parlamentarischen Demokratie und eine in Zentralasien beispiellose Öffnung des politischen Systems - von nationalistischen Ressentiments überschattet. Sie sind vor allem im Süden des Landes verbreitet und begünstigen den Ausschluss der Usbeken aus dem gesellschaftlichen Leben. Gleichwohl hat sich mit dem Regimewechsel der Raum für öffentliche Debatten spürbar erweitert. Die Bürger Kirgistans haben nun Gelegenheit, den Umgang mit einer Pluralität von Stimmen und Meinungen zu erproben. Hier kann die Politik der Europäischen Union und ihrer Mitgliedstaaten ansetzen. Sie kann den demokratischen Neuanfang unterstützen, indem sie Kapazitäten bereitstellt, um öffentliche Reflexion zu fördern. Dabei sollte sie sich nicht scheuen, politisch klar Position zu beziehen. Die EU sollte sich denjenigen Akteuren verpflichtet fühlen, die sich ein demokratisches Kirgistan wünschen und bereit sind, ihr politisches Handeln danach auszurichten." (Autorenreferat)

Vom Ende der achtziger bis in die Mitte der neunziger Jahre unterlagen die regionalen Organe der Staatsgewalt in Rußland einschneidenden Veränderungen. Diese Veränderungen, sowohl auf normativ-rechtlicher als auch auf praktischer Ebene, waren eine Folge der gesamtrussischen politischen Reformen, sie wiesen jedoch regionale Unterschiede auf. Der einsetzende Dezentralisierungsprozeß in der Verwaltung, der mit dem Zusammenbruch bzw. einer Schwächung der "vertikalen" Machtstrukturen einherging, und die Umverteilung von finanziellen Mitteln und Eigentum zugunsten der Regionen trugen ebenso zum Anstieg der Bedeutung und des Status der regionalen Machtstrukturen bei. Für die Untersuchung von Beziehungen dieser Strukturen untereinander und die Herausarbeitung der verschiedenen Förderalisierungs-, Demokratisierungs- und Dezentralisierungseffekte in den Regionen Rußlands wird ein zweidimensionale Modell eingesetzt. Im Rahmen dieses Modells kann das Problem der Gewaltenteilung in der Region in politischer Hinsicht in zwei Schlüsselfragen zusammengefaßt werden: (1) Wer kontrolliert die Zusammensetzung bzw. Einsetzung des Kabinetts, des Parlaments oder des Oberhauptes und inwieweit? (2) Ist eine Koexistenz von Kabinett und Parlament in Fällen gegenseitigen Mißtrauens möglich? (pre)

Forecasting votes understood as citizens revealed preferences in collective choices allow to evaluate electoral success opportunities both for incumbents and opposition and to anticipate future public policies. In this paper, we provide forecasts for the 2007 French presidential election gathering contributions from Public Choice theory and Political science dealing with electoral behaviors. Forecasts generated at a sub-national level exhibit more accuracy at the second round than at the first one. We propose some explanation and improvements for 2012. Adapted from the source document.