Suchergebnisse

ÖZETİnsan haklarının dünya siyasetindeki rolü gün geçtikçe artmaktadır. İnsan haklarının giderek artan önemi insan hakları ve egemenlik, insan hakları ve milliyetçilik, insan hakları ve siyasal sistemler arasındaki ilişki vb. konulara dikkat çekmektedir. İnsan hakları, ülkelerin dış politika kararları üzerinde de etkili olmaya başlamıştır.Bu çalışmada da insan hakları konusu yukarıda değinilen bağlamda ele alınmıştır. Ancak çalışmanın daha belirgin (spesifik) bir amacı vardır: İnsan haklarının Avrupa Birliği'nin dış ilişkilerinde bir faktör olarak oynadığı rol. Bu çerçevede, öncelikle Avrupa Birliği Kurucu Antlaşmaları'nda yer alan insan haklarının korunması ile ilgili maddeler incelenmiş, Avrupa Temel Haklar Şartı ile gelişimin son noktası vurgulanmıştır. Avrupa Birliği'nin dış ilişkilerinde kullanmış olduğu araçlar (deklarasyonlar,siyasi diyalog,ortak pozisyon vb) sıralanırken insan hakları maddelerinin yer aldığı antlaşmalara özel bir önem verilmiştir. 1990'lardan bu yana yapılmakta olan bu tür antlaşmalar içinde barındırdığı "insan hakları maddesi" vasıtasıyla birtakım yaptırımlar içermektedir. İnsan hakları ihlalleri karşısında antlaşmanın askıya alınması ya da durdurulması mümkündür(Cotonou Antlaşması'nda olduğu gibi).Son bölüm, insan hakları konusunun Türkiye-Avrupa Birliği ilişkilerindeki rolü üzerinedir.Son gelişmeler ışığında (Katılım Ortaklığı Belgesinde sözü edilen kısa ve orta vadeli öncelikler gibi)insan haklarının Türkiye-Avrupa Birliği ilişkilerindeki rolü incelenmiştir.ABSTRACTThe emergence of human rights as an issue has had several implications in international affairs. The first effect of human rights has been witnessed in foreign policies of nation-states. They (States) have been caught in a dilemma: on the one hand, there has been human rights concerns which have indeed raised as moral imperatives,on the other hand,the long-rooted concept of international system that is sovereignty and non-interference principle.However, in this specific study, the main concern is not concentrated on individual state practices ( though they are to be mentioned briefly) as regards human rights but on the European Union's human rights policy in its external relations.Since it is not a state but still has its own sphere of influence it offers a unique path with regard to human rights. Thus, this study is focused on the role of human rights in the European Union's external relations. In this regard, first a general framework has been drawn.Secondly, the European Union's human rights policy has been put on the table. The integration into agreements of human rights clauses as part of conditionality is significant in this sense;this tool has increasingly been used by the Union to have influence on human rights issues( as seen in the Cotonou and Europe Agreements).The last part has been devoted to a special case study that is the role of human rights in Turkey-European Union Relations.In the light of recent developments such as short and midterm priorities brought by the Accession Partnership ,the role assumed by human rights factor in this relationship has been tried to clarify.

The Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia, commonly referred to as the Visegrad Four (V4) states, developed friendly relations with several African states both during and after the wave of independence. After the transition from Socialist to democratic systems at the beginning of the 1990s, the focus of the Visegrad countries had shifted to the West. The foreign policies of the V4 mainly focused on the accession to NATO and then to the EU, to the relative neglect of other aspects and regions, including Africa. As one of the conditions for acceding to the European Union (EU) in 2004, the members of the Visegrad group acceded to the EU-Africa, Caribbean, and Pacific Group of States (ACP) Cotonou Partnership Agreement. They also became part of the regular Africa-EU Summits of Heads of State and Government, and became influential actors in the EU's Neighbourhood Policy that covers relations with North Africa as well as with the Central and East European region under the Eastern Partnership (EaP). Discussions on EU-Africa relations strongly emphasise the engagement and interests of certain (founding) EU member states who have traditionally been vocal in this sphere. On the other side, there is a widely spread perception of the V4's lack of interest in Africa. Nevertheless, while facing the recent turmoil induced by the migration crisis, the V4 governments often declare the intention of greater commitment to development cooperation and humanitarian aid, especially in African migrants' countries of origin.This paper discusses the recent engagement of the Visegrad countries in the EU-Africa relations, with a key focus on four main issues (the post-Cotonou mandate negotiations; the southern dimension of the European Neighbourhood Policy; the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa; and the European Development Fund). Furthermore, it identifies prospects for the Group's future engagement.The Visegrad countries' foreign policy, as well as economic priorities, primarily lie somewhere else and not in Africa. Their focus on the EaP is one of the reasons why the V4 engagement in the shaping of EU-Africa relations has been limited. Since their interests are elsewhere, they try to balance the EU's focus within its external relations. Also, the V4 countries often point to their lack of interests and expertise in this region. Seemingly, there are too many technical and political limitations for a considerable increase of the V4 engagement in Africa in the near future.This paper's findings suggest that the migration crisis indeed reinforced the increasing interest of Visegrad countries in Africa, and to some extent accelerated their engagement – both in this region and in the EU arena. However, the tendency to (re)engage in Africa had been initiated before the migration crisis, and it was a result of higher interest stemming from security concerns and from the desire to diversify economic ties.The overall conclusion of this paper is that the V4 have not managed to effectively translate their joint positions on EU-Africa relations into collective action within the EU. In most of the cases they did not share interests and, in consequence, did not formulate joint positions. This could particularly be observed in the post-Cotonou mandate negotiations. Nevertheless, along with the emergence of the current migration and refugee crisis, a new field for joint engagement of the V4 appeared. Since joint efforts could help to overcome the lack of capacities for greater development cooperation and diplomatic representation, there is now potential for the Visegrad countries cooperation on the ground.

The Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia, commonly referred to as the Visegrad Four (V4) states, developed friendly relations with several African states both during and after the wave of independence. After the transition from Socialist to democratic systems at the beginning of the 1990s, the focus of the Visegrad countries had shifted to the West. The foreign policies of the V4 mainly focused on the accession to NATO and then to the EU, to the relative neglect of other aspects and regions, including Africa. As one of the conditions for acceding to the European Union (EU) in 2004, the members of the Visegrad group acceded to the EU-Africa, Caribbean, and Pacific Group of States (ACP) Cotonou Partnership Agreement. They also became part of the regular Africa-EU Summits of Heads of State and Government, and became influential actors in the EU's Neighbourhood Policy that covers relations with North Africa as well as with the Central and East European region under the Eastern Partnership (EaP). Discussions on EU-Africa relations strongly emphasise the engagement and interests of certain (founding) EU member states who have traditionally been vocal in this sphere. On the other side, there is a widely spread perception of the V4's lack of interest in Africa. Nevertheless, while facing the recent turmoil induced by the migration crisis, the V4 governments often declare the intention of greater commitment to development cooperation and humanitarian aid, especially in African migrants' countries of origin. This paper discusses the recent engagement of the Visegrad countries in the EU-Africa relations, with a key focus on four main issues (the post-Cotonou mandate negotiations; the southern dimension of the European Neighbourhood Policy; the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa; and the European Development Fund). Furthermore, it identifies prospects for the Group's future engagement. The Visegrad countries' foreign policy, as well as economic priorities, primarily lie somewhere else and not in Africa. Their focus on the EaP is one of the reasons why the V4 engagement in the shaping of EU-Africa relations has been limited. Since their interests are elsewhere, they try to balance the EU's focus within its external relations. Also, the V4 countries often point to their lack of interests and expertise in this region. Seemingly, there are too many technical and political limitations for a considerable increase of the V4 engagement in Africa in the near future. This paper's findings suggest that the migration crisis indeed reinforced the increasing interest of Visegrad countries in Africa, and to some extent accelerated their engagement – both in this region and in the EU arena. However, the tendency to (re)engage in Africa had been initiated before the migration crisis, and it was a result of higher interest stemming from security concerns and from the desire to diversify economic ties. The overall conclusion of this paper is that the V4 have not managed to effectively translate their joint positions on EU-Africa relations into collective action within the EU. In most of the cases they did not share interests and, in consequence, did not formulate joint positions. This could particularly be observed in the post-Cotonou mandate negotiations. Nevertheless, along with the emergence of the current migration and refugee crisis, a new field for joint engagement of the V4 appeared. Since joint efforts could help to overcome the lack of capacities for greater development cooperation and diplomatic representation, there is now potential for the Visegrad countries cooperation on the ground.

In der G20, der EU und in Deutschland fordern derzeit viele Stimmen einen Quantensprung in der wirtschaftlichen Zusammenarbeit zwischen Europa und Afrika. Im Gegensatz dazu wird die Diskussion zu den EU-Afrika-Handelsbeziehungen aber häufig nur auf die Wirtschaftspartnerschaftsabkommen (Economic Partnership Agreements, EPAs) reduziert. Die Geschichte der EPA-Verhandlungen begann im Jahr 2000 mit der Unterzeichnung des Cotonou-Partnerschaftsabkommens (CPA) zwischen der EU und den afrikanischen, karibischen und pazifischen Staaten (der AKP-Gruppe). Die daran anschließenden Verhandlungen entwickelten sich jedoch bald äußerst kontrovers. Während des EU-Afrika-Gipfels im Jahr 2007 eskalierten die angespannten Debatten nach der Kritik afrikanischer Staats- und Regierungschefs, die EU verfolge lediglich die Absicht, Handelsabkommen zwischen zutiefst asymmetrischen Märkten abzuschließen. Mit Blick auf den EU-Afrika-Gipfel im November 2017 ist es daher wichtig, den Dialog darüber fortzusetzen, was die EU und Afrika mithilfe der EPAs erreichen wollen. Die EPAs könnten als Teil einer breiter angelegten Afrika-Strategie, die durch adäquate politische, personelle und finanzielle Ressourcen gestützt wird, zu einer Vertiefung der Zusammenarbeit beitragen. Doch die Zukunft der EPAs ist umstritten. Viele Akteure haben stark voneinander abweichende Erwartungen an die EPAs. Ein starkes gemeinsames Interesse an einer Intensivierung der Handelskooperation zwischen Afrika und der EU ist aber trotz der anhaltenden Kontroversen um die EPAs auf beiden Seiten nach wie vor vorhanden. Vor diesem Hintergrund werden in diesem Papier vier Szenarien für die Zukunft der EPAs untersucht – mit ihren jeweiligen Chancen und Risiken: Szenario A: Fortführen der bisherigen EPA-Strategie Szenario B: Abbrechen der EPA-Verhandlungen Szenario C: Wiedereröffnung der EPA-Verhandlungen auf neuer Grundlage Szenario D: Verfolgung einer angepassten und flexibleren EPA-Agenda Die Diskussion dieser Szenarien zeigt, dass EPAs wichtige Vorteile für die EU-Afrika-Handelsbeziehungen beinhalten, z. B. indem sie die Rechtssicherheit für die beteiligten Parteien stärken (Szenario A). Der Abbruch der Verhandlungen (Szenario B) bietet keinerlei Lösung für die Zukunft der EU-Afrika-Beziehungen, und auch ein Neustart derselben (Szenario C) eröffnet keine guten Erfolgsaussichten. Wir plädieren daher für eine modifizierte und flexibilisierte EPA-Agenda (Szenario D), die die Bedenken der AKP-Länder gezielt anspricht, regionale afrikanische Integrationsprozesse besser stärkt und mehr begleitende Unterstützungsmaßnahmen vorsieht als Szenario A. Es ist nicht hilfreich, die EPAs separat zu betrachten und zu erwarten, dass sie "aus sich selbst heraus" im Bereich Handel und Entwicklung substanzielle Ergebnisse leisten können. Wenn die momentane Stagnation überwunden werden soll, müssen sich alle Akteure – ob kritisch oder moderat – an explizit interessengeleiteten Gesprächen beteiligen. Szenario D bietet die Möglichkeit, dass die EPAs ein integraler Bestandteil der Debatte über Handel und Investitionen werden, während sie bis dato eher einen separaten Diskussionsstrang in den EU-Afrika-Beziehungen bilden.

This paper discussed the main arguments that deal with the issues of development cooperation between Europe and West Africa. At the turn of the 21st century, it is clear that economic and security challenges which Sub-Saharan Africa faces are unique in nature. While the issues concerning the future of the African continent occupy a prominent place on the international agenda in matters of economy and security, the improvement of living conditions and the satisfaction of the most indispensable needs are the dilemmas that most countries are trying to resolve. The primary objective of the thesis was to examine the reasons which contributed to the failure of development strategies in West Africa to identify the dilemma of economic development and political and social stability. Despite the fact that a number of studies have examined economic development and security issues as separate domains, the emphasis has not been on the correlation between economic development and socio-political stability in the relatively stable countries in West Africa. Therefore, the theoretical framework was an attempt to associate economic development with security concerns by utilizing Securitization theory (as a middle ground between Constructivism and Classical Realism). The methodology of the thesis applied qualitative methods (documentary analysis and discourse analysis) to demonstrate that the current difficulties, in term of economic development and security, have historical roots. This methodological approach was preferred because it enables to thoroughly comprehend issues like migration, terrorism, and economic development which remain among the central viii issues in international relations. The paper applied the following structure to present its findings. After providing an overview of the scope and context of the topic, the paper first examines the critical nature of economic relations among regional institutions and states (in Europe and West Africa) through their economic agreements and trade conventions (Yaoundé, Lomé, or Cotonou). The liberalization conditionality and the purpose of trade agreements on development are elaborated to compare and contrast the preferential trade agreements (PTA) with the economic trade agreements (EPA). This scrutiny served to illuminate the motives which led to the establishment of regional organizations in the African continent and the path to the economic globalization. In these writings, it is possible to encounter descriptions and analyses of economic indicators. This thesis does not, however, intend to have a quantitative approach because it focuses on a policymaking process and the social impact of these agreements. Next, the thesis provided an in-depth examination of reactive and proactive policies related to economic and trade relations to explain the root causes of migration (with the failure of agricultural and industrial sectors) and security issues (with the increase of terrorism and the failure of the education system) in West Africa. Finally, the concluding chapter acknowledged several parameters which caused the failures of economic, political, and social policies and argued that the economic relations between European states and West African countries were not based on mutual interest. It is also concluded that the integration model and the official development aid (ODA) to assist the underdeveloped nations in West Africa contributed to the asymmetric relationship and current development concerns. Consequently, the Marshall Plan with Africa (under the leadership of the Federal Republic of Germany) as a new cooperation model based on mutual interest could give West Africa its rightful place in international relations. ; Bu çalışmada Avrupa ve Batı Afrika arasındaki kalkınma işbirliği konularıyla ilgili başlıca argümanlar ele alınmıştır. 21. yüzyılın başında, Sahra Altı Afrika'nın karşı karşıya kaldığı ekonomik ve güvenlik zorluklarının tabiatı gereği benzersiz olduğu açıktır. Afrika kıtasının geleceği ile ilgili konular, ekonomi ve güvenlik konularında uluslararası gündemde önemli bir yer tutarken yaşam koşullarının iyileştirilmesi ve en vazgeçilmez ihtiyaçların karşılanması çoğu ülkenin çözmeye çalıştığı ikilemlerdir. Tezin temel amacı, ekonomik kalkınma ile politik ve sosyal istikrar ikilemini belirlemek için Batı Afrika'daki kalkınma stratejilerinin başarısız olmasına sebep olan nedenleri incelemektir. Bazı çalışmalar ekonomik gelişme ve güvenlik konularını ayrı alanlar olarak incelemiş olmasına rağmen, vurgu, Batı Afrika'daki nispeten istikrarlı ülkelerde ekonomik gelişme ile sosyopolitik istikrar arasındaki ilişki üzerinde olmamıştır. Bu nedenle, teorik çerçeve, Güvenlikleştirme teorisini (Yapılandırmacılık ile Klasik Gerçekçilik arasında bir orta yol olarak) kullanarak, ekonomik gelişmeyi güvenlik endişeleriyle ilişkilendirme amacında olmuştur. Tezin metodolojisi olarak, ekonomik gelişme ve güvenlik açısından mevcut zorlukların tarihsel kökene sahip olduğunu göstermek için nitel yöntemler (belgesel analizi ve söylem analizi) uygulanmıştır. Bu metodolojik yaklaşım tercih edildi çünkü uluslararası ilişkilerde başlıca konular arasında bulunan göç, terörizm ve ekonomik kalkınma gibi sorunların iyice kavranmasını sağlamaktadır. Çalışma, bulgularını aktarmak için aşağıdaki yapıyı uygulamıştır. Konunun kapsamı ve bağlamına genel bir bakış sağladıktan sonra, çalışma ilk olarak ekonomik anlaşmalar ve ticaret sözleşmeleri (Yaoundé, Lomé veya Cotonou) aracılığıyla bölgesel kurumlar ve devletler (Avrupa ve Batı Afrika'da) arasındaki vi ekonomik ilişkilerin kritik durumunu incelemektedir. Liberalleşme şartlılık ilkesi ve kalkınma ile ilgili ticaret anlaşmalarının amacı, tercihli ticaret anlaşmalarını (PTA) ekonomik ticaret anlaşmalarıyla (EPA) kıyaslamak ve karşılaştırmak için hazırlanmıştır. Bu inceleme, Afrika kıtasında bölgesel örgütlenmelerin kurulmasına sebep olan ve ekonomik küreselleşmenin yolunu açan nedenleri aydınlatmayı sağlamıştır. Bu yazılarda, ekonomik göstergelerin açıklamaları ve analizleriyle karşılaşmak mümkündür. Bununla birlikte, bu tez niceliksel bir yaklaşıma sahip olmayı amaçlamamaktadır, çünkü politika oluşturma sürecine ve bu anlaşmaların sosyal etkilerine odaklanmaktadır. Sonrasında, tez, Batı Afrika'da göçün temel nedenlerini (tarım ve sanayi sektörlerinin başarısızlığı ile) ve güvenlik sorunlarını (terörizmin artması ve eğitim sisteminin başarısızlığı ile) açıklamak için ekonomik ve ticari ilişkilerle ilgili reaktif ve proaktif politikaların derinlemesine incelenmesini sağlamıştır. Son olarak, sonuç bölümünde ekonomik, politik ve sosyal politikaların başarısızlığına neden olan birçok parametre belirtilmiş ve Avrupa ülkeleri ile Batı Afrika ülkeleri arasındaki ekonomik ilişkilerin karşılıklı çıkarlara dayanmadığı savunulmuştur. Ayrıca, entegrasyon modelinin ve Batı Afrika'daki azgelişmiş ülkelere yardım etmek için resmi kalkınma yardımının (ODA) asimetrik ilişki ve mevcut kalkınma endişelerine katkıda bulundukları sonucuna varılmıştır. Sonuç olarak, Afrika ile Marshall Planı (Almanya Federal Cumhuriyeti öncülüğünde) karşılıklı çıkarlara dayanan yeni bir işbirliği modeli olarak Batı Afrika'ya uluslararası ilişkilerde hakettiği yeri verebilir.

Les années 1990 constituent un tournant décisif dans la gestion de la migration dans l'espace européen et ceci pour plusieurs facteurs. En effet, au moment où une régionalisation ou une communautarisation se mettait en place progressivement en Europe (Schengen 1985 et Convention d'application de 1990), des ressortissants de certains pays tiers tentaient de rejoindre le continent européen dans le but d'améliorer leurs conditions de travail et de vie, de trouver une protection internationale, de fuir les guerres, les conflits et des conditions climatiques peu propices au respect de leurs fondamentaux. Elles coïncident avec la réduction des possibilités de migrer également vers l'Europe, la fermeture et le contrôle des frontières extérieures de l'Union européenne (UE), l'organisation internationale qui regroupe 27 pays membres ayant pour mission de créer une communauté économique et politique et qui a mis en place une politique de lutte contre l'immigration irrégulière. La lutte européenne contre l'immigration vise principalement à stopper l'arrivée de migrants irréguliers et à renvoyer des étrangers irréguliers présents sur le sol européen vers des pays tiers. Désormais, l'accès à l'Europe forteresse devient presque impossible pour des ressortissants provenant de certaines régions notamment d'Afrique subsaharienne qui ont orienté leur choix vers l'immigration irrégulière. De pays d'émigration, le Sénégal et le Maroc deviennent aussi des pays de transit pour les candidats à l'émigration irrégulière vers l'Europe. Cet état de fait explique amplement les choix opérés par l'UE de renforcer sa coopération avec ces pays tiers en vue de mieux lutter contre l'immigration irrégulière. Il s'agit pour l'UE de transférer des obligations et des responsabilités aux pays d'origine ou de transit dans la gestion des flux migratoires et le contrôle des frontières extérieures de l'UE. C'est l'externalisation de la lutte européenne contre l'immigration irrégulière. Cette externalisation se réalise au travers de l'adoption d'accords internationaux qui peuvent mener à l'introduction de clause migratoire également dans des accords généraux conclus entre l'UE et les pays tiers, notamment dans l'accord de Cotonou, conclu entre l'UE et les pays ACP. En outre, l'adoption de déclarations politiques entre l'UE et les pays tiers afin de transférer à ces derniers la responsabilité de limiter les départs et d'accepter de réadmettre leurs ressortissants ou des étrangers ayant transité sur leur sol, qui sont présents irrégulièrement en Europe, est un instrument de mesure de l'externalisation. L'externalisation se réalise aussi dans les pays tiers qui criminalisent la sortie de leurs ressortissants et des étrangers y résidant légalement ou non, dans le but de se rendre en Europe. Par ailleurs, les cadres législatifs adoptés par les autorités marocaines et sénégalaises criminalisent l'immigration et l'émigration irrégulières et la migration clandestine. Le but de la recherche est de démontrer que l'externalisation de la lutte contre les migrations irrégulières de l'UE porte atteinte aux droits des migrants dans les pays d'origine ou de transit, et il paraît essentiel de définir un cadre conceptuel et une méthodologie. Pour ce faire, reposant sur une méthodologie positiviste suivant une approche critique (herméneutique), la recherche analyse les cadres juridiques de l'UE et de pays tiers (Sénégal et Maroc). Ainsi, l'examen de la jurisprudence des juridictions marocaines et sénégalaises relative au contentieux du droit des étrangers montre que les pays tiers contribuent clairement à la lutte européenne contre l'immigration irrégulière, à travers la poursuite et les sanctions appliquées aux ressortissants marocains, sénégalais et étrangers résidant également ou non dans ces pays, pour leur volonté présumée de partir vers le continent européen de façon irrégulière et lors de leur retour dans leur pays d'origine ou de transit. En outre, l'étude de ces deux pays démontre un autre aspect important dans cette externalisation : la difficulté d'établir les responsabilités des États comme de l'UE dans les différentes violations des droits de l'homme des migrants dans ce contexte d'externalisation. Nonobstant la complexité de définir les responsabilités des acteurs dans cette externalisation, la documentation de l'UE et de ses institutions, ainsi que le rôle des agences et particulièrement de Frontex, peuvent apporter un éclairage essentiel à nos interrogations sur la responsabilité des États et de l'UE dans les différentes violations des droits de l'homme constatées lors du renvoi des migrants et de leur blocage dans les pays tiers. Dès lors, il est pertinent d'étudier les positions des juridictions internationales afin d'établir cette responsabilité des États et de l'UE, mais les décisions rendues à ce jour ne permettent pas d'arriver à cette conclusion. Ce faisant, il est plus qu'indispensable de poser de nouvelles orientations si l'on souhaite mettre fin à cette externalisation et à ses conséquences néfastes sur les droits de l'homme des migrants irréguliers même dans les pays tiers, car l'adoption des deux pactes (pacte mondial sur la migration et pacte mondial sur les réfugiés) ne semblent pas apporter des solutions judiciaires et une meilleure protection des droits des migrants ; The 1990s were a decisive turning point in the management of migration in the European area, for several factors. Indeed, at the time when regionalization or communitarization was gradually taking place in Europe (Schengen 1985 and 1990 Implementation Convention), nationals of certain third countries were trying to join the European continent in order to improve their conditions of work and life, of finding international protection, of fleeing wars, conflicts and unfavorable climatic conditions for the respect of their fundamentals. They coincide with the reduction in the possibilities of migrating also to Europe, the closure and control of the external borders of the European Union (EU), the international organization which brings together 27 member countries whose mission is to create an economic and policy and which has implemented a policy to combat irregular immigration. The main objective of the European fight against immigration is to stop the arrival of irregular migrants and to return irregular foreigners present on European soil to third countries. From now on, access to fortress Europe is becoming almost impossible for nationals coming from certain regions, notably from sub-Saharan Africa, who have turned their choice towards irregular immigration. From emigration countries, Senegal and Morocco also become transit countries for applicants for irregular emigration to Europe. This fact amply explains the choices made by the EU to reinforce its cooperation with these third countries with a view to better combating illegal immigration. It is a question for the EU of transferring obligations and responsibilities to the countries of origin or transit in the management of migratory flows and the control of the external borders of the EU. It is the outsourcing of the European fight against irregular immigration. This outsourcing is achieved through the adoption of international agreements which can lead to the introduction of a migration clause also in general agreements concluded between the EU and third countries, in particular in the Cotonou Agreement, concluded between the EU and ACP countries. In addition, the adoption of political declarations between the EU and third countries in order to transfer to the latter the responsibility for limiting departures and agreeing to readmit their nationals or foreigners having transited on their soil, who are present irregularly in Europe, is an instrument for measuring outsourcing. Outsourcing is also carried out in third countries which criminalize the exit of their nationals and foreigners legally or illegally resident there, with the aim of traveling to Europe. In addition, the legislative frameworks adopted by the Moroccan and Senegalese authorities criminalize irregular immigration and emigration and illegal migration The aim of the research is to demonstrate that the outsourcing of the fight against irregular migration from the EU infringes the rights of migrants in the countries of origin or transit, and it seems essential to define a conceptual framework and a methodology. To do this, based on a positivist methodology following a critical (hermeneutical) approach, the research analyzes the legal frameworks of the EU and third countries (Senegal and Morocco). Thus, the examination of the jurisprudence of the Moroccan and Senegalese jurisdictions relating to the litigation of the right of the foreigners shows that the third countries clearly contribute to the European fight against the irregular immigration, through the prosecution and the sanctions applied to the Moroccan nationals, Senegalese and foreigners residing or not also in these countries, for their presumed will to leave towards the European continent in an irregular way and at the time of their return in their country of origin or transit. In addition, the study of these two countries demonstrates another important aspect in this outsourcing: the difficulty of establishing the responsibilities of States and of the EU in the various violations of the human rights of migrants in this context of outsourcing. Notwithstanding the complexity of defining the responsibilities of the actors in this outsourcing, the documentation of the EU and its institutions, as well as the role of the agencies and particularly of Frontex, can shed essential light on our questions about the responsibility of States and the EU in the various human rights violations observed during the return of migrants and their blockage in third countries. Therefore, it is relevant to study the positions of international courts in order to establish this responsibility for States and the EU, but the decisions delivered to date do not allow this conclusion to be reached. In doing so, it is more than essential to set new directions if we want to put an end to this outsourcing and its harmful consequences for the human rights of irregular migrants even in third countries, because the adoption of two pacts (global pact on migration and global pact on refugees) do not seem to provide legal solutions and better protection of the rights of migrants.

The least-developed countries, international trade and the European Union. What about "Everything But Arms"? / Gerrit Faber and Jan Orbie -- The development of EBA/ Jan Orbie -- EBA, EU trade policy and the ACP / Maurizio Carbone -- Bureaucratic competition in EU trade policy / Adrian Van Den Hoven -- The political dynamics behind US and EU trade initiatives towards the least-developed countries / Dries Lesage and Bart Kerremans -- Exports by least-developed countries in Sub-Saharan Africa / Olufemi Babarinde and Gerrit Faber -- The effectiveness of EU and US unilateral trade preferences for LDCs / Paul Brenton and Çaglar Özden -- Symbolic and effective? An LDC perspective on duty-free and quota-free market access / Jess Pilegaard -- The role of EBA in the political economy of CAP reform / Alan Matthews and Jacques Gallezot -- EBA and the EU sugar market reform / Michael Brüntrup -- ACP-EU negotiations on economic partnership agreements and EBA / Sanoussi Bilal -- Everything but arms or all about nothing? / Jan Orbie and Gerrit Faber

[spa] Con el ánimo de contribuir a la construcción de la nueva cooperación comercial entre la Comunidad Europea (CE) y los países de África, el Caribe y el Pacífico (ACP), esta tesis se centra en el estudio del actual régimen de acceso a productos agrícolas concedido por la CE al grupo ACP. En concreto, se realiza un análisis y una evaluación del Protocolo del Azúcar CE-ACP (o, formalmente, el Protocolo nº 3 sobre el azúcar ACP), el cual aparece, por primera vez, en el Convenio de Lomé firmado el 28 de febrero de 1975. La principal preocupación por este instrumento de cooperación en particular es que su contenido es más beneficioso que el los demás Protocolos de productos agrícolas. Así, este acuerdo comercial sobre el azúcar es el único que se basa en un compromiso de compra, por parte de la CE, y de venta, por el lado de los ACP, de unas cantidades especificadas en el marco de un elevado precio garantizado. En la práctica, estos compromisos especiales han implicado transferencias monetarias sustanciales y un nivel de estabilidad significativo de los ingresos de exportación de azúcar para algunos de los países ACP participantes, especialmente para aquellos que presentaron vínculos comerciales históricos con Gran Bretaña. El objetivo final de este estudio consiste en proponer si el Protocolo del Azúcar CE-ACP debe ser integrado en los AAE o, por lo contrario, si es mejor mantenerlo bajo la posible exclusión permitida en el artículo XXIV del Acuerdo General sobre Aranceles y Comercio (GATT). Esta investigación también presenta la opción para el Protocolo del Azúcar de ser incluido en el Sistema de Preferencias Generalizadas (SPG) de la CE, aunque las reducciones arancelarias y no arancelarias, junto a las exenciones específicas, sean menos generosas que las otorgadas a las importaciones europeas de productos ACP. Con esta finalidad, en este estudio se efectúa una evaluación de impacto del Protocolo del Azúcar CE-ACP sobre el desarrollo económico de los países ACP beneficiarios. Con ello, se demuestra que las transferencias monetarias implícitas apropiadas por las empresas azucareras de los Estados ACP participantes no han logrado, en general, una expansión del bienestar económico de sus economías. Este resultado ha sido alcanzado utilizando distintos modelos econométricos: un modelo de regresión lineal, un modelo de corrección de errores y un modelo con datos panel. En consecuencia, concluimos que el Protocolo del Azúcar CE-ACP no ha funcionado como un verdadero instrumento de cooperación al desarrollo. Para recomendar cómo mejorar las relaciones comerciales CE-ACP sobre el azúcar, el trabajo econométrico realizado se ha complementado con el análisis del funcionamiento del mercado internacional del azúcar (especialmente en relación a los precios y a los flujos comerciales). Asimismo, se ha considerado la reforma de la Política Agrícola Común ante los cambios que implicará en el mercado europeo del azúcar. Todos estos elementos nos permiten sugerir dos opciones alternativas al Protocolo, permitidas en el Acuerdo de Cotonú, con vistas a dirigir la cooperación comercial CE-ACP sobre el azúcar desde 2008, momento en el que está prevista la progresiva aplicación de los Acuerdos de Asociación Económica (AAE) CE-ACP.Ambas opciones son compatibles con las normas de la Organización Mundial del Comercio y dependen de la decisión de cada Estado ACP respecto a la celebración de un AAE con la CE. Por un lado, para aquellos Estados ACP que decidan implementar un AAE, consideramos que el azúcar debería quedar cubierto en los esquemas resultantes de integración económica entre ambas Partes, lo que significa que se debería eliminar cualquier restricción que dificulte el comercio CE-ACP de azúcar. Por otro lado, en el caso de que algunos países ACP no alcancen un AAE con la Comunidad Europea, creemos que el azúcar tendría que formar parte del SPG mejorado de la CE, que será el trato comercial más probable que la CE ofrecerá a estos países ACP, como a los demás países en desarrollo. En cualquier caso, el proceso de cambio debería acompañarse de la concesión de ayuda financiera y técnica dirigida a dichos países ACP para ayudarlos a reestructurar el sector del azúcar y, en general, apoyarlos a que se adapten a las nuevas condiciones económicas de un mercado más globalizado. NOTA: Esta tesis recibió el "Premi Maspons i Anglasell" del "Patronat Català Pro Europa" (actualmente "Patronat Catalunya-Món") de la Generalitat de Catalunya a la mejor tesis doctoral en el bienio 2004-2005 (14a edición), el día 18 de abril de 2007. ; [eng] IMPACT EVALUATION OF THE ACP-EC SUGAR PROTOCOL.In order to contribute in constructing the new trade co-operation between the European Community (EC) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific States (ACP), this thesis focuses in the current European access regime for agricultural products originating from the ACP Group. To be exact, it is carried out an analysis and evaluation of the ACP-EC Sugar Protocol (or, formally, Protocol 3 on ACP sugar) appearing the first time, in the ACP-EC Convention of Lomé signed on 28th February 1975. The principal reason for this particular co-operation instrument is that its provision is more beneficial than the other agricultural products Protocols. Thus, this commercial sugar agreement is the only one based on a purchase commitment from the EC and a sale commitment from the ACP beneficiary countries, of specified quantities, in the framework of a guaranteed high price -similar to the intervention price in the European sugar market-. In practice, this special trading agreement has implied substantial income transfers and a significant stability level of sugar export earnings for some of the ACP participant countries, especially those that presented historic sugar trading links with the United Kingdom. The final goal of this study consists of proposing if the ACP-EC Sugar Protocol has to be integrated in the EPAs or, on the contrary, it is better to keep it under the possible exclusion permitted in article XXIV of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). This research also presents the option for the Sugar Protocol to be included in the EC's Generalised System of Preferences (GSP), even though tariff and non-tariff reductions, together with the specific exemptions, are less generous than those granted to European imports of ACP products. Within this aim, this study deals with an impact evaluation of the ACP-EC Sugar Protocol over economic development of ACP beneficiary countries. It demonstrates that the implicit income transfers by sugar companies from the ACP Sugar Group has not implied, in general, an economic welfare expansion for their economies. This outcome has been obtained using different econometric models: a linear regression model, an error correction model and a model with panel data. In consequence, we conclude that the ACP-EC Sugar Protocol has not functioned as a true development co-operation instrument.In order to recommend how to improve the ACP-EC trade relations on sugar, that econometric study has been complemented with an analysis of the international sugar market functioning (especially, referring to prices and commercial flows). The changes the Common Agriculture Policy reform will imply on the European sugar market have been considered as well. All of these items allow us to suggest the two alternative options to the Protocol, permitted in the Cotonou Agreement, in order to lead the ACP-EC trade co-operation on sugar since 2008. Both options are compatible with the World Trade Organisation rules and depend on the ACP State decision about the celebration of an EPA with the EC. On the one hand, for those ACP States that decide to implement an EPA, we consider that sugar should be covered in the resulting economic integration schemes between both parties, which means that any restriction on ACP-EC sugar trade should be eliminated. On the other hand, in the case that some ACP countries do not achieve an EPA with the EC, we believe that sugar should take part of the improved EC's GSP, which will be the most probable trade treatment that the EC will offer to those ACP States, as well as to the rest of developing countries. In both cases, the change process should be accompanied with the granting of financial and technical assistance to these ACP countries in order to help them to restructure the sugar sector and, in general, to support them to adjust to the new economic conditions within more globalised market. N.B.: Maspons i Anglasell Prize awarded by the Patronat Català Pro Europa (presently, Patronat Catalunya-Món) of la Generalitat (government institution) of Catalonia (Spain) for the best doctoral thesis in European integration for the biennium 2004-2005 (14th edition), 18 April of 2007.

GLI STATI UNITI D'AFRICA: UN SOGNO ANCORA DA REALIZZARE Dopo che la maggior parte degli Stati africani ebbe ottenuto l'indipendenza, emerse la consapevolezza della necessità di unirsi per raggiungere la piena emancipazione del continente, ma l'unità non era affatto scontata: la Guerra d'Algeria, la crisi congolese e la questione della Mauritania condussero alla nascita del «Blocco di Brazzaville», portatore di una prospettiva moderata e dell'idea di un'unione africana di tipo confederale, e al consolidamento del «Blocco di Casablanca», che riuniva gli Stati indipendenti più radicali, convinti della necessità di un'unione politica continentale. Nel 1963, mediando fra i due gruppi, nacque l'Organizzazione dell'Unione Africana (OUA), fondata sul rispetto della sovranità statale e sull'«imperioso bisogno» di porre fine al giogo coloniale. La fragilità del compromesso si mostrò nell'incapacità dell'OUA di coordinare le lotte di liberazione combattute nei territori portoghesi, in Rhodesia meridionale e, contro regime di apartheid, in Sud Africa ed in Africa del Sud Ovest. La mancanza di volontà politica e le insufficienti risorse compromisero anche le attività economiche. Gli Stati, più omogenei a livello locale, costituirono delle organizzazioni regionali, ma fu sotto l'impulso del Piano di Azione e dell'Atto Finale di Lagos del 1980 che il regionalismo divenne una vera e propria strategia di sviluppo economico e politico. Le comunità regionali economiche divennero i pilastri della Comunità Economica Africana, istituita nel 1991 con l'obiettivo di creare un mercato economico unico continentale. Il raggiungimento di tale fine si scontrò però con i perversi rapporti commerciali instaurati con la Comunità Economica Europea/Unione Europea. Le Convenzioni di Yaoundé e di Lomé, basate sul principio di non reciprocità, rilegarono i paesi africani al ruolo di produttori di materie prime, impedendo una loro reale modernizzazione. La successiva Convenzione di Cotonou pose le basi per gli Economic Partnership Agreements, accordi basati sul libero scambio. Il liberismo dovrebbe indurre il decollo dei paesi dell'Africa, ma invece porta a processi di deindustrializzazione, dovuti ad una concorrenza spietata, e ad un indebolimento dei commerci intercontinentali africani. Esso piuttosto amplia i mercati per i prodotti europei ed incrementa i profitti per il nord: l'Occidente perpetra la storia della sua supremazia, mascherando sotto un manto di virtù la sua volontà di dominio. L'OUA, per affrontare le sfide del nuovo millennio, nel 2000 mutò in Unità Africana, dotata di un potere più incisivo e di un meccanismo decisionale più democratico, alla cui base vi è il desiderio di «soluzioni africane ai problemi africani». La nuova organizzazione però non pone rimedio alla mancanza di volontà politica dei leader africani, che hanno mostrato ben poca consapevolezza dei propri doveri e delle proprie responsabilità, lasciando che guerre, come il conflitto in Somalia, il conflitto fra Sudan e Sud Sudan, e la recente crisi maliana, insanguinino il continente. Gli «Stati Uniti d'Africa» restano un sogno.