Suchergebnisse

When old-fashioned journalists have begun burial to journalism, the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ) appears as an Internet-based collaborative network. Australian ICIJ editor, Hamish Boland Rudder, tells how they put together a global story with 35 global mass media about offshore companies, tax evasion of celebrities, politicians and personalities from all countries in the world. So, surveillance journalism arises. ; Cuando los periodistas de la vieja guardia ya empezaron a dar por enterrado al periodismo, el Consorcio Internacional de Periodistas Investigativos (ICIJ, por sus siglas en inglés) aparece como una red colaborativa basada en Internet. El australiano Hamish Boland Rudder, editor de la ICIJ, relata cómo armaron una historia global con 35 medios de comunicación mundial sobre las empresas offshore, la evasión de impuestos de celebridades, políticos y personalidades de todos los países del planeta. Así surge el periodismo de vigilancia.

Este artículo presenta los resultados de una investigación fundamentada en la categoría de noopolítica, para analizar los procesos de ciudadanización de los estudiantes de la Fundación Universitaria Los Libertadores, producidos en el contexto de las prácticas discursivas, las apropiaciones y usos de la red social Facebook en la comprensión de nuevas subjetividades consideradas desde dicha categoría, ella entendida como el dominio y el ejercicio del poder sobre la conciencia misma de los sujetos, a través de los consumos de información posibilitados por los mass media. En la primera parte de este texto, se aproxima a las discusiones sobre los conceptos de ciudadanía, redes sociales y noopolítica. En la segunda parte, se expone las consideraciones metodológicas enfocadas en la etnografía virtual. Al final, se ofrecen los resultados y la discusión sobre estos procesos de ciudadanización. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.22518/16578953.825

Christianity has had a long and often turbulent history in Mongolia. When socialism crumbled finally, in 1990, there were no more than 20 Christians in the whole nation. Today, there are up to 100,000 adherents, 90 per cent of whom are Protestant evangelical. Prominent Mongolian Christian leader, Purevdorj Jamsran, suggests that there are three distinct periods in this development: formation (1991–1995); growth and transition (1996–2005); and identity (2006–present). Through analysing primary and secondary materials, conducting three field trips to gather oral interviews and using a Pentecostal case study, I explore these three periods. I argue that Protestant evangelicalism exploded onto the scene assisted by political upheaval, international allure, youthful enthusiasm and the use of mass media. Growth and transition progressed via contextualisation, ecumenical unity and community engagement. Finally, a sense of identity was established through accelerated maturation processes.

El objetivo de este artículo es realizar una sistematización del pensamiento de Antonio Pasquali a lo largo de su trayectoria intelectual. Pasquali es un protagonista central del desarrollo de los estudios en comunicación latinoamericanos. Sus preocupaciones sobre la relación entre medios masivos, política y democracia en Venezuela fundaron una línea de investigación que se ocupó de pensar desde finales de los años sesenta hasta la actualidad, las políticas de comunicación. ; This article´s purpose is to perform a systematization of Antonio Pasquali´s thoughts along his intellectual trajectory. Pasqualis is a central character in the Latin-American communication studies development. His concerns about the relationship between mass media, politics and democracy in Venezuela founded a particular line of investigation which managed to think from the late´s 60´s until our days, the communication politics. ; Facultad de Periodismo y Comunicación Social (FPyCS)

The research object of this article deals with a sharp ideological conflict that is associated with the presence of diametrically opposite interpretations of the nature of and the relevant interpretations of the present stage of socio-political crisis in Ukraine, which has started in 2013. In the mass media and in political literature, there is a wide range of characteristics and conceptual designations of the events of autumn 2013 – spring 2014 (and the subsequent processes) that vary from the "revolution of dignity" combined with the opposing her "foreign intervention" and "separatist movements" to a "coup d'etat" which provoked a "civil war" and "regionalist movements". The objectives of the article are to show the limitations of one-dimensional, strikingly ideologized interpretations and the need (for social sciences) to generate unbiased multi-dimensional, multi-level vision of complex, contradictory, and, in fact, tectonic transformations in the contemporary Ukraine.

At a time when the mass media insist on bombarding us with news about natural, political and economic disasters, words, ideas and images associated with such 'crises' and 'catastrophes' shape to a great extent collective memory and current imagination. "Fear and Fantasy in a Global World" seeks to stir the debate on the processes and meanings of, as well as on the relations between, fear and fantasy in the globalized world. Collective fears and fantasies are analysed from a number of cross-disciplinary perspectives, promoted by the epistemological underpinnings of comparative literature. In various ways and from different disciplinary angles, the 17 essays here gathered respond to and scrutinize key questions related to the imaginaries of fear and fantasy, as well as their relations to trauma, crisis, anxiety, and representations of both the conscious and the unconscious. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

The paper explores newspapers' portrayals of the European Parliament and national parliaments (NPs) in European Union (EU) affairs. To understand underlying perceptions of journalists, it takes public parliamentary activities and looks at their influence on parliaments' news visibility in Finland, Germany and the UK in routine periods in 2011 and 2012. This is done against the background that parliaments, regarded as ultimate legitimisers of state power, depend on the mass media to reach their citizenry. However, journalists follow their own agenda in publishing parliamentary news. In this regard, they may highlight the complementarity, competition or cooperation of parliaments in the EU's unique multi-tier environment. Overall, our results suggest that NPs correspond stronger with newsmakers' anticipation of readership interest. In addition, findings seem to support the assumption that parliaments in the EU are mostly perceived as complementary, separate legislative branches in EU decision-making. (author's abstract)

The article deals with the role of intellectuals in the authoritarian "new order" and with the perception of a new "openness" in Indonesia. In the existing political culture there is little room for a critical opposition. Nevertheless intellectuals have never stopped trying to bring new elements into the political culture. They used different methods and means, from petitions to open protests, all demanding the democratization of Indonesian society. The changes in Eastern Europe since 1989 made the Suharto government realize that - at least to a certain extent - it would have to accommodate to the new global situation. So more discussion on sensitive issues in the mass media, more openness was allowed. But real changes did not occur. The Democratic Forum, created in April 1991, was recognized only as a new debating club, it was prohibited as a new organization for the growing opposition to the Suharto government.

This article proposes a reciprocal relationship between Jean Rhys's interwar fiction and the mass media that popularised her work in the 1960s and 1970s. Surveying the signs that Rhys and her writing had become fashionable – for example, press reviews and profiles, including in colour supplements and fashion magazines (even her own shoot), along with television adaptations of the work she wrote or set in the 1930s – the piece discusses how her postwar 'readers' interpreted this literature of an earlier period in a way that made sense of their own era. It argues that this use of the past to understand the contemporary moment follows the logic of fashion's cyclical temporality, and that it was prefigured in the fashion-conscious, modernist short stories of Rhys's first publication, The Left Bank (1927). The article ultimately suggests that Rhys's work was subject to fashion, an eventuality that it had always envisaged.

AbstractThis paper investigates how the discursive battle for the Flemish nation is waged in the Flemish mass media by politicians of the Flemish nationalist party, the New Flemish Alliance (N‐VA). I focus on the 'new nationalism' that N‐VA politicians advocate as a means to 'banalise' a hot Flemish nationalism. I establish that N‐VA spokespeople and especially their chairman Bart De Wever invoke discursive alliances with established scholars such as Anderson, Hroch, Calhoun and Billig. On the one hand, these alliances are used to sell their nationalism as a non‐ideological or non‐discursive project. On the other hand, the analyses of these intellectuals are used as manuals to 'banalise' a hot nationalism. The concept of 'scientific' nationalism refers to the entextualisation of scientific discourses in order to legitimate and banalise the nationalist project of the party as 'in line with science'.

The ʻdecouverte' of the writing of Marguerite Yourcenar in Spain was delayed. Despite some translations published in Argentina and Spain between 1955 and the 1970s, Yourcenar works have not attracted the attention of Spanish readers until 1980. The election of the writer at the Académie française, broadcast by all the mass media, aroused the curiosity of the Spanish players. Two years later, according to the president of the Spanish government of his taste for the Memoirs of Hadrian also helps to make popular Yourcenar in Spain. Yet, his notoriety was not a feeting fashion. Therefore the interest for the writer has ceased to increase. Nowadays it has become a classic that continues to seduce readers of all conditions. The timeless world of his narratives, transcendence and the news of his thoughts in a time of crisis of values could be some of the reasons that might explain it.

AbstractThis article addresses the problem of the present‐day historical discourse in Poland by taking under scrutiny one specific event: the historical re‐enactment of the ethnic cleansing of Polish villagers by the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, staged in a small town in southeastern Poland, Radymno, in the summer of 2013. It is based on research, carried out by the author and a group of students in Radymno and its surroundings in the period preceding and following the performance, as well as on content analysis of the press. The comparison of the top‐down political and mass media discourse with local responses to the idea of re‐enactment and, more broadly, local understandings of Polish–Ukrainian relations, reveal many contradictions. In attempting to understand them, the article discusses broader ramifications of the 'democratization of history': the political contestation, class rhetoric and societal tensions that are tangled up in historical debates.

El presente estudio es producto de la reflexión desarrollada por los autores a partir de a) la observación de las manifestaciones del Movimiento 15M y de las Jornadas de Junho en España y Brasil, respectivamente y b) el análisis de fuentes secundarias procedentes de estadísticas y de mecanismos de comunicación y difusión de actividades (websites y mass media). El principal objetivo del estudio es realizar un análisis comparativo entre los dos movimientos, revisando similaridades y diferencias en relación a los contextos de origen y sus desarrollos. Aunque se observan diferencias entre ambas protestas en cuanto a la coyuntura económica y política, así como al detonante de las protestas, si atendemos a los repertorios, contenidos y marcos de interpretación, se podrían observar ambas protestas como manifestaciones de un ciclo de protesta global que tiene sus raíces en la actual fase del capitalismo internacional.

Two nationwide representative studies (N = 653 adolescents; N = 1007 adults) investigated the psychological correlates of the intention to penalize public expressions of prejudice in the form of support for hate‐speech prohibition. We presented participants with preselected examples of hate speech from the Internet and other mass media and assessed their willingness to support the prohibition of public expressions of such remarks. Both studies found that social dominance orientation and right‐wing authoritarianism are positively correlated with outgroup prejudice, but they have differential effects on hate‐speech prohibition. Social dominance orientation was positively related to the acceptance of hate speech, whereas right‐wing authoritarianism was positively related to hate‐speech prohibition. In discussing this counterintuitive finding, we suggest that right‐wing authoritarians are particularly vigilant toward norm violations—and this makes them more punitive toward counternormative expressions of prejudice, such as hate speech.

This article explores the relation between issue politicization and crisis‐induced learning by the EU. We performed a political claims analysis on the political response to the four major oil spill disasters that have occurred in European waters since 1993. Political claims that we observed in three arenas (mass media, national parliaments, and the European Parliament) were compared with recommendations in post‐crisis evaluation reports and the EU's legislative responses. For all three political arenas our findings indicate that politicization of issues either promotes or impedes crisis‐induced EU learning, which points to the existence of determining intervening factors. EU legislation that is adopted in response to oil spill disasters appears to a large extent grounded in crisis evaluation reports. Characteristics of crisis evaluation reports, especially the degree of international focus, seem to offer a more plausible explanation for variance in crisis‐induced learning outcomes than politicization.