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AbstractThis article explains why only some post-neoliberal populists successfully keep themselves in power, thereby dominating political systems over the long term. Based on cross-regional dual paired comparisons of 'crucial' cases in the Andes and Central Europe, it advances a theory emphasizing societal reactions rooted in prior neoliberal critical junctures. I argue that where well-established and programmatic social democratic parties engaged in bait-and-switch reforms, subsequent populists mobilized extensive electoral coalitions with core support from former leftist constituents, based on which they built organizational capacities for the provision of national public goods that reinforced their popularity over the long term. By contrast, where personalistic leaders politicized regionally based divides through identity-priming appeals and then disproportionately hurt core supporters through bait-and-switch reforms, subsequent populists mobilized more segmented electoral coalitions, built less cohesive parties and provided limited public goods, which undermined their popularity as incumbents. By underscoring parallels in two different world regions, the article challenges institutionalist accounts of populist domination and offers a novel societally focused perspective.

This rejoinder article takes the contributions in the Special Issue of Cooperation and Conflict – Vol. 46(3) – on Neutrality and 'Military Non-Alignment' as point of departure for a discussion of some of the problems former neutrals face in shaping their foreign and security policies. The author argues that current and future developments regarding neutrality norms are dependent on internal factors such as national identity and public opinion, and on external factors such as the military non-aligned states' relationships to EU, NATO and, not least, the UN. The possibility of a 'Second Option' of full-scale military cooperation if a preferred neutral position fails is discussed. Increased UN activism, for example, connected with the R2P concept and the tendency to outsource major UN-mandated military operations to NATO, is touched upon as well as the Libya crisis of 2011 and some of its implications for European foreign and security policy cooperation. Special attention is given to current Swedish debates on military non-alignment and NATO membership.

Stephen Krasner'sSovereigntyand Michael Ross Fowler and Julie Marie Bunck'sLaw, Power, and the Sovereign Statetogether pose the deepest challenge yet to the assumption of sovereignty in international relations scholarship. Both claim not merely that state sovereignty is now compromised but also that it has always been severely truncated, violated, and curtailed. Both works contribute importantly to the field by amassing and cataloging formidable evidence of compromises of sovereignty. Yet by failing to provide a yardstick by which to compare these compromises with states' comparative respect for sovereignty, both works ultimately fail to sustain their thesis. Both also overlook the constitutive dimension of sovereignty, a dimension whose acknowledgment would render sovereignty far more stable than either admits. By contrast, a third work, Rodney Bruce Hall'sNational Collective Identity, commendably explores the constitutive role of sovereignty and applies it to the development of the nation-state system. The strengths and weaknesses of all three works help set an agenda for future scholarship on sovereignty.

THE BRITISH-IRISH COUNCIL SPRINGS FROM AND IS PROVIDED FOR IN the Belfast Agreement signed on Good Friday 1998. Its coming into force depends upon the implementation of the Agreement. The Council is established, however, not by the 1998 Northern Ireland Act, which gives legislative expression to the bulk of this Agreement, but by an international treaty, the British–Irish Agreement, attached to the Belfast Agreement.The Belfast Agreement together with the legislation providing for devolution to Scotland and Wales establishes a new constitutional settlement, both among the nations which form the United Kingdom, and also between those nations and the other nation in these islands, the Irish nation. The United Kingdom itself is, as a result of the Scotland Act and the Government of Wales Act, in the process of becoming a new union of nations, each with its own identity and institutions – a multi-national state, rather than, as many of the English have traditionally seen it, a homogeneous British nation containing a variety of different people.

Historically, communal conflict seems to have occurred in four environments—during the evolution of the major European states, in post-independence colonies, during the disintegration of polyglot empires, and in post-industrialized societies. Within these environments, six conditions serve to heighten the possibility of the use of violence. These conditions include: (i) the presence of communal cleavages based on religion, race, or language, combinations of these cleavages being more volatile than their occurrence singly; (2) the absence of a common value or identity; (3) the concurrent development of antagonistic nationalisms; (4) the possession of an economic or cultural elite status by a subordinate communal group; (5) differential rates of modernization; and (6) the displacement of anticolonial feelings upon a communal group perceived as associated with a colonial power. The examples of the Copts in Egypt and the Armenians in the Ottoman Empire are presented as illustrations of the interaction of these conditions in two different environments and the use or absence of violence in communal conflict.

International audience ; Since the 18th century, the Garifuna, born of the crossbreeding between Africans and Caribes indigenous during the colonial period, have lived along the Caribbean shores of four countries of Central America (Belize, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicargua). Through a constant migratory process that began around the mid-fifties, the vast majority of them live now in the United States. The transnationality, which is due to its territorialization within Central America and to its recent presence in the United States, has always come along with an intense circulation of identity symbols. These symbols are composed of various ethnoracial representations that have changed under the influence of political and social process at a national, regional or global scale, to finally become a generic identity as Afrodescendant people. ; Les Garifuna, produits du métissage entre africains et indigènes Caribes au cours de la période coloniale, vivent depuis le XVIIIème siècle sur le littoral caribéen de quatre pays d'Amérique Centrale (Belize, Guatemala, Honduras et Nicaragua). Suite à un processus migratoire constant qui a débuté vers les années 1950/ la moitié du XXème siècle, la plupart d'entre eux habitent actuellement aux États-Unis. La transnationalité, qui a pour origine sa territorialisation en Amérique Centrale et sa présence récente aux États-Unis, s'est toujours accompagné d'une forte circulation de symboles identitaires. Ces symboles se composent de diverses représentations ethno-raciales qui se sont transformées sous l'incidence de processus politiques et sociaux d'ordre national, régional ou global jusqu'à devenir une identification au sens générique comme peuple afrodescendant.

International audience ; Since the 18th century, the Garifuna, born of the crossbreeding between Africans and Caribes indigenous during the colonial period, have lived along the Caribbean shores of four countries of Central America (Belize, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicargua). Through a constant migratory process that began around the mid-fifties, the vast majority of them live now in the United States. The transnationality, which is due to its territorialization within Central America and to its recent presence in the United States, has always come along with an intense circulation of identity symbols. These symbols are composed of various ethnoracial representations that have changed under the influence of political and social process at a national, regional or global scale, to finally become a generic identity as Afrodescendant people. ; Les Garifuna, produits du métissage entre africains et indigènes Caribes au cours de la période coloniale, vivent depuis le XVIIIème siècle sur le littoral caribéen de quatre pays d'Amérique Centrale (Belize, Guatemala, Honduras et Nicaragua). Suite à un processus migratoire constant qui a débuté vers les années 1950/ la moitié du XXème siècle, la plupart d'entre eux habitent actuellement aux États-Unis. La transnationalité, qui a pour origine sa territorialisation en Amérique Centrale et sa présence récente aux États-Unis, s'est toujours accompagné d'une forte circulation de symboles identitaires. Ces symboles se composent de diverses représentations ethno-raciales qui se sont transformées sous l'incidence de processus politiques et sociaux d'ordre national, régional ou global jusqu'à devenir une identification au sens générique comme peuple afrodescendant.

Donald J. Trump's speaking and writing invite passionate reactions -- maybe he's a bluecollar, billionaire hero who speaks the language of the common man or maybe he's a gleefully illiterate, tremendously unqualified idiot. Whatever the case, he was persuasive enough to get himself elected President of the United States and he's been persuasive enough to keep a majority of his supporters behind him. In Faking the News: What Rhetoric Can Teach Us About Donald J. Trump, eleven prominent rhetoric experts explain how Trump's persuasive language works. Specifically the authors explain Trump's persuasive uses of demagoguery, anti-Semitism, alternative facts, populism, charismatic leadership, social media, television, political slogans, visual identity/image, comedy and humor, and shame and humiliation. Faking the News is written for readers who may not know anything about rhetoric, so each chapter explains a feature of rhetoric and uses that lens to illuminate Trump's rhetorical accomplishments. Specifically, about how he has used and still uses language, symbols, and even style to appeal to the people in his various audiences

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- List of illustrations -- List of contributors -- Introduction -- Introduction: Contextualising disability and sexuality studies -- Part I Theoretical frames and intersections -- Chapter 1 Theorising disabled people's sexual, intimate, and erotic lives: Current theories for disability and sexuality -- Chapter 2 Theoretical developments: Queer theory meets crip theory -- Chapter 3 Thinking differently with Deleuze about the sexual capacities of bodies and the case of infertility amongst men with Down syndrome -- Chapter 4 A critical rethinking of sexuality and dementia: A prolegomenon to future work in critical dementia studies and critical disability studies -- Chapter 5 Combating old ideas and building identity: Sexual identity development in people with disabilities -- Chapter 6 Sexuality and disability in Brazil: Contributions to the promotion of agency and social justice -- Part II Subjugated histories and negotiating traditional discourses -- Chapter 7 Sexuality, disability and madness in California's eugenics era -- Chapter 8 Disability rights through reproductive justice: Eugenic legacies in the abortion wars -- Chapter 9 Sexuality and the disregard of lived reality: The sexual abuse of children and young people with disabilities -- Chapter 10 Sexuality and physical disability: Perspectives and practice within Orthodox Judaism -- Part III Politics, policies and legal frames across the world -- Chapter 11 Sexual citizenship, disability policy and facilitated sex in Sweden -- Chapter 12 Sexual health and disability in Zimbabwe -- Chapter 13 "Tick the straight box": Lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT+) people with intellectual disabilities in the UK.

This book provides a history of the ethnic persecution of the Rohingyas in Myanmar and their disputed ethnic and national identity. It focuses on how the crisis has morphed into a geopolitical encounter among Bangladesh, China, India, and Myanmar. It further explores the moral, ethnographic, and public policy issues in the humanitarian response to the crisis of the Rohingya people. The volume analyzes the question of citizenship for the Rohingyas by analyzing historical documents and interviews which chronicle the status and identity of the community and their past involvement in the government and politics of Myanmar. The authors focus specifically on the changing geopolitical context of state formation in South Asia and the tense relationships between Myanmar and its neighbours - Bangladesh, China, and India. The book examines the alliances and disputes in the South and Southeast Asia region, which are predicated on economic and strategic gains, and their impact on the Rohingya crisis. It also looks at the failure of bilateral and multilateral negotiations among these countries to adequately address or alleviate the plight of the stateless Rohingyas. This volume will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of international studies, peace, human rights and conflict studies, sociology, ethnic studies, border studies, migration and diaspora studies, discrimination and exclusion studies, public policy, and Asian Studies. It will also be useful for professionals working in the media, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), think tanks, and policy makers, as well as general readers interested in the history of the persecution of the Rohingya people.

Intro -- Foreword -- Acknowledgements -- Overview -- Abbreviations -- Contents -- Chapter 1: HIV/AIDS in Bangladesh and Present Research -- 1.1 Introduction -- 1.2 Risk and Vulnerability Factors for HIV/AIDS in Bangladesh -- 1.3 Research on HIV/AIDS in Bangladesh and Present Endeavour -- 1.4 Ethical Approach of the Research -- 1.5 Approach to Study Area Selection -- 1.6 Methods -- 1.7 Concluding Remarks -- References -- Chapter 2: 'Lifeworlds' of Marginalized People -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Female Sex Workers' Everyday Life and Rituals -- 2.3 Drug User's Daily Vulnerability -- 2.4 Sorrows and Anger of PLWH -- 2.5 Everyday Life and HIV Vulnerability -- References -- Chapter 3: Stigmatized People and Societal Prejudice -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Sex Workers' 'Bad' Identity -- 3.3 Stigmatized Drug Addiction -- 3.4 Discrimination Towards PLWH -- 3.5 Identity, Stigma and HIV Danger -- References -- Chapter 4: HIV Risk Behaviour, Consciousness and 'Risk Coping' -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Risk Behaviours of Vulnerable People -- 4.3 HIV Knowledge and Consciousness -- 4.4 Health 'Risk Coping' Practices -- 4.5 Knowledge, Risk Minimization and Sustaining of HIV Risk -- References -- Chapter 5: Stigmatized Place, Mobility and HIV Risk Channelling -- 5.1 Introduction -- 5.2 Place as a 'Risky' and 'Safe' -- 5.3 Mobility and Role of Border Towns -- 5.4 Hidden HIV Cases in Bangladesh? -- 5.5 Place, Mobility and HIV -- References -- Chapter 6: Stigmatized HIV Policy Issues and Local Practice -- 6.1 Introduction -- 6.2 Ambiguity of Recognition to Marginalized People -- 6.3 HIV Prevention and Limitations -- 6.4 HIV Prevalence, Testing and Awareness -- 6.5 Discrimination, Support and Treatment for PLWH -- 6.6 NGO 'Politics' and Donor Policy -- 6.7 HIV Surveillance and Strategic Planning -- 6.8 Expected Role of Government in HIV Prevention -- 6.9 Concluding Remarks.

Intro -- The STIAS series -- CONTENTS -- List of Contributors -- An introduction -- SECTION I: How the Stage was Set -- 01: Racism's workshop -- Introduction -- Prejudice -- Hate -- Some issues: How do prejudice and hate work? Do they work differently? -- A way forward: Between prejudice and hate -- References -- 02: An unlikely turning point -- Skin lightening in historical context -- The commercial development of skin lighteners in the United States and South Africa -- The rise of skin bleaching in South Africa -- Conclusion: The introduction of skin bleaches into South Africa was a genuine turning point -- References -- 03: Settler-colonialism, nationalism and geopolitical politics -- Introduction -- Prehistory -- South Africa's strategic position -- Race, racialism and racism in settler, colonial or nationalist South Africa -- The first encounter with mercantile Europeans -- Early ideas were not embedded in race, but in terms of religion, monetary worth and location -- Dutch identity emerges in reaction to British economic colonialism -- Modern imperialistic capitalism and colonialism -- Dutch settlers cement the concept of Afrikaners -- The British seek to crush emerging Afrikaner identity -- Complex interplay between groups of the South African population -- Anti-British elements seek theories and allies on the global stage -- Early communism -- Afrikaner nationalism looks to Europe -- Post-World War I social experiments in Europe -- The British colonialist attitude after the start of decolonialism -- Indigenous people respond to nationalist provocation -- Multicultural support for more equal treatment moves to the left -- Communism amongst African indigenous groups -- International response to perceived communist threat -- Later Dutch-Afrikaner attitudes -- Discussion of turning points -- Conclusion -- Acknowledgements -- References.

Using the industrial cities of Manchester and Chicago as case studies, this book traces the idea of "citizenship" across different areas of local life in the first half of the twentieth century - from philosophy and festivals to historical re-enactment and public housing. Coalitions of voluntary associations, municipal government and local elites lambasted modern urban culture as the cause of social disintegration. But rather than simply decanting the population to new and smaller settlements they tried to re-imagine a reformed city as a place that could foster loyal and healthy communities. Celebrating civic progress in the period since the "shock city" of the nineteenth century, they sought to create a sense of local pride that could bracket growing class and racial tensions. The diverse individuals, groups and communities of the city reacted in different ways to this message. Some were happy to gather under the identity of one civic banner. Others, held back by discriminatory structures of society, chose to shape their own idea of citizenship - one that looked far beyond the city for a sense of belonging and rights.Historians have tended to emphasise the rise of national identity, state centralisation and popular patriotism at the expense of distinctive local identities, municipal autonomy and expressions of civic pride. This book aims to redress the imbalance, demonstrating how local ideas of belonging could still exert a powerful hold on the making of modern citizenship. TOM HULME is a lecturer in the School of History, Anthropology, Philosophy and Politics, Queen's University Belfast

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- ACKNOWLEDGMENTS -- A NOTE: On Translation, Transliteration, Typography, and the of Russian -- INTRODUCTION: Fraternity Versus Community in the Soviet Gay World -- I. Seeking an Understanding of Soviet Gay Life -- II.Concepts, Goals, and Direction of the Analysis -- III.Content and Organization of the Book -- CHAPTER ONE: Constructing Social Institutions for a Soviet Gay Theory -- I. Definition and Delineation of Community -- II.Sexuality and Community Institutions -- III. Institutions, Community, and the State in the USSR -- CHAPTER TWO: Employing Social Research Methods for a Soviet Gay -- I. Participant Observation -- II.Unstructured Interviews -- III.Survey Research &C Data Analyses -- CHAPTER THREE: The Individual-Level Institutions of Soviet Gay Identity -- I. Defining Identity and Identification -- II.The Extent and Types of Identification -- III.The Development of Homosexual Identities -- CHAPTER FOUR: Ecological-Level Institutions as Soviet Gay Places -- I. Public Places Appropriated for Gay Purposes -- II.Semi-Private and Partly-public Places Subverted for Gay Uses -- III.Private Places Fashioned to Accommodate Gay Needs -- IV.Gay Places in the Soviet Gay World -- CHAPTER FIVE: Group-Level Institutions and Soviet Gay Politics -- I. Legal Restrictions on Homosexual Activity ("Sodomy") -- II.Societal Attitudes Toward Homosexuality -- III.The Prospects for Gay Political Activism in the USSR -- IV.Gay and Lesbian Organizations in the Soviet Union -- CONCLUSION: Fraternity Without Community in the Soviet Gay World -- I. Distinguishing Fraternal Institutions From Communal Ones -- II.Secret Individual-Level Interaction Allows for Soviet Gay Fraternity -- III.Thwarting Group-Level Interaction Prevents Soviet Gay Community -- IV. Constricted Development and the Lack of Soviet Gay Community

Cover page -- Halftitle page -- Title page -- Copyright page -- Contents -- Preface -- CHAPTER 1 The generation wars -- Boomer-blaming: The new acceptable prejudice -- Myth-making and trouble-stirring -- Symbolic warfare, with dangerous consequences -- CHAPTER 2 Boomer-blaming -- Constructing the campaigns -- Austerity ballads: Creating a generational drama out of an economic crisis -- The dangers of demographic determinism -- Punk posturing: Sticking it to the Boomers -- CHAPTER 3 Dramatising the crisis -- Year Zero fantasies -- Generationalist identities and the politics of division -- 'Healing' divisions or inflaming resentment? -- The problem of public opinion -- CHAPTER 4 What's so special about generations? -- The trouble with slicing and dicing -- Concepts of existence -- Reality clashes -- Family stories -- The families we live by -- CHAPTER 5 Generation fables and the 'end of history' -- What are generations responsible for? -- Generation X and the 'end of history' -- Generation as a political identity -- Backlash against the Boomers -- Passing the buck -- CHAPTER 6 Millennial fears -- Millennial angst: What are they moaning about? -- Middle-class dreams - and nightmares -- 'Bad jobs' and work ethics -- Running scared from the zombie economy -- Fearful futures -- CHAPTER 7 'Youthquakes' and the politicisation of generational identity -- Youthquake: What's in a word? -- Voting the wrong way -- Divided generations -- Deep stories and generational identities -- Contradictions of belonging -- CHAPTER 8 'Democratic deficits' and the tyranny of 'future generations' -- Wishing their lives away -- Mobilising generational grievance -- Demographic cleansing -- Hiding behind the children -- Forespeaking the needs of 'future generations' -- CHAPTER 9 Ambivalent adulthood -- Emerging adulthood - and then what? -- Growing up, growing old.