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Investigates the importance of civility in the expansion of the Christian Right's influence in US politics, drawing on a discussion of Oliver North's campaign in the 1994 VA Senate race. It is found that, although 67%-80% of evangelicals supported North, 20%-30% of these Christians withheld their endorsement. North's failure to carry the entire evangelical population is interpreted in terms of a basic ambiguity in evangelical Christianity: between the purity of their moral principles & their accommodations to their communities. Although North was widely viewed as holding religiously pure beliefs, many evangelical Christians understood his conduct during the Iran-Contra affair to be morally repugnant. These questions about his moral integrity prevented North from mobilizing evangelical Christians to his cause. It is concluded that if the Christian Right is to become more powerful in US politics, it must learn to accommodate to other groups in their communities. 1 Table, 29 References. D. M. Ryfe

The organizers of the international conference entitled "The Cultural Contexts of Kazakhstan: History and Contemporaneity," held in Almaty between 7 and 10 September 1997, chose as the logo of their conference one of the stills from Rustam Khalfin's filmLazy Cinema(Lenivoe Kino). It was the still representing a handful of earth. The choice was far from whimsical, for, as the writer Auezkhan Kodar, one of the organizers of the conference noted, the intention was "to underline the amorphous state of contemporary culture which needs to acquire a precise shape, characteristic to Kazakhstan alone."

I will examine the First Amendment to determine if the original intentions were different than how we interpret the separation of Church and State in the 21st Century America. I am going to test that by examining the current Presidential administration against literature and research about the Bill of Rights. Citizens of the United States are faced with certain issues similar to those of when the Bill of Rights was written. There is still a need for equality and tolerance, as the framers articulated, but given the current state of the country, the interaction between politics and religion must be different than it once was. There are certain issues that are clearly in the realm of religion, some in the realm of politics, but it cannot all be so cut and dry. There are certain issues that are controversial both for government and for religions. Who should address what and why? There are government freedoms and individual rights, both are interpreted by the courts but also by religious convictions. It is necessary to go back to the rights guaranteed to us by the Constitution and find the true relationship between the church and state. While there is no obvious solution to the question of the relationship between church and state, it appears that the First Amendment is necessary, establishing a separation between the two. However, a common perception seems to be that wall between church and state is infallible. This is inaccurate, because while the Government and Religion should remain separate, it is necessary for the two to maintain a relationship that allows for some interaction and a cohesive division. ; Religious Politics A closer look at the relationship between government and religion Religion 399 Spring 2006 Gustavus Adolphus College Anna Franzen Gustavus Student Repository - Thesis 2 Table of Contents Introduction 3 1. History of the First Amendment 7 2. Court Appointments and Court Findings 10 3. Faith Based Initiative 20 4. "Life Issues" 26 a. Right to Life: Abortion 26 b. Right to Live: Capital ...

AbstractThe central strength of the Hegelian dialectical tradition is that reason is not divorced from its own internal limits in the name of a reason free from ideological mediation and constraint. This article holds onto this insight in the examination of the recent (and widespread) returns to religious categories in political philosophy and political theory (in particular Agamben, Badiou, Negri and Žižek). In this respect the article follows a two-fold logic. In the spirit of Hegel and Marx, it seeks to recover what is 'rational in religion'; and, at the same time, examines the continuing entanglements of politics (and specifically revolutionary thinking) with religious categories. That this is an atheistic and materialist project is not in a sense strange or anomalous. On the contrary, it is precisely the 'secularisation' of Judeo-Christian categories in Kant, Hegel and Marx's respective theorisation of history, that provides the dialectic ground of the atheistic recovery and invocation of Judeo-Christian thought (in particular messianism, renunciation, and fidelity) in recent political philosophy. Consequently the discussion of religion, or 'religion beyond religion', here, has very little to do with the spread of obscurantism and anti-rationalism in the global upsurge of reactionary Christian and Islamic fundamentalisms, neo-Pagan mysticisms, and other retreats from the real, or with the left-liberal denunciation of religion in the recent writings of Richard Dawkins and Christopher Hitchens. Rather, 'religion' here, in its Judeo-Christian legacy, is that which embodies the memory or prospect of a universal emancipatory politics.

Since the end of the Cold War, a global religious resurgence has transformed many aspects of world politics, including transnational activism, human rights, and terrorism. Yet, scholars still debate whether a generalizable influence of religion on interstate disputes exists. Despite significant progress in the study of religion and world politics, then, the fundamental question remains: under what conditions does the post-Cold War era's religious resurgence influence interstate disputes? This article points to the significance of institutional religion–state connections and ideological distance between disputants to account for the varied significance of religion in interstate conflicts. Religion influences conflict behavior when there are close ties between religion and the state and when a religious state is in a dispute with a secular state, creating ideological distance between the combatants. In such instances, the dispute is more likely to involve the use of force. The article tests this theory through a quantitative analysis of interstate disputes, using a Heckman probit model for the effects of religion–state connections on dispute severity. The tests reveal that while religious–secular dyads do not experience greater risks of conflict compared to other dyads, conflicts involving religious–secular dyads are more severe than those including other dyads, even when numerous competing explanations are accounted for. The article contributes to the study of religion and politics by highlighting the political factors that increase religious effects on international relations; it also contributes to the broader study of interstate crises by demonstrating the means through which ideas can affect interstate disputes.

Il est souvent dit que religion, politique et économie s'allient. Emmanuel Orobator, dans son essai, tente de soutenir la thèse suivante: la religion fut le principal instrument qui permit d'asseoir les intérêts politique et économiques britanniques entre 1841 et 1885 dans la région qui, plus tard, se nommera Nigeria. Même si les missionnaires ne sont pas toujours considères comme agents de colonisation, il s'avère que leur collaboration fut largement bénéfique aux colons.

Behind the relationship between Hellenism & Christianity lies the content of a wider conflict between anthropocentrism & despotism. The Greek version of Christianity is opposed to the Latin version (& in a way to the Slavic one) due to the anthropocentric substrate bequeathed by the Hellenic cosmosystem. It was constituted as the ekklesia of the demos of the faithful at a time when the nonfeudal Latin church became a sacredotal body. The passage from a European world to one of anthropcentrism forced the church to undertake substantial adaptation. This entailed taking on the anthropocentrique acquis that, however, was yet to attain its internal coherence & own space, much of which continued to be confused with the secular world. The eventual collapse of the Hellenic cosmosystem during the 19th century & the creation of the neo-Hellenic nation-state meant that the church became identified with its clergy without really being able to take up a prominent place in the public sphere & in civil society. Nevertheless, the Hellenic paradigm provides a framework for comparison & solid reflection upon the place of religion in contemporary societies & a perspective that is well adapted to the anthropocentric state of the modern cosmosystem. 14 References. Adapted from the source document.

Politics and Passion corrects liberal theory that conceives politics as rational deliberation among autonomous individuals who voluntarily associate in groups to advance their chosen life plans. Freedom & equality for individuals, insofar as they can be approximated, depend, Walzer contends, on passionate political activity & state policy that empower marginalized & diverse groups. Ethical principles & democratic deliberation are insufficient for group politics. Theological ethicists should welcome & learn, once again, from Walzer. However, a liberal conception of justice that avoids naivete about individual autonomy & democratic deliberation should have a greater role in politics, even the politics of group pluralism & equality, than Walzer apparently permits. Respect for the dignity of individuals requires it. References. Adapted from the source document.

The Republican Party has aggressively attempted to recruit black and Latino Evangelicals; however, the success of these efforts has been questioned. The authors argue that the GOP's diminished success in recruiting these groups, compared to Anglos, is based on differing religious worldviews. Using data that allow them to track partisanship over two decades, the authors examine how religious conservatism has shaped Anglo, Latino, and black partisanship. They find that the GOP has been most successful in recruiting Anglos, followed by Latinos. Blacks appear to be unaffected. In addition, they find support for their underlying assumption of differing religious worldviews among the racial/ethnic groups.