Cette recherche traite de la coopération entre le Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies et la Cour pénale internationale. Il s'agit d'un mécanisme nouveau dans le contexte de la justice pénale internationale, du maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationales. Ce mécanisme appliqué à des situations de crise politique se charge de contribuer à rétablir la paix en poursuivant l'objectif de la lutte à l'impunité. Notre étude, dans sa première partie, analyse l'application du mécanisme de coopération au conflit du Darfour où, depuis 2003 jusqu'à nos jours, ont été perpétrés de graves crimes contre la population civile par le gouvernement de Khartoum et ses milices. Dans une deuxième partie, nous évaluons l'efficacité de la coopération appliquée à notre cas d'étude. La troisième partie examine l'efficacité de la coopération en opérationnalisant l'influence des facteurs politiques, juridiques et économiques qui caractérisent la complexe situation géopolitique de cette région du Soudan. ; This thesis examines cooperation between the United Nations Security Council and the International Criminal Court. This is a new mechanism which plays a crucial role in global criminal justice and the maintenance of international peace and security. This is notably a mechanism that acts when crises occur to contribute to the reestablishment of peace by fighting against impunity. In its first part, this research analyzes the first occasion on which this cooperation occurred, the Darfur conflict, where from 2003 to present, the Khartoum government and the Janjaweed militias have committed serious crimes against civilians. The second part examines the effectiveness of this cooperation mechanism with reference to the ongoing conflict in Darfur. In its third part, the thesis evaluates the effectiveness of the cooperation in contributing to the resolution of this conflict by measuring the influence of political, economic and legal factors characterizing this difficult geopolitical situation in Sudan.
This set of articles discusses and investigates the conditions and situation of Public Universities in 14 countries around the globe. It analyzes the productivist model created for the public university in an era of withdrawal and lack of political and institutional support. It discusses the loss of self-assessment criteria of the academics and their universities, their submission to the quantometric evaluation system that is inadequate d unfair, and it proposes the organization of a global academical joint action to defend and restore in their position the public university and higher education, fighting for its essential role in social development ; Este conjunto de artículos discute e investiga las condiciones y situación de las Universidades Públicas de 14 países de todo el globo, por parte de importantes académicos de cada país. Analiza la productivización y mercantilización de la universidad pública en una era de recortes y falta de apoyo político e institucional. Discute la pérdida de criterios y horizontes de valoración de los académicos y sus escuelas y universidades, su sometimiento al sistema de evaluación cuantométrico que es inadecuado e injusto, y propone la necesidad de organizar una acción conjunta global de los académicos conscientes de esta pérdida de criterios para defender y situar en su puesto la enseñanza superior universitaria y su función vital en el desarrollo social.
In: Child abuse & neglect: the international journal ; official journal of the International Society for the Prevention of Child Abuse and Neglect, Band 19, Heft 3, S. 281-289
Islamophobia, like xenophobia, points to deep-seated, ingrained discrimination against a particular group, whose effective enjoyment of fundamental rights is impaired. This in turn triggers the human rights obligations of liberal democratic states, more particularly states' positive obligations (informed by reasonability considerations) to ensure that fundamental rights are effectively enjoyed, and thus also respected in interpersonal relationships. This article identifies and compares the fault lines in the practice of three international human rights supervisory mechanisms in relation to Islamophobia, namely the Human Rights Committee (International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights), the European Court of Human Rights (European Convention on Human Rights) and the Advisory Committee of the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities. The supervisory practice is analysed in two steps: The analysis of each international supervisory mechanism's jurisprudence, in itself, is followed by the comparison of the fault lines. The latter comparison is structured around the two main strands of strategies that states could adopt in order to counter intolerance: On the one hand, the active promotion of tolerance, inter alia through education, awareness-raising campaigns and the stimulation of intercultural dialogue; on the other, countering acts informed by intolerance, in terms of the prohibition of discrimination (and/or the effective enjoyment of substantive fundamental rights). Having regard to the respective strengths and weaknesses of the supervisory practice of these three international supervisory mechanisms, the article concludes with some overarching recommendations.
The small-scale fisheries sector makes a valuable contribution to livelihoods and food security, particularly in under-resourced countries. Yet small-scale fishers and fishing communities are often vulnerable and marginalised, and the small-scale sector is largely ignored by governments providing subsidies to their fishing industries. Provisions seeking to ban harmful fisheries subsidies are now the subject of several large international trade agreements and negotiations. While this is a laudable and necessary goal, the binding nature and robust enforcement mechanisms of trade agreements make it imperative that small-scale fisheries are protected and provided for in these agreements in the interests of sustainable development and poverty reduction. The thesis considers how this can be achieved. In order to determine what would best serve the interests of small-scale fisheries in trade agreements, the thesis creates a framework of development needs, which underpins the analysis in the remainder of the thesis. This analysis revolves around three large trade agreements and negotiations containing provisions on fisheries subsidies – namely the World Trade Organization (WTO) negotiations, the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), and the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA). Drawing on the development framework, the thesis identifies a number of shortcomings in these agreements when it comes to protections for small-scale fisheries, including a lack of provision for important development needs and a failure to achieve an appropriate balance between development and sustainability considerations. The thesis also considers potential problems that could arise in the conclusion and enforcement of trade agreements dealing with fisheries subsidies, particularly as these relate to small-scale fisheries and sustainable development. Based on this analysis, the thesis makes a number of recommendations to be incorporated in trade agreements going forward that would adequately protect and promote the interests of small-scale fisheries, while not losing sight of sustainability concerns and the practical realities of negotiating complex international trade agreements. These include, inter alia, exemptions for important social assistance subsidies, better representation and transparency, and measures to improve equity between the small-scale sector and other fishing sectors.
In: International journal of legal information: IJLI ; the official journal of the International Association of Law Libraries, Band 36, Heft 1, S. 181-183