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Globalization studies claimed that Third World immigrants flock to world cities because of changed income distributions. On this argument, the increasingly hourglass-shaped income structure of world cities, a product of global restructuring, creates self-renewing demand for skilled & unskilled workers in those very world cities. Critics have already shown that this argument neglects the intermediary role of migration networks, & that, when account is taken of these networks, a basis exists for explaining why migrations to world cities continue & even accelerate despite deteriorating economic conditions in the destinations. This paper addresses the role of ethnic economies in this perplexing process, arguing that ethnic economies buffer migrations from deteriorating economic conditions in the reception cities. This buffer expands effective demand for immigrant workers while guaranteeing pre-migrants still at home employment & housing in the destinations prior to their actual departure. Assuming continuing immigration, a given of globalization, the buffer itself is finally saturated after a lag. When combined with loss of local political toleration, which accompanies increasing poverty among migrants, the buffer's economic saturation finally diverts the migration network to lesser cities of the urban hierarchy where the process of mainstream saturation -- buffer expansion -- buffer saturation -- dispersal repeats. The durability of buffer economies in localities does not depend only on economic conditions. Local political toleration of buffer economies importantly affects the durability of the immigration buffer in any city. To this extent, immigration policy is in the hands of cities, not of states. 1 Figure, 45 References. Adapted from the source document.

Globalisation studies claimed that Third World immigrants flock to world cities because of changed income distributions. On this argument, the increasingly hourglass-shaped income structure of world cities, a product of global restructuring, creates self-renewing demand for skilled and unskilled workers in those very world cities. Critics have already shown that this argument neglects the intermediary role of migration networks, and that, when account is taken of these networks, a basis exists for explaining why migrations to world cities continue and even accelerate despite deteriorating economic conditions in the destinations. This paper addresses the role of ethnic economies in this perplexing process, arguing that ethnic economies buffer migrations from deteriorating economic conditions in the reception cities. This buffer expands effective demand for immigrant workers while guaranteeing pre-migrants still at home employment and housing in the destinations prior to their actual departure. Assuming continuing immigration, a given of globalisation, the buffer itself is finally saturated after a lag. When combined with loss of local political toleration, which accompanies increasing poverty among migrants, the buffer's economic saturation finally diverts the migration network to lesser cities of the urban hierarchy where the process of mainstream saturation - buffer expansion - buffer saturation - dispersal repeats. The durability of buffer economies in localities does not depend only on economic conditions. Local political toleration of buffer economies importantly affects the durability of the immigration buffer in any city. To this extent, immigration policy is in the hands of cities, not of states. (Original abstract)

Buffer territories in Polish‑Russian relations: the case of Belarus The notion of buffer territories is understood as referring either to buffer zones (whose status is usually reflected in international documents) or to states and semi‑state subjects existing between bigger and usually antagonistic powers. Belarus has sometimes been described as a buffer country both in its pre‑sovereign version and after 1991. In several moments of Belarusian history, especially after 1918, neighboring powers tended to treat the area as a part of a bigger creation: either as a part of Russia (Soviet Russia and Germany) or as a segment of Bigger Lithuania (Poland and Lithuania). Those speculations, based on false geopolitical perceptions, turned out to be a mistake in all cases. The failure of the Belarusian People's Republic led to the unnatural division of the nation, which resulted not only in the miserable conditions it had to overcome but in strengthening the area of potential conflict between powers as well. Today's Republic of Belarus despite its semi‑authoritarian system and connections with the Russian Federation within the Eurasian structures provides a good example of a state which gradually works out its independent position in international relations.

AbstractA serial production line is defined wherein a unit is produced if, and only if, all machines are functioning. A single buffer stock with finite capacity is to be placed immediately after one of the first N‐1 machines in the N machine line. When all machines have equal probability of failure it is shown that the optimal buffer position is exactly in the middle of the line. This result is synthesized with the earlier work of Koenigsberg and Buzacott including an analysis of the covariance between transition states. An alternative model formulation is presented and integrated with previous results. Finally, a sufficient condition and solution procedure is derived for the installation of a buffer where there is a possible trade‐off between increasing the reliability of the line versus adding a buffer stock.

BACKGROUND: Negative emotions related to never having been deployed are associated with an increased risk of hazardous drinking among United States Army Reserve/National Guard (USAR/NG) soldiers. Resiliency factors are known to buffer the effects of combat on hazardous drinking among service members who have been deployed, but it is not known if these factors are protective for never-deployed service members, or which domains of hazardous drinking might be affected. Therefore, we examined the effects of a range of resiliency factors (i.e., marital satisfaction, psychological hardiness, intrinsic religiosity) on the relation between non-deployment emotions (NDE) and domains of hazardous drinking. METHODS: We drew a subset of data from Operation: SAFETY (N = 112 never-deployed male soldiers), an ongoing study of USAR/NG soldiers. Regression models examined the main effects of NDE on each of the domains of hazardous drinking (i.e., total AUDIT score, consumption subscale, dependence subscale, alcohol-related problems subscale) and effect modification of each of the resiliency factors on the relations between NDE and the domains of hazardous drinking, separately. Final models controlled for years of military service, rank (enlisted vs. officer), number of military friends in the social network, and depression. RESULTS: Greater NDE were associated with a higher total AUDIT score, alcohol consumption, and alcohol dependence (ps 0.05). Marital satisfaction and psychological hardiness buffered the effects of NDE on total AUDIT score and alcohol dependence (p < 0.05). Intrinsic religiosity only modified the effect of NDE on total AUDIT score. None of the resiliency factors modified the effects of NDE on alcohol consumption or alcohol-related problems. CONCLUSIONS: Soldiers with greater NDE had a greater risk of hazardous drinking in the presence of low resilience. Interventions to promote resiliency are an important consideration for protecting USAR/NG soldiers from ...

The state capital will be moved from Jakarta to East Kalimantan. The buffer zone for the new State Capital must prepare early for the presence of the State Capital. There will be a new development, population migration, job competition, transport overcrowding, and air pollution. Therefore, it is necessary to know the legal policies issued by the buffer zone of the new State Capital in determining the Regional Spatial Plan (RTRW) and the factors that influence it. Normative legal research method by using a positive legal system to get a juridical answer. As a result, the buffer zone of the state capital has not issued a legal policy on the RTRW in dealing with the new state capital. There are other policies issued, for example, the North Penajam Paser Regency issued regent regulation number 22 of 2019 concerning Supervision and Control of Land Sale/purchase Transactions/Transfer of Land Rights. The issuance of the RTRW legal policy can become the legality of development carried out by local governments and the prevention of legal actions, both violations, and crimes.

The formation of the health care system in Transbaikal after the revolution of 1917–1918 had a number of essential features that will be covered in this paper. In 1919, the organization of medical care in Transbaikal retained its pre-revolutionary structure. In connection with the tense political situation in eastern Russia and the serious danger of a military conflict with Japan, in the spring of 1920, a buffer state was created – the Far Eastern Republic (FER). The FER Ministry of Health was established within the framework of the administrative territorial unit. During this period, the Ministry of Health had to fight epidemics, organize medical and sanitary assistance for the population and provide medical support for the People's Revolutionary Army. Throughout the FER's territory, free access to all types of medical care (outpatient, inpatient, sanatorium and dental) was introduced for all working groups of the population. From that point on, the state medical authorities consolidated and directed all the FER's medical and sanitary and veterinary affairs. The Ministry of Health consisted of a civilian and military administrative unit, a medical and veterinary council and local health institutions for the indigenous population. The institutions were involved in the organization of health care and conducted medical and preventive activities and statistical studies. Despite Soviet Russia's comprehensive assistance, the FER's economic situation remained dire and unstable. The deficit of skilled health workers and medical institutions prevented the improvement of the health care situation. Radical changes in the public health system became possible only after the accession of Transbaikal to the RSFSR. In the territory of Transbaikal during the existence of the FER (from the spring of 1920 to the end of 1922), the formation of a health care system aimed at providing all segments of the region's population with access to qualified medical care was an ongoing process.

Livestock provide essential commodities and services to the majority of the world's population. With an increasing number of people, livestock are increasingly held responsible for many adverse effects on human health. The aim of the study is to examine the management strategies applied by urban and pre-urban livestock producers and their resultant consequences on the land, water, and health of the general public, emanating basically from small land holdings in Potiskum. The objectives of the study are to identify the locations of major dumpsites close to water points and to assess pollution incidence as it relates to public health. Ten-five water samples and/or soil samples were tested in an analytical chemistry laboratory. To assess the level of toxicity, a microbial test was also conducted in Biological laboratory. In addition to this approach, a 200-meter buffer radius was created around each water point, and 6 livestock keepers (household heads) within it were randomly selected for interview using a questionnaire survey. Descriptive statistics were used with SPSS/PASW version 18.0, and the results were presented using statistical tools such as percentage computation, frequency distribution table, line, and bar graph, respectively. Findings revealed heavy metals were found above the recommended water drinking level of WHO and Nigeria's standards. These include Magnesium (0.98), Iron (4.900), Chromium (3.30), Copper (1.520), Cadmium (0.84), Sulphate (15.30), Nitrite (2.25), Lead (2.20) as opposed to the acceptable levels of 0.1, 0.1, 0.05, 0.2, 0.003, 100, 0.2 and 0.01. More than 60% of the respondent's views revealed that the sizes of their residential buildings where livestock were raised are less than ¼ plots with limited space for both humans and animals. The distance estimate between human habitat and that of livestock animals of 70% of the farmers is less than four meters (<4m) as opposed to the world standard of 50m. Findings also show that direct animal and human interaction has become a serious health issue as some effects of zoonotic diseases, which include cholera 7%, abortion 15%, diarrhea 31%, and typhoid 50%, have been mentioned among urban livestock farmers. Some of the effects were 37% land degradation, 22% deterioration of structures and 29% contamination of water, 40% noise pollution, and destruction of properties, among others. Therefore, the research recommends that livestock farmers should constitute part of the negotiation at the planning stage. Sitting and constructing sanitary landfills, monitoring the quality and nature of the groundwater reservoirs, and medical research on both the health of the animals and their owners are to be conducted by taking blood, urine, and stool samples to medical laboratories.

Greek-Turkish relations and conflict : a bird's eye view / Alexis Heraclides -- Turkish-Greek relations : from conflict to cooperation? / Gizem Alioglu Çakmak -- Back to the future : institutionalist international relations theories and Greek-Turkish relations / Bahar Rumelili -- The Greek-Turkish antagonism : the social construction of self and other / Alexis Heraclides -- Greek-Turkish differences and similarities : national stereotypes and their implications / Hercules Millas -- The unresolved Aegean dispute : problems and prospects / Alexis Heraclides -- Greek and Turkish reciprocal minorities : a silenced dispute at the border zone of democracy / Meriç Özgünes and Konstantinos Tsitselikis -- The Ecumenical Patriarchate under Patriarch Bartholomeos and Greek-Turkish relations / Elçin Macar -- The Cyprus stalemate : opportunities for peace and lessons from Turkish-Bulgarian ethnic relations / Neophytos Loizides and Muzaffer Kutlay -- The European Union and the Turkish-Greek rapprochement in 2000s : from Europeanization to de-Europeanization? / Gizem Alioglu Çakmak - Accessing the rapprochement in its second decade : official discourse and bilateral agreements between Turkey and Greece : a critical approach / Selin Türkes-Kiliç -- Greek-Turkish economic relations in a changing regional and international context / Dimitris Tsarouhas -- Greece's portrayal by the Turkish print media : a comparative study on conjunctural images / Tugcan Durmuslar and Ali Sevket Ovali -- Turkey and the Greek media : the need for a shift from "confrontational-war" to "peace" oriented journalism / Christos A. Frangonikolopoulos -- From pioneers of peace to facilitators of co-operation? : civil society in Turkish-Greek relations / Leonidas Karakatsanis -- Turkey's entangled (energy) security concerns and the Cyprus question in the Eastern Mediterranean / Emre Iseri -- Buffer states : Greek-Turkish framing of the EU externalization policy of refugee management / Dimitris Christopoulos and Georgia Spyropoulou -- A conclusion : dentities as psychological barriers to cooperation / Gizem Alioglu Çakmak.

"When Abraham Lincoln delivered the Gettysburg Address in 1863, he had broader aims than simply rallying a war-weary nation. Lincoln realized that the Civil War had taken on a wider significance-that all of Europe and Latin America was watching to see whether the United States, a beleaguered model of democracy, would indeed 'perish from the earth.' In The Cause of All Nations, distinguished historian Don H. Doyle explains that the Civil War was viewed abroad as part of a much larger struggle for democracy that spanned the Atlantic Ocean, and had begun with the American and French Revolutions. While battles raged at Bull Run, Antietam, and Gettysburg, a parallel contest took place abroad, both in the marbled courts of power and in the public square. Foreign observers held widely divergent views on the war-from radicals such as Karl Marx and Giuseppe Garibaldi who called on the North to fight for liberty and equality, to aristocratic monarchists, who hoped that the collapse of the Union would strike a death blow against democratic movements on both sides of the Atlantic. Nowhere were these monarchist dreams more ominous than in Mexico, where Napoleon III sought to implement his Grand Design for a Latin Catholic empire that would thwart the spread of Anglo-Saxon democracy and use the Confederacy as a buffer state. Hoping to capitalize on public sympathies abroad, both the Union and the Confederacy sent diplomats and special agents overseas: the South to seek recognition and support, and the North to keep European powers from interfering. Confederate agents appealed to those conservative elements who wanted the South to serve as a bulwark against radical egalitarianism. Lincoln and his Union agents overseas learned to appeal to many foreigners by embracing emancipation and casting the Union as the embattled defender of universal republican ideals, the "last best hope of earth." A bold account of the international dimensions of America's defining conflict, The Cause of All Nations frames the Civil War as a pivotal moment in a global struggle that would decide the survival of democracy. "--

In her article, the researcher presents possible variants of the 'Ukrainian crisis' settlement with regard to current geopolitical position of Russian Federation being a result of Vladimir Putin's politics of 'neoisolationism'. The author believes that the first - and the least plausible - option, taken broad Ukrainian opposition into account, is preservation of current de facto Crimean status and federalization and neutrality of Ukraine. This will allow Russia to change geopolitical situation on its Western borders. The second option is a unitary Ukraine with its straightforward orientation on European and Euro-Atlantic values. This is a goal to become the result of current struggle unfolding in Ukraine, being at present unachievable. In this case, Russia itself can become a buffer zone between the West and China being forced to choose its political priorities. The third option implies Ukraine collapsing into two parts like post-World War Two Germany. Artificially created 'Novorossia' becomes a 'buffer' between pro-Western Ukraine and Russia with the last one basically controlling this quasi-state and shielding it from any Western influences. The author concludes that all the abovementioned options stimulate farther implementation of Russian politics of 'neoisolationism'. ; В статье обозначены возможные варианты разрешения "украинского кризиса", с учетом того, что современное геополитическое положение России стало результатом политики "неоизоляционизма" В. В. Путина. Прослежены глобальные последствия "украинского кризиса", которые, по мнению автора, определят новое соотношение силовых полей в современном миропорядке. ; У статті окреслено можливі варіанти вирішення "української кризи" з огляду на сучасне геополітичне становище Росії, що стало результатом політики "неоізоляціонізму" В. В. Путіна. Простежено глобальні наслідки "української кризи", які, на думку автора, визначать нове співвідношення силових полів у сучасному світопорядку.

In 2021, the Lower Volga Paleolithic research team of the IAET SB RAS, participating in the Interdisciplinary Lower Volga Expedition organized by the IIMK RAS, the study of the Sukhaya Mechetka Middle Paleolithic site located in the northern outskirts ofVolgograd City was continued. The research was aimed at studying the chronostratigraphic position of the cultural layer and reconstructing the paleoclimate during the Neanderthal habitation period. In 2021, an additional geological section was established to the west of the buffer zone of the excavation area to study the stratigraphy of the right-side slope of the Sukhaya Mechetka gully. In 2021 the upper part of SM 14-18 (SМ East) stratigraphic sequence has been completely excavated (26 m thick). The new SM West stratigraphic sequence was established in 155 m westwards. Preliminary correlation of the layers and paleosol horizons in these two profiles was carried out. Samples for palynological, micromorphological, physicochemical and phytholithic analyses with the purpose to correlate the two sequences have been collected. Sediments were sampled for OSL dating. Studies of the buried paleosol are extremely important for understanding the dynamics of the climatic changes during the cultural layer accumulation at Sukhaya Mechetka. Pedogenetic levels that have been revealed in 2021 are comparable to the buried paleosol identified at the site earlier in depths, continuity and features of pedogenesis. Texturally graded buried paleosol described here for the first time for the SM West sequence expand our understanding of the soil spatial inhomogeneity, and, consequently, conditions of human habitation. Results of the ongoing field investigation will allow determining the cultural-chronological position of Sukhaya Mechetka in the context of the Eastern and Central European Middle Paleolithic complexes for the first time.

The present article reviews the idea of a united Lithuanian-Latvian state as a political goal that was promoted by Jonas –li˚pas, an activist of the Lithuanian national awakening (in English transcription: John Szlupas/ Szliupas/Sliupas, 1861ñ1944). The research of the idea of establishing a common state shows that the concept of a Lithuanian-Latvian confederation (similar to Switzerland) existed already in 1884 and was mentioned in East Prussia (Germany) by Germans. The idea of a united Lithuanian-Latvian state was adopted by J. –li˚pas who further developed this idea in his own way. J. –li˚pas had acknowledged that he had first heard of the Lithuanian- Latvian state concept in 1884, in presentations of several Germans, after his oration in Tilsit (East Prussia). At the time he was 23 years old, the age when a young man is open to many new ideas. After coming to the United States, in 1885 he started promoting the idea of a Lithuanian-Latvian state in the New York Lithuanian language newspaper ìUnijaî. Later J. –li˚pas continued this idea in his subsequent publications. Such a revelation of the origin of a Lithuanian-Latvian state idea (Letto-Lithuanian Republic) helps in understanding why this early concept later found very little enthusiasm among the Lithuanian and the Latvian leaders, because the idea originated from outside and did not reflect the Lithuanian and Latvian interests. It promoted German understanding and the strategic interests developed by the Kaiserís Germany in the 19th century. It intended to separate Lithuanian and Latvian lands from the Russian Empire, thus creating a central buffer zone between the two antagonists that served German interests. The idea most likely is associated with the grandiose German plan in how to reorganize Central and Eastern Europe. After the beginning of World War I, new possibilities emerged in how to fulfill these strategic plans.

The present article reviews the idea of a united Lithuanian-Latvian state as a political goal that was promoted by Jonas –li˚pas, an activist of the Lithuanian national awakening (in English transcription: John Szlupas/ Szliupas/Sliupas, 1861ñ1944). The research of the idea of establishing a common state shows that the concept of a Lithuanian-Latvian confederation (similar to Switzerland) existed already in 1884 and was mentioned in East Prussia (Germany) by Germans. The idea of a united Lithuanian-Latvian state was adopted by J. –li˚pas who further developed this idea in his own way. J. –li˚pas had acknowledged that he had first heard of the Lithuanian- Latvian state concept in 1884, in presentations of several Germans, after his oration in Tilsit (East Prussia). At the time he was 23 years old, the age when a young man is open to many new ideas. After coming to the United States, in 1885 he started promoting the idea of a Lithuanian-Latvian state in the New York Lithuanian language newspaper ìUnijaî. Later J. –li˚pas continued this idea in his subsequent publications. Such a revelation of the origin of a Lithuanian-Latvian state idea (Letto-Lithuanian Republic) helps in understanding why this early concept later found very little enthusiasm among the Lithuanian and the Latvian leaders, because the idea originated from outside and did not reflect the Lithuanian and Latvian interests. It promoted German understanding and the strategic interests developed by the Kaiserís Germany in the 19th century. It intended to separate Lithuanian and Latvian lands from the Russian Empire, thus creating a central buffer zone between the two antagonists that served German interests. The idea most likely is associated with the grandiose German plan in how to reorganize Central and Eastern Europe. After the beginning of World War I, new possibilities emerged in how to fulfill these strategic plans.