Suchergebnisse

The phenomenon of Hindutva might give the impression that it belongs to the canonical part of the Hindu traditions. Not only does it not belong there; even the word Hindu finds no place there. By no stretch of the imagination can they be understood as be­ longing to the same category. Whereas Hindu has functioned as a Sangam for a class of traditions that share in some common or similar beliefs, doctrines, attitudes and values, Hindutva is a la­ bel that stands for a communalistic, fascistic and fundamentalistic movement that uses religion, religious deities, customs, and places apparently for promoting religion and its interests but in actual fact for sheer power political purposes. Hindu and Hindutva are as different as religion and politics. Hindu still belongs to the world of religion and religious experience; Hindutva has not only nothing to do with authentic religion, it is in essence anti-Hindu both in style and in substance. Admittedly, Hindu is a late arrival in the conscious­ ness and self-consciousness of the traditions in question but it has been so accepted by all of them that it has now become part of their identity. Not so Hindutva. The latter, a recent phenomenon, has emerged from a social and political situation that is very new. That of course is no reason for rejecting it. The reason why it cannot enter the Hindu canon is that it goes against the very grain of Hindu spirituality and religion.

Majoritarian State traces the ascendance of Hindu nationalism in contemporary India. Led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the BJP administration has established an ethno-religious and populist style of rule since 2014. Its agenda is also pursued beyond the formal branches of government, as the new dispensation portrays conventional social hierarchies as intrinsic to Indian culture while condoning communal and caste- and gender-based violence. The contributors explore how Hindutva ideology has permeated the state apparatus and formal institutions, and how Hindutva activists exert control over civil society via vigilante groups, cultural policing and violence.

India, for the last few years has become a nation of prohibitions that deliberately or not challenge the nature of democracy and secularism. It is purely credible that, from the status of a domestic animal the cow has transformed to a political animal with National identity, especially during and after the unrests of beef ban. Parallel to this, another operating mode of Nationalism also is being celebrated connecting Indian Army with the romanticized and sentimental concept of the mother land. Constant efforts are made to propagate the patriotic image of Army so that the sense of protection and defense can be nationalized and re-defined. To fight for one's own land is treated as 'Kshatriya Dharma' and this notion is associated with Hindutva. Imposing ban on cow meat is also connected with the same ideology, for cow is treated holy according to the Hindu belief. Army and cow stand parallel in the discourse of Nationalism. The present paper is an attempt to trace the history of Cow Politics and nationalism in India which is not inclusive in nature. As a shared group feeling, nationalism is a concept that holds people together, attached to a single ideology and social conditioning. The question is how the state construct a biased and elite national identity by making use of some seemingly normal narratives in day-today political dialogues. The paper further investigates how the glorified Military narratives accelerate Hindu Nationalism dismantling the marginal voices of farmers challenging the slogan: Jai Javan, Jai Kisan.

From 2009 to 2019, the story of Bhartiya Janata Party(ruling party) has been one of an amazing transformation .In 2014, election was fought on the grounds of economic development and not on ethnic or regional lines. But in 2019 Bhartiya Janta Party had landslide victory under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi,bringing a dramatic shift in the nature and manner of Indian electoral politics . The voting pattern during the election of 2019 witnessed a strong sense of nationalism, the need to have a strong stable government and the belief that only Narendra Modi could wear Hindutva on his sleeves.

La extrema derecha hindú llegó al poder en India en 2014 y en la actualidad controla un buen número de estados de la Unión, además de ostentar el gobierno federal. Esto ha contraído una serie de cambios en las reglas del juego político en el país. La primera parte de mi artículo indica el alcance de este poder, sus consecuencias inmediatas y aquellas otras a largo plazo. Haré una semblanza histórica del extremismo hindú, así como del desarrollo de su estructura a lo largo de nueve décadas. Finalmente me centraré en dos casos instigados contra las minorías religiosas y la libertad de pensamiento y elección, explicaré su relevancia en los planes de la derecha hindú y el lugar que ocupan en su estrategia. ; Hindu extremism captured state power in India in 2014, and, at present, it controls a large number of regional states as well as leading the ruling coalition at the Centre. This has led to significant and wide ranging changes in Indian polity and in political norms and values, and the first part of my article will briefly indicate their range, immediate consequences and long term implications. I will outline the historical evolution, and unpack the structural distinctiveness, of the Hindu Far Right to explore its mobilisational strategies and its ideological agenda over nine decades. In the final part, I will focus on two specific sites of violent hate crimes against religious minorities and against freedom of individual and collective thought and choice.I will finally try and explain their relevance to the larger agenda of the Hindu Right and their broad direction.

India is a contradiction: powerful yet anxious, non-Western, postcolonial, inherently religious but avowedly secular, shaped by a complex pattern of linguistic, caste, political, gender and social tensions. These tensions extend into the Indian diaspora, which is entangled in the country's rise and engaged in a conversation that is shaping a Hindu nationalist (or Hindutva) world view. This thesis introduces the concept of Hindu (inter)nationalism and in doing so, makes important theoretical discoveries. In critically engaging with, and applying, post-Western and post-Oriental perspectives, this study provides a pathway towards a better understanding of the non-West. In fact, it encourages the International Relations (IR) discipline to enter a post-Western world. This thesis asks whether postcolonial theory can retain its relevance in a world where 'peripheral' countries (such as India) are making their way to the 'centre'. How, asks this thesis, can postcolonialism deal with changing international dynamics whilst remaining a robust and vital theoretical approach? This research, in focusing on a unique, Hindutva world view prompts IR theory to use such views more frequently to better understand the international relations of countries. Finally, this thesis suggests that IR ought to consider reorienting its viewpoint to bring religion to the centre of analysis, thereby casting secularism to the periphery. Unlike conventional IR, this thesis does not focus on foreign policies, but instead emphasises the lived realities of people. To undertake such an approach, this thesis uses what it calls a Relations International (RI) methodology. This methodology recognises and embraces scholars of other disciplines, utilising their research to achieve a truly multidisciplinary, collaborative perspective. An RI methodology also encourages novel evidence-gathering, such as through the use of social media and asks us to focus on praxeology in order to demonstrate ideology in action. This thesis seeks to demonstrate that postcolonialism remains a valuable theoretical approach, that an RI methodology is a constructive tool through which to hear what is often unheard in IR, and that religious (inter)nationalisms – such as that introduced by this research – present an exciting new challenge for our discipline.

The rise of Hindutva or Neo-Hindu nationalism has undermined the inclusive, all embracing and coexisting nature of Indian secular democracy. The political utilization of the doctrine of Hindutva has led to multi-dimensional challenges in the Hindu majoritarian state of India. The exercise of extant communalism has driven the Indian minorities to a state of constant insecurity. It reflects religio-nationalist identity politics particularly under the Modi regime, which is posing security challenges to multiple communities in India. The divided Communalism with Hindu majoritarianism has characterized the state of India with deeply entrenched Hindu racial supremacy that has caused increasing human insecurity in India. The study analyses how the rise of Hindutva is creating problems for the Indian pluralism. The study argues that the rise of ultra-Hindu-nationalism in practice of populist identity intellectual leadership in India has threatened the human security at the domestic level.

This article examines the relationship between gender, nations and nationalisms vis-a-vis the Indian state's nationalist identity and perceptions of (in)security. It explores how the postcolonial Indian state's project of nation-building — reflective of a western secular-modern identity (under the Congress Party) and a Hindutva-dominated identity (under the BJP) — incorporates gender, with continuities and discontinuities, to articulate divergent forms of nationalist/communalist identities, `cartographic anxieties' and nuclear (in)securities. The article contends that with the recent rise of the Hindu-Right BJP, guided by Hindutva ideology, the nature of representing the Indian nation, its women and (in)securities has changed from a geopolitical to a cultural perception — thereby necessitating a rereading of the Indian nation, nationalism, gender and its perceptions of (in)security.

Innenpolitisch war Indien im Jahr 2003 zunächst geprägt von den Nachwirkungen des Wahlsieges der regierenden BJP in Gujarat unter ihrem lokalen Chefminister Narendra Modi. Dieser hatte mit einem ausgesprochen "kommunalen" Wahlkampf einen spektakulären Sieg errungen. Ausfluss dieses Sieges war zunächst, dass sich Premierminister Vajpayee wieder deutlicher als Anhänger der Hinduideologie ("Hindutva") zu profilieren suchte, die Bewegung zur Errichtung eines Hindutempels in Ayodhya als Ausdruck nationaler Gefühle bezeichnete und die muslimische Gemeine beschuldigte, sie hätten das letztjährige Massaker an Hindupilgern auf einer Bahnstation in Gujarat nicht gebührend verurteilt. Um die Wogen zu glätten, zeigte sich der Premierminister in seiner Neujahrsbotschaft bemüht, seine säkulare Grundüberzeugung zu bekräftigen. Die Partei zog aber aus dem Wahlsieg bei ihrem Konklave Ende Januar den Schluss, dass nun Hindutva (nach dem Muster von Gujarat) und nicht das Koalitionsprogramm der Zentralregierung Wahlplattform für die kommenden Landtagswahlen sein müsse.

International audience ; This article analyses how the Hindutva ideological programme on history-writing is concretely implemented at grass-root levels by an rss-affiliated organisation. The organisation's name is the Akhil Bharatiya Itihas Sankalan Yojna. The area of fieldwork moves from its rss headquarters to its Chandigarh branch and to its Kullu branch. The primary objective of the article is to shed light on the multiple forms of mediation of the organisation, which show how Hindutva influence in local society cannot be simply reduced to the direct effects of its militants' actions. It also examines how the Hindutva discourse on history infiltrates the local conception of regional culture , merges with pre-existent conceptions and encounters specific forms of resistance. Finally, the article suggests the importance of understanding the Hindutva rereading of Indian history in the light of other post-colonial historiographies, engaged in a similar effort of placing the locality within a wider and prestigious framework. o ver the last few years quite a virulent debate has animated the circle of indian historians who have actively denounced and decon-structed the rewriting of indian history by rss-affiliated organisations. rss is the abbreviation of rashtriya swayamsevak sangh, "association of national Volunteers ", a militant organisation for the propagation/diffusion of Hindutva ("Hinduness"). The aim of the organisation is to build a new (and strong) Hindu people/nation. its members' training is paramilitary. The rss is the real core of the other organisations that together form the sangh Parivar ("family of the sangh", with reference to the rss), a journalistic expression for the complex network of organisations formed around the rss. among these, one is a political party, the bjp (Bharatiya Janata Party, "Party of the indian People "), and another is a religious organisation, the vhp (Visva Hindu Parishad, "universal Hindu congress").

pt. 1. Mobilizing Hindutva -- pt. 2. Genealogies of Hindu and Muslim -- pt. 3. Community and conflict.