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Diese Masterarbeit beschäftigt sich mit dem Umweltschutz und der Bedeutung von Umweltrechten in Bosnien und Herzegowina, einem Land im Herzen Europas, das auch ein potenzieller Beitrittsstaat zur Europäischen Union ist. Da sich das Land in fast allen Bereichen in einer schwierigen Situation befindet, wurden für diese Masterarbeit, Umweltrechte herausgegriffen, die in den EU-Mitgliedstaaten und weltweit eine hohe Bedeutung sowohl für die Wirtschaft und Menschheit sowie deren Zukunft im Gegensatz zu Bosnien und Herzegowina haben. Nach den theoretischen und historischen Informationen im ersten Kapitel der Arbeit, wird im zweiten Kapitel der Zustand der Umwelt in der Stadt Zenica vorgestellt. Soziale Bewegungen im Zusammenhang mit dem Kampf für den Umweltschutz und Strategien, die im Kampf für eine sauberere Umwelt von einer kleinen, noch existierenden Nichtregierungsorganisation eingesetzt wurden und sich dafür einsetzen, werden herausgearbeitet und untersucht. Die Haupthypothese ist, ob die Strategien dieser NGO für den Erfolg ausreichen oder nicht, und wenn nicht, was zur Verbesserung des Umweltzustands erforderlich ist.Diese Forschung verfolgt mehrere Ziele, erstens die grundlegenden Konzepte als Einführung in das Umweltrecht darzustellen und dann die Bedeutung des Umweltrechts in Bosnien und Herzegowina zu beleuchten. Darüber hinaus werden Strategien der NGO "EcoForum" Zenica in ihrem Kampf zur Verbesserung der Umwelt erarbeitet und mögliche Mängel oder Verbesserungsmöglichkeiten aufgezeigt. Schließlich ist das übergeordnete Ziel dieser Arbeit, das der Verfasser anstrebt, die Problematik der Passivität der Bürger und der Mitverantwortung von Institutionen auf allen Regierungsebenen zu konkretisieren, aufgrund deren Untätigkeit die Bürger mit dem Problem der übermäßigen Verschmutzung aller Aspekte konfrontiert sind , vor allem die Luft, die sie atmen.Die Schlussfolgerung enthält Informationen darüber, ob die in der Dissertation erarbeiteten und vorgestellten Strategien der NGO für den Erfolg oder zum Scheitern im Kampf für eine bessere Umwelt ausreichen, sowie Wege und Empfehlungen zur Verbesserung der aktuellen Situation im Zusammenhang mit dem sehr schlechten ökologischen Zustand von der Stadt. ; This master's thesis deals with environmental protection and the importance of environmental rights in Bosnia and Herzegovina, a country in the heart of Europe that is also a potential member state for accession to the European Union. Given that the country is in a difficult situation in almost all fields, for the purposes of this research, environmental rights have been singled out, which have positioned themselves in the EU member states and around the world on a high scale of importance for both the economy and humanity, as well as its future, unlike Bosnia and Herzegovina. After giving the theoretical and historical information in the first chapter of the thesis, the state of the environment in the town named Zenica will be presented in the second chapter. Social movement related to the fight for environmental protection and strategies which were used in the fight for the cleaner environment by a small non-governmental organization which still exists and fights for the same will be elaborated and examined. The main hypothesis is whether the strategies of this NGO are sufficient for success or not, and if not, what is needed to improve the state of environment.There are several aims of this research, firstly to present the basic concepts as an introduction to environmental law and then review the importance of environmental law in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Additionally, strategies that the NGO "EcoForum" Zenica uses in its struggle to improve the environment will be elaborated and possible shortcomings or possible ways for improvement will be presented. Finally, the overall goal of this thesis, which the creator strives for, is to concretize the problem of passivity of citizens and the joint responsibility of institutions at all levels of government due to whose inaction, citizens face the problem of excessive pollution of all aspects, especially the air they breathe.The conclusion will carry information on whether the NGO's strategies elaborated and presented in the thesis are sufficient for success or lead to failure in the fight for a better environment as well as ways and recommendations to improve the current situation related to the very poor ecological condition of the city. This master's thesis deals with environmental protection and the importance of environmental rights in Bosnia and Herzegovina, a country in the heart of Europe that is also a potential member state for accession to the European Union. Given that the country is in a difficult situation in almost all fields, for the purposes of this research, environmental rights have been singled out, which have positioned themselves in the EU member states and around the world on a high scale of importance for both the economy and humanity, as well as its future, unlike Bosnia and Herzegovina. After giving the theoretical and historical information in the first chapter of the thesis, the state of the environment in the town named Zenica will be presented in the second chapter. Social movement related to the fight for environmental protection and strategies which were used in the fight for the cleaner environment by a small non-governmental organization which still exists and fights for the same will be elaborated and examined. The main hypothesis is whether the strategies of this NGO are sufficient for success or not, and if not, what is needed to improve the state of environment.There are several aims of this research, firstly to present the basic concepts as an introduction to environmental law and then review the importance of environmental law in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Additionally, strategies that the NGO "EcoForum" Zenica uses in its struggle to improve the environment will be elaborated and possible shortcomings or possible ways for improvement will be presented. Finally, the overall goal of this thesis, which the creator strives for, is to concretize the problem of passivity of citizens and the joint responsibility of institutions at all levels of government due to whose inaction, citizens face the problem of excessive pollution of all aspects, especially the air they breathe.The conclusion will carry information on whether the NGO's strategies elaborated and presented in the thesis are sufficient for success or lead to failure in the fight for a better environment as well as ways and recommendations to improve the current situation related to the very poor ecological condition of the city. ; Arbeit an der Bibliothek noch nicht eingelangt - Daten nicht geprüft ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Masterarbeit Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz 2021

Throughout history, education has not only been a carrier of culture, but also an integral part of communication between different cultures. Challenges faced by educational and cultural institutions in most modern pluralistic societies are higher than in earlier societies. The legacy of ethnic conflict in the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in which traditional value of multicultural and multi-religious life was undermined, had immediate implications for social, cultural and educational policies. Educational policy, based on the assumption of a national culture that promotes national exclusivity through textbooks and educational practice, should overcome in recognition of cultural diversity and dialogue in a globalized world where differences should be considered an advantage and not deemed an obstacle to common life and cooperation. The paper highlights the importance of introducing interculturalism as an important component of the overall educational practice. Teaching the value of diversity, the affirmation of universal values that underlie a democratic society, a sense of responsibility to themselves and to each other, the rejection of exclusion and differentiation of others on any basis, solidarity and cooperation, are current issues of the modern pedagogical and sociological discourse. These concerns must receive a stronger affirmation and application in the educational process of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

"Human Trafficking is a phenomenon often observed in post-conflict environments and as such can be analysed from the stand of peace and conflict studies. Trafficking in women for the purpose of forced prostitution has been a serious problem in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina. A prominent approach is to look at the international personnel as a factor influencing the fast growing sex industry. I argue that such a view is too short-sighted and that social factors play a vital role for the degradation of women to objects. The militarisation of society and a hatred of women before, during and after the war facilitated the trafficking in women. After having looked at the phenomenon of trafficking and reasons for women to migrate, I then examine the factors that helped to make Bosnia and Herzegovina a destination country for trafficked women. One factor that remains is the involvement of international personnel. The trafficking was facilitated by a weak juridical system and a corrupt police. Then I turn to the factors within the Bosnian society: I show that even though the communists declared the 'women's question' as solved, they could not change gender relations in former Yugoslavia to a true gender equality. During the break-up of Yugoslavia, traditional gender relations became part of the war strategy, using gender images either to form a group or dissociate it from the other. In this context, rape also aimed at humiliating the other groups and served as a tool of communication between men. This misogynist strategy laid ground for trafficking and trading women like commodities. The presence of international personnel is thus only one factor for the expansion of prostitution, albeit the most visible. The other factors are deeper embedded within society and its specific postconflictsituation." (author's abstract)

This article investigates the quest for institutional reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina since the 1995 Dayton Peace Agreement. Reform does not take place in a vacuum and the successful reform of the Bosnian polity is dependent on public support. Public demands for reform are likely to be influenced by how the current institutions are believed to be functioning and by the public support for the current institutional set-up as such. Still, the demands for alterations by the political elites of the different national communities highlight a continuing lack of consensus. Although the Constitution allows for a revision, the political room for such changes is limited, and the challenge remains to provide adequate degree of autonomy of national groups without diminishing the quality of democracy. The need to differentiate between the protection of legitimate national and minority rights and unacceptable nationalist demands emerges as a challenge with no easy solution.

In this study, using the methods of spatial autocorrelation in geographic information systems (GIS), an analysis of the spatial distribution of mortality rates in Bosnia and Herzegovina was performed in order to identify high-risk areas with increased mortality and depopulation. Spatial analysis is based on the calculation of global (Global Moran's I and Getis-Ord General G) and local (Anselin Local Moran's I and Getis-Ord Gi*) statistical indices of spatial autocorrelation. The values of global statistical indices confirmed a clustering of high mortality values, while local statistical indices confirmed high mortality rates in the municipalities of northwestern and eastern Bosnia and Herzegovina. Conducted research provides an insight into spatial patterns of demographic processes, while results obtained by this research are significant for demographic development and future spatial demographic research in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

After the breakup of Yugoslavia in 1991, Bosnia and Herzegovina erupted into ethnic conflict and ultimately genocide. Nearly 100,000 people, mainly Bosniaks, died in the Bosnian War. Two decades later, the violence has ended but the conflict is still present in Bosnia; the societal segregation of the 1995 Dayton Accords, intended only as an immediate solution to the violence, still stands. Population and language distribution are evidence of this segregation. Bosnia's two entities are home to two different ethnic majorities: Serbs in the Republika Srpska and Bosniaks in the Federation of BiH. In an environment so sensitive that the government recently feared that merely releasing statistics on ethnic populations might cause violence, the languages that represent these populations are important indicators of social presence and power. In order to evaluate the presence of the Serbian and Bosnian languages, as well as the English language, in Bosnia, signage on the main streets in the country's capitals were photographed in great detail. It was hypothesized that linguistic majority would match ethnic majority on both main streets, and that English would appear frequently in advertisements. The number of photographs in which each language appeared was tallied up in order to determine how often the languages are typically used. Analyses of these results demonstrated that the English language is the second-most ubiquitous on both streets, after Bosnian, and the comparatively small presence of the Serbian language on both streets indicated that the linguistic environment in Bosnia is not conducive to peace and reconciliation.

After the breakup of Yugoslavia in 1991, Bosnia and Herzegovina erupted into ethnic conflict and ultimately genocide. Nearly 100,000 people, mainly Bosniaks, died in the Bosnian War. Two decades later, the violence has ended but the conflict is still present in Bosnia; the societal segregation of the 1995 Dayton Accords, intended only as an immediate solution to the violence, still stands. Population and language distribution are evidence of this segregation. Bosnia's two entities are home to two different ethnic majorities: Serbs in the Republika Srpska and Bosniaks in the Federation of BiH. In an environment so sensitive that the government recently feared that merely releasing statistics on ethnic populations might cause violence, the languages that represent these populations are important indicators of social presence and power. In order to evaluate the presence of the Serbian and Bosnian languages, as well as the English language, in Bosnia, signage on the main streets in the country's capitals were photographed in great detail. It was hypothesized that linguistic majority would match ethnic majority on both main streets, and that English would appear frequently in advertisements. The number of photographs in which each language appeared was tallied up in order to determine how often the languages are typically used. Analyses of these results demonstrated that the English language is the second-most ubiquitous on both streets, after Bosnian, and the comparatively small presence of the Serbian language on both streets indicated that the linguistic environment in Bosnia is not conducive to peace and reconciliation.

The processes of peace-building and democratization in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) were instituted on 14 December 1995 by the Dayton Accords, which brought an end to the Bosnian War. While claiming their objectives to be reconciliation, democracy, and ethnic pluralism, the accords inscribed in law the ethnic partition between Bosnian Serbs, Croats, and Muslims by granting rights to "people" based on their identification as "ethnic collectivities." This powerful tension at the heart of "democratization" efforts has been central to what has transpired over the past 16 years. My account uses ethnographic methods and anthropological analysis to document how the ethnic emphasis of the local nationalist projects and international integration policies is working in practice to flatten the multilayered discourses of nationhood in BiH. As a result of these processes, long-standing notions of trans-ethnic nationhood in BiH lost their political visibility and potency. In this article I explore how trans-ethnicnarodor nation(hood) — as a space of popular politics, cultural interconnectedness, morality, political critique, and economic victimhood — still lingers in the memories and practices of ordinary Bosnians and Herzegovinians, thus powerfully informing their political subjectivities.

Die Verhinderung von Diskriminierung ist für das Funktionieren eines demokratischen Staates unabdingbar. Der Schwerpunkt der Masterarbeit liegt auf Bosnien und Herzegowina, dh auf der Gesetzgebung, die die Diskriminierungsprävention regelt. An der Forschung werden auch andere Institutionen beteiligt sein, darunter der Ombudsmann für Menschenrechte und NGOs. Der theoretische Teil konzentriert sich auf den internationalen Rechtsrahmen und die Regulierung der Gesetze in der EU. Im Folgenden liegt der Fokus auf der Gesetzgebung in Bosnien und Herzegowina, beginnend mit der Verfassung und dem Antidiskriminierungsgesetz. Am Ende des theoretischen Teils folgt eine Analyse, um möglichst klar die rechtliche Regelung dieses Themas aufzuzeigen und ob es mögliche Mängel und eine Möglichkeit zur generellen Verbesserung gibt.Bei der empirischen Arbeit liegt der Fokus auf der Menschenrechtsanwaltschaft und Nichtregierungsorganisationen. Es werden Indikatoren in den Vordergrund treten, die verdeutlichen, wie diese Organisationen funktionieren und wo sie im System der Diskriminierungsbekämpfung stehen. Die Institution des Ombudsmannes für Menschenrechte ist zweifellos von Bedeutung im Umgang mit Diskriminierungsfragen und steht als solche im Fokus der Forschung. Es ist auch wichtig, die besondere Rolle dieser Institution zu erläutern, wie sie funktioniert und wie sie den diskriminierten Menschen hilft. Als Schlüsselelemente gelten Unabhängigkeit und Effektivität. Der empirische Teil umfasst auch forschungsrelevante Studien und Berichte sowie Gerichtsurteile, die sich auf das Ergebnis des gesamten Prozesses beziehen. ; Prevention of discrimination is essential for the functioning of a democratic state. The focus of the master thesis will be on Bosnia and Herzegovina, ie on the legislation that regulates prevention of discrimination. The research will also involve other institutions, including the human rights ombudsman and NGOs.Theoretical part will focus on the international legal framework and regulation of laws in the EU. In the following, the focus will be on the legislation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, starting with the constitution and anti-discrimination law. At the end of the theoretical part, an analysis will follow in order to indicate as clearly as possible the legal regulation of this issue and whether there are potential shortcomings and a possibility of general improvement.As for the empirical work, the focus is on the human rights ombudsman and non-governmental organizations. Indicators will come to the fore that will clarify how these organizations function and where they are in the system of combating discrimination. The institution of the human rights ombudsman is undoubtedly significant in dealing with discrimination issues, and as such is the focus of the research. It is also important to explain the specific role of this institution, how it functions, and how it helps those who are being discriminated against. As key elements are independence and effectiveness. The empirical part will also include studies and reportsthat are relevant to the research, and court judgments that are relate to the outcome in the whole process ; Arbeit an der Bibliothek noch nicht eingelangt - Daten nicht geprüft ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Masterarbeit Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz 2021

Examines international efforts, US pressures, and domestic events leading up to the 1995 Dayton Accords, key provisions of the accords, and obstacles to implementation. Includes list of core elements of the Peace Agreement on Boznia and Herzegovina, signed on Dec. 14, 1995.

We provide empirical evidence on the determinants of income inequality in Bosnia and Herzegovina after the civil war. To do this, we use a an ordered probit approach and take advantage of the first post‐war household survey for the country which sheds some light on the influence of regional differences as well as household characteristics on income quintile determination. With respect to the former, we find large income differences between the two entities in the country, the Federation and Republika Srpska. Such income differences are also noticeable inside entities. On the latter, there are some signs that education, experience, and employment, among others, may help reduce the probability of income decline. Our results are robust to changes of specification as shown by applying a formal sensitivity analysis.JEL classification: O15, O10, I30.