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I. The French alliance. Condition of the church. The eve of the reformation, 1550-1559. The war of reformation, 1559-1560. The reformation parliament. John Knox. Maitland and Mary Stewart, 1561-1567. Civil war, 1568-1573. The new religion. Church and state. Bishops and presbyters, 1572-1625. The reign of the moderates. The national covenant, 1625-1638. Presbytery restored, 1638. The Glasgow assembly.--II. The covenant in arms, 1639-1641. The solemn league and covenant, 1641-1643. The royalist reaction, 1644-1648. The theocratic experiment, 1648-1651. The reign of the zealots. The restoration, 1651-1663. The Pentland rising, 1663-1667. The Leighton group, 1667-1674. The Bothwell rising, 1674-1680. Fanaticism and repression, 1680-1685. The revolution, 1685-1688. The revolution settlement, 1688-1695. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Die vorliegende Diplomarbeit behandelt verschiedene Aspekte der irischen Rockband U2. Es werden einerseits politische, religiöse und kulturelle Hintergründe der Bandentwicklung beleuchtet, und andererseits werden vier repräsentative Liedtexte ausführlich analysiert: ?Sunday, Bloody Sunday?, ?Bullet The Blue Sky?, ?Mothers of the Disappeared? und ?Miss Sarajevo?. Die sorgfältig geschriebenen Songtexte bedienen sich verschiedenster rhetorischer und poetischer Mittel um den Zuhörer zu erreichen. Natürlich entfaltet sich aufgrund der Natur des Mediums die volle Wirkung erst im Zusammenspiel mit der Musik und verleiht so (in den vier ausgewählten Fällen) der politischen Botschaft besonderen Nachdruck. Zum Beispiel benutzt ?Sunday, Bloody Sunday?, der wohl erfolgreichste Song von U2, bildhafte Elemente, wechselnde Perspektiven und Fokalisierung, um den Zuhörer zu fesseln. Darüber hinaus werden in den analysierten Texten häufig sich wiederholende Muster eingesetzt um zentrale Punkte herauszustreichen. Zusätzlich zur aufgenommenen Musik fügen die Live-Auftritte von U2 eine weitere Ebene zum sozialen Engagement von U2 hinzu, indem durch gezielten Aktivismus versucht wird, das Bewusstsein für die jeweiligen Anliegen noch zu verstärken. Auch diese Aspekte werden in der vorliegenden Diplomarbeit exemplarisch miteinbezogen. ; The present thesis discusses various aspects of the Irish rock band U2. Apart from providing an outline of important political, religious, and cultural backgrounds to the band?s development from the beginnings up to the year 1995, special emphasis is placed on the detailed analysis of four representative songs, ?Sunday, Bloody Sunday?, ?Bullet The Blue Sky?, ?Mothers Of The Disappeared?, and ?Miss Sarajevo?. The skilfully constructed lyrics, which make ample use of rhetorical and other poetic devices to enhance and underline the effect of the various arguments quite often, have a powerful effect on the listener. Of course, since songs are intermedial texts, the words interact with the music to create the overall effect and to make them more effective in terms of the usually political message underlying and motivating U2?s work. For instance, ?Sunday, Bloody Sunday?, U2?s most successful song, uses many powerful images, as well as shifting perspectives and focalization to engage, indeed captivate the listener's attention. Furthermore, figures of repetition are frequently used in the analysed songs to underline their various concerns and to give special emphasis to them. In performance another dimension of the songs is added. In Ireland, for instance, Bono tore apart the Irish flag, in order to be left with the white part, as a sign for peace. With these symbolic acts U2 is directly speaking to the audience and they are expressing their concerns, which are also briefly discussed in this thesis. ; vorgelegt von Kathrin Neuhold ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Zsfassungen in dt. und engl. Sprache ; Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb., 2013 ; (VLID)232060

Chinggis Khan is the single most important icon or historical figure of Mongolia but the next most important icon, for many generations was the Jebtsundamba khutukhtu (hubilgan, incarnation or "Living Bud­dha") of Urga.1 The 8th Jebtsundamba, as a symbol of both religious and secular power or unity in Mongolia, weathered the storm of China's 1911 Revolution, and Russia's 1917 Revolution. Then during the early period of the Communist Revolution in Mongolia (1921), northern Mongolia became the first satellite of the Soviet Union and because the Jebtsundamba wielded enormous traditional influ­ence among the people he was retained by communist leaders during a transition in the revolution in Mongolia. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5564/mjia.v0i17.82 Mongolian Journal of International Affairs, No.17 2012: 64-74

Since 9/11 politicians, preachers, conservatives and the media are all speaking about evil. In the past the dicourse about evil in our religious, philosophic and literary traditions has provoked thinking, questioning and inquiry. But today the appeal to evil is being used as a political tool to obscure compex issues, block serious thinking and stifle public discussion and debate.We are now confronting a clash of mentalities, not a clash of civilisations. One mentality is drawn to absolutes, moral certainties, and simplistic dichotomies of good and evil. The other seriously question

This paper offers a review of religion and politics in the United Kingdom shortly after the Scottish Referendum in September 2014 and the UK General Election in May 2015. It first provides a brief historical outline of the emergence of the four separate parts of the current United Kingdom, their different experiences of Anglo-Saxon and Viking invasions and responses to the Reformation in the fifteenth century after a millennium of Roman Catholicism. It then briefly reviews data from recent censuses and social attitude surveys about religious identities, beliefs and commitment and political party preferences which generally indicate a preference for Conservative Party support by Anglicans and Labour by Roman Catholics. Recent Church of England leaders have suggested that religion is now a major player on the public stage. This is strongly rejected. Firstly, census and survey data point unambiguously to the declining salience of religion and the public's strong belief that religion is a private and personal matter and that religious leaders should not meddle in politics. Secondly, three examples are given where it is argued that critical interventions by religious leaders in recent years have not led to any serious changes in government policies.