"This is the third of four volumes compiled in honor of Juan J. Linz and edited by H. E. Chehabi, Richard Gunther, Alfred Stepan, and Arturo Valenzuela. Each volume presents original research and theoretical essays by Linz's distinguished collaborators, students, teachers, and friends, as well as overviews of his enormous contributions to Spanish and Latin American studies, comparative politics, and sociology.In Volume III, leading Latin American scholars evaluate Juan Linz's contribution to the study of Latin American politics, in particular his influence on studies dealing with authoritarianism, democratic breakdown, public opinion, regime transition, and the institutional conditions needed for stable democracy."--Provided by publisher.
This work tackles a little-known and less investigated topic, that of the relationships between Italy and Latin America during the first half of the XXth century These relations were characterized by four important topics: the emigration, the search of commercial connections, the cultural contacts under the title of the "latinidad" and for the attempts of establishing solid geopolitical bonds between the peninsula and the Continent. This study focuses especially in the period between the first one and the second world postwar period, when Italy tried to make use of his privileged positions as the place of origin of emigrants, "mother" of the "Latin" culture and the beginner of a new political form -the fascism- to turn herself into a reference model for the countries of the Latin-American continent. ; Este trabajo aborda un tema poco conocido y poco investigado, el de las relaciones entre Italia y América Latina durante la primera mitad del siglo XX. Estas relaciones fueron matizadas por cuatro temas importantes: la emigración, la búsqueda de socios comerciales, los contactos culturales bajo el rubro de la "latinidad" y por los intentos de establecer sólidos lazos geopolíticos entre la península y el continente. Este estudio se enfoca especialmente en el período entre la primera y la segunda posguerra mundial, cuando Italia trató de aprovechar sus posiciones privilegiadas en cuanto tierra de origen de emigrantes, "madre" de la cultura "latina" y creadora de una nueva forma política -el fascismo- para convertirse en un modelo de referencia para los países del continente latinoamericano.
This work tackles a little-known and less investigated topic, that of the relationships between Italy and Latin America during the first half of the XXth century These relations were characterized by four important topics: the emigration, the search of commercial connections, the cultural contacts under the title of the "latinidad" and for the attempts of establishing solid geopolitical bonds between the peninsula and the Continent. This study focuses especially in the period between the first one and the second world postwar period, when Italy tried to make use of his privileged positions as the place of origin of emigrants, "mother" of the "Latin" culture and the beginner of a new political form -the fascism- to turn herself into a reference model for the countries of the Latin-American continent. ; Este trabajo aborda un tema poco conocido y poco investigado, el de las relaciones entre Italia y América Latina durante la primera mitad del siglo XX. Estas relaciones fueron matizadas por cuatro temas importantes: la emigración, la búsqueda de socios comerciales, los contactos culturales bajo el rubro de la "latinidad" y por los intentos de establecer sólidos lazos geopolíticos entre la península y el continente. Este estudio se enfoca especialmente en el período entre la primera y la segunda posguerra mundial, cuando Italia trató de aprovechar sus posiciones privilegiadas en cuanto tierra de origen de emigrantes, "madre" de la cultura "latina" y creadora de una nueva forma política -el fascismo- para convertirse en un modelo de referencia para los países del continente latinoamericano.
University Students Have Been a Highly Visible Participant in Latin American politics for many years. To cite a few examples, they played an important role in the overthrow of the regimes in Cuba (1933, 1959), Guatemala (1944), Venezuela (1958), and Bolivia (1964), and have led significant anti-government demonstrations in nearly every Latin American country at one time or another. No government in the region can afford to disregard students as a political group.
AbstractRobert Putnam extolled the virtue of social capital by arguing that social networks, civil society, and trust contribute to democracy. Subsequent research, however, identified a weakness in the social capital "model" in its underspecification of the mechanisms by which social capital affects political systems. This article proposes the concept of political capital as a likely product of social capital that links civil society participants to the political system. The article tests this two-stage model of social capital and political capital and their effects on democratization using survey data from eight Latin American nations. Results find that civil society engagement in 2004 affected political capital variables, which, in turn, had positive effects on system-level democracy measures in 2010. The article thus shows that political capital serves as an intervening variable between social capital and democracy and democratization.
ABSTRACT This essay documents growing partisan social uprootedness across Latin America over time, manifested in diminishing social trust toward parties, debilitation of links between parties and social collectivities, lowering levels of partisanship, and rising incidence of personalism in the electorate. It focuses on some unrecognized and undertheorized causal factors behind partisan involution in the region, putting emphasis on mutually reinforcing processes. First, it identifies forces endogenous to the traits of origin of diminished parties that foster their uprootedness and decay; second, it lays out some of the manifold ways that the weakening of political parties fuels regime malperformance, in a mutually reinforcing vicious circle; third, it outlines the existence of mutual feedback loops between political agency and structure; fourth, it identifies various agential sources of party decay. There are strong theoretical and empirical reasons to expect continued party deinstitutionalization across Latin America going forward.