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Acknowledgements I would like to thank my peer reviewers as well as co-editors of this special edition for their constructive comments that have helped me streamline and strengthen my argument. ; Peer reviewed ; Publisher PDF

Les mayas qui vivent dans les hauteurs de l'ouest de Chiapas du Mexique son entrain de négocier une nouvelle relation avec le gouvernement de cette nation. Cette communauté tente de faire valoir son autonomie principalement dans les régions où elle est majoritaire et s'oppose à toutes formes de paternalisme de développement et de répression au sein de cette même nation qui a essayé d'éradiquer leur culture. Dans cet article j'explore comment le mouvement qui lutte pour son autonomie en se basant sur les normes collectives de la culture maya comme les plus fortes durant la révolution Mexicaine de 1910-1917, ces normes favorisaient aux entrepreneurs à cause de sa biodiversité minérale, aquifère, et génétique. Les stratégies de l'implantation de l'autonomie appliquée dans les différents secteurs de la région des communes indigènes et des organisations paysannes présentent des modèles dont l'objectif est de créer des institutions pour participer dans des actions nationales et globales. Les différences de genre dans toutes ces actions ont une influence sur l'interprétation de l'autonomie selon la tradition de communautés déclarées autonomes. A partir d'une comparaison de ces pratiques venant de différente partie de Chiapas, j'essaie de démontrer dans un cadre général les conséquences de cette influence dans un model comme un alternatif de l'existence pluriculturelle.

Knights & Willmott look at the understanding of autonomy as an unalloyed virtue. The view that the current positive value given to autonomy is due to a humanistic thinking reinforced by the Enlightenment is examined. Knights & Willmott then look at the ideas of responsible autonomy & empowerment. Finally, the work of Habermas & Foucault is examined. A line of thinking closer to Foucault than to Habermas is followed. Foucault insists that autonomy cannot be the utopian ideal of communicatively competent discourse unconstrained by power. Habermas, on the other hand, does not contemplate autonomy's distopian effects. 47 References. J. Backman

The establishment of autonomous public bodies during the past two decades has created a highly fragmented public sector. Using a dataset with more than 200 Dutch public sector organisations, this article examines three related sets of questions: to what extent a relationship exists between formal and de facto autonomy; the level of influence that interested parties exert upon those organizations; whether a relationship exists between levels of formal and de facto autonomy and the level of influence exercised by these parties. We find that formal autonomy does not reinforce de facto autonomy; organizations with less autonomy report higher levels of political influence when policy autonomy is concerned; and that organizations with more autonomy report higher societal influence on their financial autonomy.

"This book draws connections and explores important questions at the intersection of the debates about relational autonomy and relational equality. Although these two research areas share several common assumptions and concerns, their connections have not been systematically explored. The essays in this volume address theoretical questions at the intersection of relational theories of autonomy and equality and also consider how these theoretical considerations play out in real-world contexts. Several chapters explore possible conceptual links between relational autonomy and equality by considering the role of values-such as agency, non-domination, and self-respect-to which both relational autonomy theorists and relational egalitarians are committed. Others reflect on how debates about autonomy and equality can clarify our thinking about oppression based on race and gender, and how such oppression affects interpersonal relationships. Autonomy and Equality: Relational Approaches is the first book to specifically address the relationship between these two research areas. It will be of interest to scholars and graduate students working in social and political philosophy, moral philosophy, and feminist philosophy"--