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Agricultural development is still central to economic activity and employment in Vietnam. The developments in modern agriculture have led to a host of environmental concerns because it impinges on natural resources and heavily relies on synthetic fertilizers, pesticides and other chemicals. Agricultural developments include various influences on biodiversity and ecosystem functioning and services such as destruction of wildlife habitat, organic and nutrient enrichment, pollution risks, etc. The research throws light on an area not always foregrounded in the discussion of agricultural development surrounding protected areas in Vietnam. It raises an important question about how can manage agricultural production of protected area buffer zones to achieve economic viability and ensure ecological sustainability. This research has sought to analyze the agricultural development of local people and provide some perspectives on sustainable development toward agroecology nearby protected sites which are significant for Vietnam. The structure and emphasis of this research have been shaped mainly by the material gathered through the interviews. Through the application of the systemic approach of agroecology (objectives-practices-outputs), this research reviews the current situation of agricultural development surrounding Xuan Thuy National Park, the first Ramsar site in Southeast Asia. In the protected area buffer zone, there is an existence of diverse farming systems (mono and poly-culture) but there is a dearth of ecological-based knowledge and practices of farm households. One indication that there have not different cultivation guidance and management for farmers in the communal buffer zone as compared with outer communes. Agricultural advisory services from the local government have been disseminated similarly in the whole district including the protected area buffer zone. Whole-farm performances gained with different levels of sustainability. From socio-economic perspectives, farm households achieve some profitability but less efficiency. From ecological perspectives, there are many issues related to environmental pollution including the spontaneous drainage of farm effluents, inordinate application of pest and disease control, unwise utilization of synthetic fertilizers, wide use of antibiotics, and water conflicting between group users. Through RAAIS (Rapid Appraisal of Agricultural Information System) analysis, this research identifies a vast range of elements that constitute constraints and underlying causes that hinder sustainable agricultural development and the application of ecological-based management practices in the protected area buffer zone. The top three clusters of constraints to achieving the development are mismanagement practices at the farm-scale, economic issues and environmental pollution. The analysis is undoubtedly brought about improvements in understanding the challenges and particular problems for agricultural developments around the protected area. Then the research focuses on the analysis of interlinked causes of the constraints. The first cause relates to the poor policy development associated with low enforcement of agroecologically-based methods for the agriculture sector nearby protected areas. Meanwhile, literature and policy documents show that Vietnam has numerous laws, policies and regulations for sustainable agriculture and eco-friendly cultivation, they have not been effectively transferred into practices at this zone. There is no restriction upon the unwise use of agrochemicals such as chemical pesticides and fertilizers around the sensitive area. At the same time, there is a lack of economic incentives for farmers who conserve nature near the protected area. Authorities at district and commune levels manage agriculture toward intensification but deficient ecological knowledge. Xuan Thuy National Park management board has very little authorization in monitoring improper practices of peripheral communities even though the park has technicians working on the issues related to environmental protection and conservation. Farmers have little interaction with the park for agricultural production. Furthermore, the enforcement of environmental standards in farming activities is limited despite the existence of environmental regulations and laws. The weak enforcement attributes by the dearth of facilities, resource-conserving equipment, laboratories, and staff from district to communes. In other words, environmental standards are given too much emphasis, while they have not transferred into practice and materialized in this site. The second emergent cause call for a reorientation is the agricultural advisory service system due to its low performance. Packages of technical advisory and problem-solving skillsets have not yet satisfied various needs of farmers or improved the economic and environmental outcomes of diverse production systems. Advisory providers have little role in assisting farmers to confront regional issues including negative impacts from pesticide contaminants and pond effluents, a disease outbreak in production, drastic weather, water conflicting between groups of farmer users, etc. Another critical interlinked constraint is related to the gap between the objectives of farmers and the park authority. Primary, farmers have the top priority for profits and they want to satisfy their own needs rather than feeling responsible for long-term maintenance. This clearly expresses the improper farming methods in the land-use systems and thus partly leads to the undesirable environmental performance in surveyed farms. While the conservative authorities expect both conservation and development, but in most cases economic factors shaped the decision-making of provincial government and lower agencies. From the preservation perspective, there have not clear indicators or measures of environmental sustainability for agriculture. Lastly, the findings of the research point out that farmers' knowledge of ecological agriculture is deficient, and these have an impact on the limited adoption of environmentally friendly production methods. Several implications are arising from this research to reflect on what needs to be put in place to ensure the form of agriculture nearby sensitive sites. These include ways of the policy-making process and stakeholder engagement as well as fostering of local knowledge and capacities and sustainable management practices in the response of agricultural development and pollution mitigation. The changes require helps to regulate agriculture toward the preservation of local ecosystems. ; Le développement agricole est toujours au cœur de l'activité économique et de l'emploi au Vietnam. L'évolution de l'agriculture moderne a suscité de nombreuses préoccupations environnementales, car elle empiète sur les ressources naturelles et dépend fortement des engrais synthétiques, des pesticides et d'autres produits chimiques. Le développement agricole influence diversement la biodiversité et le fonctionnement des écosystèmes et des services tels que la destruction de l'habitat faunique, l'enrichissement en matières organiques et en éléments nutritifs, les risques de pollution, etc. La recherche met la lumière sur une zone qui n'est pas toujours au premier plan dans la discussion du développement agricole entourant les zones protégées au Vietnam. Elle soulève une question importante sur la façon de gérer la production agricole des zones tampons protégées pour atteindre la viabilité socio-économique et assurer la durabilité écologique. Cette recherche a cherché à analyser le développement agricole des populations locales et à fournir des perspectives de développement durable vers l'agroécologie à proximité des sites protégés qui sont importants pour le Vietnam. La structure et l'importance de cette recherche ont été façonnées principalement par le matériel recueilli au cours des entrevues. En appliquant l'approche systémique de l'agroécologie (objectifs-pratiques-résultats), cette recherche examine la situation actuelle du développement agricole autour du parc national Xuan Thuy, le premier site Ramsar en Asie du Sud-Est. Dans la zone tampon de l'aire protégée, il existe divers systèmes agricoles (mono et polyculture), mais les pratiques de production écologiques des ménages agricoles sont rares. Il n'existe pas de différence dans les directives agricoles pour les agriculteurs dans la zone tampon et ceux des zones extérieures. Les services de conseil agricole du gouvernement local ont été diffusés de façon similaire dans l'ensemble du district. Les performances des exploitations agricoles en ont bénéficié et atteignent différents niveaux de durabilité. Du point de vue socio-économique, les ménages agricoles atteignent une certaine rentabilité, mais moins de stabilité, d'efficacité et de résilience. Du point de vue écologique, il existe de nombreux problèmes liés à la pollution de l'environnement, notamment le drainage spontané des effluents agricoles, l'application excessive de pesticides contre les ravageurs et les maladies, l'utilisation peu judicieuse d'engrais synthétiques, l'utilisation généralisée d'antibiotiques, et le conflit pour l'eau entre les utilisateurs du groupe. En utilisant l'analyse par RAAIS (Rapid Appraisal of Agricultural Information System), cette recherche détermine des éléments qui entravent le développement agricole durable et l'application des pratiques de gestion écologiques dans la zone tampon de l'aire protégée et les causes de ses contraintes. Les trois principaux groupes de contraintes à la réalisation du développement sont les mauvaises pratiques de gestion à l'échelle de la ferme, les problèmes économiques et la pollution environnementale. L'analyse est certainement amenée à améliorer la compréhension des défis et des problèmes particuliers du développement agricole autour des aires protégées. Ensuite, la recherche se concentre sur l'analyse des causes interdépendantes des contraintes. La première cause est liée au faible développement des politiques associé à une faible application de celles-ci au secteur agricole à proximité des aires protégées. En ce moment, le Vietnam a de nombreuses lois, politiques et réglementations pour une agriculture durable et une culture respectueuse de l'environnement, mais elles n'ont pas été effectivement transposées dans les pratiques de cette zone. Il n'y a aucune restriction quant à l'utilisation imprudente de produits agrochimiques comme les pesticides et les engrais dans la zone sensible. En même temps, il manque d'incitations économiques pour les agriculteurs qui conservent la nature à proximité de l'aire protégée. Les autorités, au niveau du district et de la commune, poussent l'agriculture vers l'intensification, mais avec une connaissance écologique insuffisante. Le conseil de gestion du parc national Xuan Thuy a très peu d'autorité pour surveiller les pratiques inappropriées des communautés périphériques, même si le parc a des techniciens qui travaillent sur les questions liées à la protection et à la conservation de l'environnement. Les agriculteurs ont peu d'interactions avec le parc pour la production agricole. De plus, l'application des normes environnementales dans les activités agricoles est limitée malgré l'existence de lois et de règlements environnementaux. Les faibles retombées de l'application de la loi sont dues au manque d'installations, d'équipement de conservation des ressources, de laboratoires et de personnel des districts et communes. Autrement dit, on met trop l'accent sur les normes environnementales, alors qu'elles ne se sont pas matérialisées dans ce site. La deuxième cause émergente, appellée à une réorientation, est le système de conseil agricole en raison de ses faibles performances. Les ensembles de compétences techniques de conseil et de résolution de problèmes n'ont pas encore répondu aux divers besoins des agriculteurs ni amélioré les résultats économiques et environnementaux des divers systèmes de production. Les comités de conseils ont peu de moyens pour aider les agriculteurs à faire face aux problèmes régionaux, y compris les effets négatifs des contaminants, des pesticides et des effluents des étangs, une maladie dans la production, des conditions météorologiques extrêmes, des conflits pour l'eau entre les groupes d'agriculteurs utilisateurs. etc. Une autre contrainte essentielle, c'est l'écart entre les objectifs des agriculteurs et ceux de l'autorité du parc. Dans le secteur primaire, les agriculteurs donnent la priorité absolue aux profits et ils veulent satisfaire leurs propres besoins plutôt que de se sentir responsables de l'entretien à long terme. Cela exprime clairement le caractère inapproprié des méthodes agricoles dans les systèmes d'utilisation des terres et conduit donc en partie à des performances environnementales indésirables dans les exploitations recensées. Alors que les autorités en charge de la conservation de la nature attendent à la fois la conservation et le développement, dans la plupart des cas, ce sont les facteurs économiques qui ont façonné la prise de décisions du gouvernement provincial et des organismes des échelons inférieurs. Du point de vue de la préservation, il n'y a pas d'indicateurs ou de mesures clairs de la durabilité environnementale pour l'agriculture. Enfin, les résultats de la recherche soulignent que les connaissances des agriculteurs en matière d'agroécologie sont insuffisantes et qu'elles ont un impact sur l'adoption limitée de méthodes de production respectueuses de l'environnement. Plusieurs implications découlent de cette recherche pour réfléchir à ce qui doit être mis en place pour déterminer la forme de l'agriculture à proximité des sites sensibles. Il s'agit notamment des processus d'élaboration des politiques et de mobilisation des parties prenantes, ainsi que de l'amélioration des connaissances et des capacités des responsables locaux et des pratiques de gestion durable pour le développement agricole en vue de l'atténuation de la pollution. Les changements nécessaires aident à réglementer l'agriculture pour la préservation des écosystèmes locaux.

Food, water, and shelter, as fundamental components of human existence are no less critical in an aviation unit than the number of enemies shot down, as a combat force can be made or broken over necessities. During World War II, Russian pilots returned to bases where food and housing were not to be taken for granted, and free time was dictated by forces largely outside their control. The overall living conditions of Russian pilots during the war were varied, unpredictable, and improvised. ; Winner of the 2020 Friends of the Kreitzberg Library Award for Outstanding Research in the Junior Arts/Humanities category. ; Borscht, Barracks, and Bears: How Russian Pilots Lived in WWII Sarah Clark HI 355: WW2 Colloquium Phase 3 Word Count: 3,307 December 6, 2019 Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 1 Introduction What were the living conditions of Russian pilots in WWII? Food, water, and shelter, as fundamental components of human existence are no less critical in an aviation unit than the number of enemies shot down, as a combat force can be made or broken over necessities. During World War II, Russian pilots returned to bases where food and housing were not to be taken for granted, and free time was dictated by forces largely outside their control. The overall living conditions of Russian pilots during the war were varied, unpredictable, and improvised. When the war began, pilots unused to wartime conditions had to adapt quickly to their new conditions. One pilot recalled: the sun was baking hot on the street. I walked slowly towards the airfield and came up to the dispersal area. It was like a disturbed anthill. They were repairing the old shelters. Here and there they were digging new ones. They assigned the headquarters dug-out for the use of the staff. Fyodorov and Godunov decided to use an enormous plywood container in which, at one time, an aircraft had arrived from the factory in parts…We had supper –field rations, as if we were at the front—and spent the night in the dug-out. Tired after the day's work and even more so after the previous sleepless night, everyone soon dropped off. Of course, after comfortable quarters, snow-white sheets and a soft bed, it is not cosy to sleep on a plank bed; but aircrew get used to anything.1 Food Sources Throughout the war, sources of food varied, but the three most common were rations, villagers, and American Lend-Lease food. Rations were the primary source of food for Russian pilots. The military had its own rationing system, separate from and prioritized above the civilian system.2 At first, most foods were produced and distributed by state associated farms and collectives. Throughout the war, more and more initiative was given to peasants to make food production a private enterprise to increase production and reduce the burden on state-owned 1 Kaberov, Swastika in the Gunsight, 5. 2 Ganson, "Food Supply," 78. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 2 sources.3 Typical rations for the Russian armed forces consisted of a simple breakfast of porridge known as kasha, a type of soup called borscht for lunch, and bread with pickles or cucumbers for dinner, and for aviators 100 grams of vodka after combat missions.4 In general, variety and items such as meat, fat, and fresh fruits and vegetables were hard to come by. Throughout the war, Russians both were allocated and received fewer daily calories than the soldiers of several other countries. In early 1941, Russian infantrymen were allocated 2,954 calories a day, which was increased to 3,450 in September.5 Members of active flying units were supposed to receive 4,712.6 Compared to other Allied nations, this basic allowance was low. For instance, the United States allocated 4,748 calories for front-line soldiers, and Britain allocated 5,300 for soldiers fighting in cold weather.7 Despite official instructions, it was common for Russians to receive less than their daily allotted calories, placing them even farther below their Allied comrades. Pilots overcame the lack of food and added variety by trading with nearby villagers if based near or in a village. There are multiple accounts of pilots and technicians going into towns to exchange unused items such as underwear or more common items such as "tobacco, cigarettes, bread, and sugar for milk, sour cream, eggs, and butter and sometimes meat."8 Exchanges could be a one-time or reoccurring transaction. For instance, while in Romania, one squadron member paid a Romanian for a daily supply of ten eggs.9 However, making deals with the locals was not always favored by senior officers, as squadron members were arrested and 3 Moskoff, "The First Priority," 126; Ganson, "Food Supply," 75-76. 4 Collingham, "Fighting on Empty," 319. 5 Collingham, "Fighting on Empty." 319. 6 Moskoff, "The First Priority," 127. 7 Collingham, "Out of Depression," 434; Collingham, "Fighting on Empty," 319. 8 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 145, 186. 9 Mariinskiy, Airacobra, 142. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 3 imprisoned in some units.10 Yet, the prevalence of such transactions illustrates the desperation for sufficient and adequate food. Pilots not only traded with villagers and peasants, but they also took advantage of their surroundings. They scavenged through the remains of old villages, especially on the way towards Berlin in 1944 and 1945.11 One of the most common items searched for was alcohol. For instance, one fighter pilot, heading towards Berlin, recalled that "in the deserted workshops of the sugar mill the omnipresent procurement officers…found tanks of spirits."12 In other locations, where natural resources such as rivers were more abundant, pilots occasionally resorted to fishing to provide fresh meat in desperate times, when the food supplied in the mess hall was either meager or nonexistent.13 Another way variety was increased was through the introduction of American Lend- Lease items, especially in 1943 and after. For instance, dairy items from America like dried eggs and milk powder, hard to come by in Russia, supplemented protein and fat intake, and packaged meats such as Spam were a welcome respite from dried fish.14 To show this one pilot reported that "American food, it was a feast—canned meat, dried eggs, canned milk."15 While American food was only a tiny sliver of what the air forces ate during the war, it certainly provided a respite from the standard fare. 10 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 145. 11 I Remember, "Airmen: Ivan Konovalov," https://iremember.ru/en/memoirs/airmen/ivan-konovalov/ [accessed 14 October 2019]. 12 Kramarenko, Combat over the Eastern Front, 77-78. 13 Timofeyeva-Yegorova, Red Sky Black Death, 114. 14 Collingham, "Fighting on Empty," 340; I Remember, "Airmen: Kolyadin Victor Ivanovich," https://iremember.ru/en/memoirs/airmen/ kolyadin-victor-ivanovich/ [accessed 14 October 2019]. 15 Pennington, Wings, Women, and War, 119. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 4 Factors that Affected Food Squadron location, when correlated with timeframe, was one of the most significant factors affecting food availability and type, including geographic location, distance relative to frontlines, and proximity to inhabited villages. Geographic location was significant because Russia is a massive country, and front lines stretched for hundreds of miles. Food supplies were inadequate to begin with, and the distribution system was incomplete and inefficient. These issues were only compounded by the rapidly advancing German forces during Operation Barbarossa.16 Not every unit received equal amounts of food, and food reserves were not in place, especially at the beginning, resulting in troops at the front and rear being shorted.17 To show the variation, one fighter pilot, who spent some time near the front lines at Smolensk, wrote "I'm still amazed that—whether advancing or retreating—we were always well supplied with food."18 Conversely, other pilots reported periodic food shortages lasting several days near front lines.19 Therefore food availability varied greatly from one unit to the next. Distance from the front impacted food supply because it affected the ability of food to reach airfields. At the beginning of the war, food shortages were common in contested areas, such as the North Caucasus and Ukraine.20 Plus, reserves were either too far away or not built up enough to sustain prolonged shortages.21 During German advances supplies were not always able to be delivered, causing aircrews to survive on what meager items they had stockpiled.22 Other 16 Moskoff, "The First Priority," 113. 17 Moskoff, "The First Priority," 115. 18 Drabkin, Barbarossa, 85. 19 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 186. 20 Pennington, Wings, Women, and War, 79. 21 Moskoff, "The First Priority," 115. 22 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 186; Pennington, Wings, Women, and War, 79. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 5 times, aircrews were forced to pick up supplies with their aircraft because the ground vehicles were unable to reach their airfields.23 The type of action an air unit was supporting, such as a retreat or an advance, also affected their food supply. When a regiment formally moved to a new airfield in preparation for an operation, and if time allowed, the airfield would be prepped by a service battalion consisting of combat support and maintenance personnel, who stocked up supplies and prepared the housing and airfield facilities for the arrival of the unit.24 Thorough preparation resulted in efficiency and ease of movement. However, when movement to a new airfield was either hastily planned or unplanned as a result of an unexpected retreat, there was no preparation, resulting in the opposite effect: no supplies. For instance, while retreating in 1942, one pilot wrote that upon reaching the assigned base they "found nothing there—no staff, no mess hall, no fuel" because the ground support had been unable to reach the base in time to prepare it.25 However, the unit in that scenario ended up being fed by a woman from a local village, illustrating the last essential component of location: proximity to an inhabited area.26 Airfields were frequently built near villages. Consequently, instead of official housing, pilots would be billeted with the town residents. Occasionally villagers had items unavailable to military members, such as fresh vegetables from their gardens or dairy products, such as milk. 27 One last factor to consider in analyzing food supply is unit type: bombers versus fighters. Food for both types of units was dreary and monotonous with occasional highlights of canned 23 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 67. 24 Bessette, "Soviet Military Transportation Aviation," 196. 25 Timofeyeva-Yegorova, Red Sky Black Death, 108. 26 Timofeyeva-Yegorova, Red Sky Black Death, 108. 27 Timofeyeva-Yegorova, Red Sky Black Death, 85, 176. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 6 American food, items gained from the locals, or the rationed chocolate and Coca-Cola.28 For instance, in 1942, one bomber pilot reported eating brown bread, a lot of cereal, and in the fall-potatoes, while another bomber pilot reported eating a breakfast of gruel, bread, butter, and tea the following year.29 Fighter pilots reported similar types of food including soup, tea, and bread.30 Overall, food was more affected by location, type of action, and timeframe than type of unit because units across all aircraft types experienced times of relative abundance and shortage, based on locational and situational factors. Housing Housing was also based on location and situation. The spectrum ranged from sleeping in and under aircraft using tarps and covers as blankets to large houses in nearby villages, and later even villas. Pilots were usually billeted separately from the enlisted technicians. Commonly, the technicians were kept closer to the aircraft in dugouts, huts, or trenches, so that they were quickly accessible and ready for action, while it was more common for pilots to live outside the airfield. However, there were times when pilots and technicians lived together, such as one tail gunner who lived in the same local home as her pilot.31 Housing Situations One of the main differences in airfield accommodations was the age of the airfield. New airfields were usually less developed because they were formed during war when a base was needed during a rapid advance or unplanned retreat. Hasty quarters usually consisted of dugouts built into the ground, sometimes made by female workers from nearby cities, such as 28 I Remember, "Airmen: Kolyadin Victor Ivanovich," https://iremember.ru/en/memoirs/airmen/ kolyadin-victor-ivanovich/ [accessed 14 October 2019]. 29 I Remember. "Airmen: Kolyadin Victor Ivanovich," https://iremember.ru/en/memoirs/airmen/ kolyadin-victor-ivanovich/ [accessed 14 October 2019]; I Remember, "Airmen: Ivan Konovalov," https://iremember.ru /en/memoirs/airmen/ivankonovalov/ [accessed 14 October 2019]. 30 Kramarenko, Combat over the Eastern Front, 78. 31 Timofeyeva-Yegorova, Red Sky Black Death, 176. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 7 Leningrad.32 Pilots also lived in trenches or around the aircraft until more permanent quarters could be made.33 Again, there were exceptions. New airfields were better prepared when movements were planned well in advance, and airfield service battalions were available to go to the airfield first and prepare it for the unit, which included billeting arrangements.34 Conversely, older airfields, many of which had been training schools or air bases before the war, already had a developed infrastructure. They had permanent quarters or at least buildings that could be readily turned into barracks. For instance, one pilot recalled living in an old school building on an airfield that had been a training school two years before the war.35 Even in 1944, when the Russians refitted three Ukrainian air bases for the Americans, they refitted an artillery barracks and school buildings for the Americans to live in.36 Also, as the Russians moved east in 1944 and 1945 they utilized barracks on former German airfields. If housing was not available on the airfield, pilots were billeted in the homes of villagers or other available buildings, within several miles of the airfield. Even within the homes there was a lot of variation. Usually the home's residents still lived there, and one of two scenarios occurred: either a couple or as many as possible pilots would be billeted there. For example, one pilot recalls that "the overcrowding was horrendous, but room was found for me. In a crooked hut…having delicately pushed the hostess to the oven in her kitchen."37 Houses could become crowded and uncomfortable when pilots, other officers, and non-maintenance personnel, were forced to live together. Alternatively, other pilots were billeted alone and given a lot of space and 32 Kaberov, Swastika in the Gunsight, 91. 33 Timofeyeva-Yegorova, Red Sky Black Death, 106. 34 Bessette, "Soviet Military Transportation Aviation," 196. 35 Reshetnikov, Bomber Pilot on the Eastern Front, 33. 36 Plokhy, Forgotten Bastards, 35. 37 Reshetnikov, Bomber Pilot on the Eastern Front, 138. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 8 relatively nice accommodations. Also, nearby villages were occasionally abandoned, resulting in pilots living in vacant homes.38 Overall, village billeting was varied. Uncontrollable Factors Another variable that should not be overlooked is the effect of the war on housing options. Barracks and dugouts were not immune to German air raids. When permanent buildings or dugouts were destroyed, pilots slept in hastily rebuilt dugouts or under the aircraft. Combat readiness also dictated how close aircrews slept to their aircraft because if a raid was expected, pilots needed to be ready to defend their airfield at a moment's notice.39 Bombings, when the signal of a German advance, also contributed to units moving from new bases and having to find new quarters altogether. Other times, the housing at a new base was inhabitable. For instance, one mechanic wrote that "all of the habitable dwellings nearby were mined by the Germans, so we had to live under the wings of our aircraft."40 Therefore, stable and safe housing was not to be taken for granted in combat conditions. Weather also played devil's advocate with housing. Mud, rain, and snow are all part of life in Russia and had devastating effects on airfield usage and quality of life inside aircrew quarters. During the rainy season, dugouts were flooded with inches to feet of water, either forcing pilots to pump the water out in colder seasons or live under the aircraft in warmer weather.41 Snow, on the other hand, made its way into primitive buildings in the form of ice. Escaping the cold was impossible. Changes in weather patterns and the beginning of colder seasons also resulted in insect and animal infestations, such as fleas, rats, and mosquitos. One rat 38 Kramarenko, Combat over the Eastern Front, 26. 39 Tomofeyeva-Yegorova, Black Sky Red Death, 106. 40 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 151. 41 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 110, 173. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 9 infestation was so bad a pilot remarked that "they were routinely crushed under people's feet."42 Overall, weather was just one more variable that made housing unpredictable. Commodities Not only was housing itself varied and often improvised, but commodities nowadays taken for granted were as well. Most of what the pilots had for furniture, light, and linens were makeshift. Oil drums and shell casings were used as crude lamps and stoves. Any available material was burned in those stoves, including used bomb fuse-boxes.43 Beds, tables, and any other furniture were typically cobbled together from planks, wood scraps, straw, and aircraft covers. Pillows were stuffed with everything from weeds to straw. Again, there were exceptions, especially later in the war, when air units took over German airfields or lived in residences currently or previously owned by the wealthy. For example, one pilot wrote that his unit was "billeted for a rest in some factory-owner's villa…on soft feather beds," and remarked that "the conqueror's position has its advantages."44 Overall though, pilots did not live in luxury. They made what they needed from what was available. Personal Free Time The small amount of free time in between tasking, or during rough weather, helped the pilots let loose and mentally cope with being in combat. On a personal level, people kept busy with what was available. Those who had books read them and then shared them, which led to book discussions.45 Games requiring little space, such as dominos, chess, and cards were played; although, some commands forbade cardplaying, calling it bourgeois.46 People who were musically gifted and carried their instrument, such as a guitar or accordion, around would play 42 Pennington, Wings, Women, and War, 116. 43 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 124. 44 Kramarenko, Combat over the Eastern Front, 73. 45 Reshetnikov, Bomber Pilot on the Eastern Front, 138. 46 Drabkin, Barbarossa, 42. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 10 for their fellow airmen. Some of the women would knit, embroider, or sew new pairs of silk underwear. And everyone looked forward to letters from home, especially when the Germans occupied territory where their loved ones lived. For instance, one pilot wrote that when she received the first letter from her mother, five months into the war, she "felt such relief! All these months I had worried about my family, whether they were suffering somewhere under German occupation."47 Pilots were desperate for news about the wellbeing and whereabouts of relatives and friends. Unit Free Time Beyond the personal level, units organized events amongst themselves. Some had a newsletter that members would write in and distribute amongst the unit.48 Usually those had a political overtone. Nevertheless, they were an opportunity for people to use skills other than flying, such as creative writing, journalism, and drawing. Activities such as talent shows and performances were also organized, including events such as formal readings, performance of plays or sketches, and solo acts. For example, one squadron had the only Gypsy to fly for Russia in the war, who performed dances of his culture, until he died in combat.49 Parties and dances were also held, especially in some of the female units, to celebrate successful missions with dancing and singing.50 Celebrations were an outlet for the emotion created by the stresses of combat and unpredictable living conditions. Occasionally if located near a larger city, such as Leningrad, and if tasking allowed, pilots were able to partake in urban activities, such as movies, concerts, and dance classes. At times, events were formally organized by unit commanders to increase morale and let their 47 Timofeyeva-Yegorova, Red Sky Black Death, 81. 48 Kaberov, Swastika in the Gunsight, 6. 49 Kramarenko, Combat over the Eastern Front, 61. 50 Noggle, A Dance with Death, 71 . Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 11 personnel get away from the humdrum of front-line duties, while other times, attending a movie or performance was not command mandated. For instance, one corps commander gave circus tickets to his officers and ordered them to go on a night when no flights were scheduled.51 While in a different squadron a group of pilots was invited to a musical premiere in Leningrad while the city was being barraged by the Germans.52 Not only did pilots seek out entertainment, but entertainment sought them out, in the form of traveling performers, artists, and mobile theaters that traveled throughout the eastern front, providing performances for units unable to go to a city or populated area. Relationships Beyond mere activities, relationships were another way to pass the time. Wedding ceremonies were a change from the more frequent funeral ceremonies. Pilots married either pilots from other commands or members of various service battalions. To illustrate the difference between a funeral and wedding, an airman wrote, "the regiment personnel celebrated a festive and memorable event. And it had nothing to do with war, blood, or death. It was quite the opposite of a funeral."53 Joyous occasions were a welcome relief from the cruel ways of combat. Relationships were unavoidable in squadrons where technicians and combat support staff were frequently female. Even in units with only female pilots, relationships were not uncommon with male members of the same or other units. There was one female pilot, for example, whose former commanding officer proposed after the war ended.54 Relationships were crucial in motivating pilots to return from every flight and survive the war, while also serving to satisfy the soft side of human existence. 51 Reshetnikov, Bomber Pilot on the Eastern Front, 157. 52 Kaberov, Swastika in the Gunsight, 178. 53 Antipov & Utkin, Dragons on Bird Wings, 75. 54 Timofeyeva-Yegorova, Red Sky Black Death, 201. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 12 However, humans were not the only ones to fulfill this need for affection, as pets were not forbidden. Often, stray dogs or cats were picked up when a unit passed by an abandoned area. They were either adopted by a whole unit or individuals, as was the case with the Gypsy and his dog, Jack.55 However, there were other scenarios, where a pet would be left behind by higher-ups who briefly visited the unit. For example, Alexander Novikov, then Air Force supreme commander, left behind a bear cub he had been given. At the squadron, the small cub ate and slept with the men, which became difficult as she grew. In the end, she was killed by outsiders, and the air unit refused to eat her.56 While an unusual scenario, it still shows the connections unit members made with animals that ended up in their possession. Focusing on caring for a pet was a needed distraction. Conclusion During World War II, the men and women in the Russian air forces lived an unpredictable life, dictated by the whims of combat. Food would be available one day and not the next. Moving from base to base increased unpredictability, as not all locations were supplied equally, especially when close to combat or advancing German forces. Air force units stretched from Leningrad to Ukraine, which strained the initially inadequate supply system. Time was not always available for building new housing, resulting in external billeting and quickly-built dugouts. Improvisation was the name of the game, as the pilots had to make do with the food, materials, and housing they could scavenge or trade for. Pilots with imagination and creativity were able to create a home away from home that at least met the bare minimum of their needs, despite limited free time to decompress and get away from combat stressors. 55 Kramarenko, Combat over the Eastern Front, 61. 56 Kramarenko, Combat over the Eastern Front, 69. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 13 Research Question: What were the living conditions of Russian pilots in WWII?Outline 1. Introduction 1.1. Research question 1.2. Idea of the variability, range of living conditions 2. Living Conditions 2.1. Food 2.1.1. Food sources 2.1.1.1. Rations 2.1.1.1.1. Calorie comparison 2.1.1.2. Local sources 2.1.1.3. American food 2.1.2. Factors affecting food 2.1.2.1. Location 2.1.2.1.1. Timeframe 2.1.2.1.2. Movement type 2.1.2.1.3. Billeting 2.1.2.2. Unit type 2.2. Housing 2.2.1. Introduction 2.2.2. Housing Situations 2.2.2.1. New Airfields 2.2.2.2. Old Airfields 2.2.2.3. Living in Villages 2.2.3. Uncontrollable Factors 2.2.3.1. Combat Conditions 2.2.3.2. Weather 2.2.4. Commodities 2.3. Free Time 2.3.1. Personal Level 2.3.1.1. Hobbies: sewing, knitting, poetry, music 2.3.1.2. Letters from home 2.3.2. Unit Level Activities 2.3.2.1. Newspapers, performances 2.3.2.2. Nearby towns 2.3.2.2.1. Leader/command initiated 2.3.3. Relationships 2.3.3.1. People 2.3.3.2. Pets 3. Conclusion Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 14 Bibliography Primary Sources Drabkin, Artem. Barbarossa and the Retreat to Moscow: Recollections of Fighter Pilots on the Eastern Front. South Yorkshire: Pen & Sword Books LTD, 2007. I Remember. "Airmen: Kolyadin Victor Ivanovich." https://iremember.ru/en/memoirs/airmen/ kolyadin-victor-ivanovich/ [accessed 14 October 2019]. I Remember. "Airmen: Ivan Konovalov." https://iremember.ru/en/memoirs/airmen/ivan-konovalov/ [accessed 14 October 2019]. Kaberov, Igor. Swastika in the Gunsight: Memoirs of a Russian Fighter Pilot 1941-1945. Stroud: Sutton Publishing, 1999. Kramarenko, Sergei. The Red Air Force at War: Air Combat over the Eastern Front and Korea: A Soviet Fighter Pilot Remembers. Barnsley, England: Pen & Sword Military, 2008. Mariinskiy, Evgeniy. Red Star Airacobra: Memoirs of a Soviet Fighter Ace, 1941-45. Solihull: Helion & Company, 2006. Noggle, Anne. A Dance with Death: Soviet Airwomen in World War II. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1994. Reshetnikov, Vasiliy. Bomber Pilot on the Eastern Front: 307 Missions Behind Enemy Lines. South Yorkshire: Pen & Sword Books LTD, 2008. Timofeyeva-Yegorova, A. Red Sky, Black Death: A Soviet Woman Pilot's Memoir of the Eastern Front. Bloomington: Slavica Publishers, 2009. Scholarly Books Pennington, Reina. Wings, Women, and War: Soviet Airwomen in World War II Combat. Modern War Studies. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2001. Plokhy, Serhii. Forgotten Bastards of the Eastern Front: American Airmen Behind the Soviet Lines and the Collapse of the Grand Alliance. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2019. Clark-Borscht, Barracks, and Bears-page 15 Scholarly Articles Bessette, John. "Soviet Military Transport Aviation" in The Soviet Air Forces edited by Paul Murphy, 188-211. Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 1984. Collingham, Lizzie. "The Soviet Union—Fighting on Empty" in The Taste of War, 317-346. New York: Penguin Press, 2012. Collingham, Lizzie. "The United States—Out of Depression and into Abundance" in The Taste of War, 415-466. New York: Penguin Press, 2012. Ganson, Nicholas. "Food Supply, Rationing, and Living Standards" in The Soviet Union at War, 1941-1945 edited by David Stone, 69-92. South Yorkshire: Pen & Sword Books Ltd, 2010. Moskoff, William. "The First Priority: Feeding the Armed Forces" in The Bread of Affliction: The Food Supply in the USSR During World War II, 113-134. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Additional Sources Antipov, Vladislav, and Igor Utkin. Dragons on Bird Wings: The Combat History of the 812th Fighter Regiment. Translated by James F. Gebhardt. 1st English ed. Kitchener, ON: Aviaeology, 2006.

The increasing emissions from the transport sector have become a global concern as these emissions contribute to climate change. One way to reduce carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions from the transport sector is to replace fossil fuels with biofuels. The diesel engine is important for transports in society, especially since it is more efficient and more powerful compared with the gasoline engine. Therefore, replacing fossil diesel with biodiesel is one feasible option for achieving short and long-term emission targets. Fatty acid methyl esters (FAME) and hydrotreated vegetable oils (HVO) are the two kinds of biodiesel being used in Sweden. The raw materials are vegetable and animal oils and fats and the production method is esterification for FAME and hydrotreatment for HVO. HVO is more similar to fossil diesel and higher blends can be used in existing diesel engines if the vehicle manufacturer has approved it whereas FAME requires vehicle modifications when used in higher blends. Both HVO and FAME can be used as drop-in fuel with fossil diesel, but only up to 7% for FAME according to regulations. The Swedish consumption of HVO has increased rapidly in recent years. In 2017 it was more than 20% of the total globally produced HVO that year. Furthermore, the dependence on imported raw materials is heavy. Only 3% of the raw materials for FAME and only 5% of the raw materials for HVO sold in Sweden were of Swedish origin in 2017. Since the feedstocks used for biodiesel production are of limited availability and have competing uses, it is important to increase the knowledge of local resources. The County of Gävleborg has many large forest-related industries. The actors at different levels of the supply chain have important roles in the challenges to reduce fossil fuel dependence. The overall aim of this report is to investigate the current status and future prospects of biodiesel feedstocks and production technologies for FAME and HVO from a regional perspective. This is achieved by two separate approaches. First, a literature review is done through which potential feedstocks and production processes are described. The feedstocks are categorized into different generations. Second, ongoing and upcoming activities related to biodiesel production in Gävleborg County are explored through interviews with regional actors. The interviewees are representatives from companies with activities in Gävleborg County: Setra, BillerudKorsnäs, Iggesund, Rottneros and Colabitoil. Raw materials belonging to the first generation compete with food production. For biodiesel these raw materials are different types of vegetable oils. The main ones worldwide are palm oil, soybean oil, rapeseed oil and sunflower oil. These raw materials can be used as feedstock for both FAME and HVO. In Sweden the agricultural activity is relatively low and even lower in Gävleborg County. The extensive use of land and competition with food production makes these type of raw materials for biodiesel production questionable. But arguments can be made that the vegetable oils have good traceability and this can lead to better control to ensure a sustainable biodiesel value chain. Second-generation raw materials are non-food based. There are a variety of different types. Some are already being used and some are potential biodiesel feedstocks for the future. The ones presented in this report are animal fats, fish oils, waste cooking oils (WCO), pyrolysis oil, lignin and crude tall oil (CTO). Animal fats and fish oils can also be considered first-generation raw materials since they might be edible. There are strict health regulations for human food and the fats and oils that do not live up to the regulations can be used for other purposes. Animal fats and fish oils can also be used as animal feed and production of different chemicals. It is not obvious which use is best, but generally it seems that biodiesel and other energy uses are regarded as the least valuable in comparison. An important issue to consider is that the availability of animal fats and fish oils depends on the demand for meat. WCO is a feedstock for biodiesel which is currently used by Colabitoil in their pilot plant for HVO. It seems that the profitability of using WCO is dependent on the production capacity of the WCO producers and the distance between them since these two factors affect the fuel consumption during collection. It is optimal to have one big WCO producer in order to minimize the collection costs. In theory, there could be a situation in which there are so many small producers that more fuel is required for collection than is gained in biodiesel production. Pyrolysis oil from biomass is an interesting future source for biodiesel. It is a heterogeneous mixture of compounds and contains a lot of oxygen. Pyrolysis oil is definitely a raw material that needs catalytic hydrotreatment for upgrading. It is therefore considered an HVO feedstock and not feasible for FAME. This study did not clarify how much pyrolysis oil will end up as diesel fuel and how much will end up as gasoline or other products. A pyrolysis plant for production of pyrolysis oil from sawdust might be built at Setra's sawmill Kastet in Gävle. The pyrolysis oil will then be used as a feedstock for diesel and gasoline fuels in Preem's refinery. Lignin is one of the main components of wood. In the production of pulp by the sulfate process lignin is separated from the pulp as a component in the black liquor. The lignin is then primarily burned for energy purposes in the recovery boiler. The three pulp mills within Gävleborg County all use the sulfate process. At the pulp mill owned by Rottneros in Vallvik a plant for extraction of lignin and a plant for conversion into a lignin oil might be built. This pulp mill has a surplus of energy and therefore a potential to extract some of the lignin. The lignin will be processed together with a bio-based carrier oil to the lignin oil. This lignin oil will then be used as a feedstock for gasoline and diesel fuel in Preem's refinery. It was not clarified in this study what the source of the bio-based carrier oil will be. Additionally, the composition of the lignin oil was not revealed and therefore it could not be determined what share of it can be used for biodiesel production. Lignin oil is very interesting as a feedstock due to the large amount of lignin that is available in the forests. However, the interviews with the two other pulp mills (i.e., Iggesund and BillerudKorsnäs) showed that the availability is limited by other factors. These two pulp mills are integrated with production of paper products and therefore they have no surplus of energy. If lignin is extracted the energy has to be replaced by other sources. An eventual extraction of lignin is associated with reconstruction of different parts of the plant and thereby large investment costs. CTO is a by-product from pulp mills that use the sulfate process. It is of limited availability and consists mainly of fatty acids and rosin acids. The fatty acids can be converted to biodiesel. One way to utilize the components of CTO is to fractionate it into different product streams through distillation. These product streams include one stream with fatty acids, one stream with rosin acids and one stream called pitch. The pitch can be seen as a residue. There are two main refineries to which the three pulp mills in Gävleborg County deliver their CTO: Sunpine in Piteå and Kraton in Sandarne. Sunpine produces tall oil diesel and other products from the CTO, and the tall oil diesel is used for HVO production by Preem. Kraton produces different chemicals from the CTO. For all three pulp mills an important factor is to get tall oil pitch back from Sunpine and Kraton to be used for energy purposes. A potential source of lipids for biodiesel production was mentioned in the interview with Colabitoil. This was the conversion of lignocellulosic material into lipids by microbes. A particularly suitable feedstock for the microbes would be waste fibers from pulp and paper industries. This still appears to be at the research stage, but it will be interesting to follow the development since it has promising opportunities if it can be achieved at a commercial scale. Third-generation feedstocks for biodiesel are oils obtained from microalgae. Microalgae are potentially superior to the other raw materials. Biodiesel from microalgae is not commercially available so it is up to the future to determine its destiny. Due to the cold climate of Gävleborg County it is questionable if it is a good place for large-scale cultivation of microalgae. The optimal feedstock for FAME are triglycerides. Therefore, first-generation raw materials are wanted. Catalytic hydrotreatment can handle more complex raw materials and the feedstock range can thereby be increased to second-generation feedstocks. There is no producer of FAME in Gävleborg County, but there is a company (Colabitoil) that distributes HVO produced by Neste. Colabitoil also has a pilot plant for HVO production and might build a large-scale production plant in the future. The activities in Norrsundet, which Colabitoil is part of, has a potential to provide synergy effects if different companies settle there. There can then be knowledge-sharing and utilization of different by-products between the companies. There are two aspects about the limitations of the report that should be mentioned. First, the environmental performance of the different raw materials and production technologies is not considered. This is an important issue since the main purpose of biofuels is to reduce the environmental impact of fossil fuels. Second, it cannot be ruled out that there could have been intentional or unintentional bias in the interviews, even though there is no reason to suspect this. Additionally, it is very tricky to assess the certainty behind different statements from different persons since they have different backgrounds and different expectations about the future. Apart from this, the aim of the report was met to a large extent by shedding light on the future prospects of biodiesel through the challenges, uncertainties and success factors related to projects that the different actors described in the interviews. The challenges are technical and financial. The uncertainties are related to political stability but also to the environmental permit and future availability of raw materials. The success factors are the high demand for transport fuels and cooperation with other companies. ; De ökande utsläppen från transportsektorn har blivit en global angelägenhet, eftersom dessa utsläpp bidrar till klimatförändringen. Ett sätt att minska koldioxidutsläppen från transportsektorn är att ersätta fossila bränslen med biobränslen. Dieselmotorn är viktig för transporter i samhället, speciellt eftersom den är effektivare och mer kraftfull jämfört med bensinmotorn. Att ersätta fossil diesel med biodiesel är därför ett möjligt alternativ för att uppnå korta och långsiktiga utsläppsmål. Fettsyrametylestrar (FAME) och vätebehandlade vegetabiliska oljor (HVO) är de två typerna av biodiesel som används i Sverige. Råvarorna är vegetabiliska och animaliska oljor och fetter och produktionsmetoden är förestring för FAME och vätgasbehandling för HVO. Sammansättningen hos HVO är mer lik fossil diesel och högre inblandningsnivåer kan därmed användas i befintliga dieselmotorer om fordonstillverkaren har godkänt det. FAME däremot kräver modifiering hos dieselmotorsystemet vid användning i högre blandningar. Både HVO och FAME kan användas som drop-in bränsle med fossil diesel, men bara upp till 7 procent för FAME enligt föreskrifter. Den svenska konsumtionen av HVO har ökat snabbt de senaste åren. År 2017 var den över 20 procent av den totala globala produktionen det året. Det finns ett starkt beroende av importerade råvaror. Endast 3 procent av råvarorna för FAME och endast 5 procent av råvarorna för HVO som säljs i Sverige var av svenskt ursprung 2017. Eftersom råvarorna som används för biodieselproduktion har begränsad tillgänglighet och konkurrerande användningsområden är det viktigt att öka kunskapen om lokala resurser. Gävleborgs län har många stora skogsrelaterade industrier. Aktörerna på olika nivåer i försörjningskedjan har viktiga roller i utmaningen att minska beroendet av fossila bränslen. Det övergripande syftet med denna rapport är att undersöka nuvarande status och framtidsutsikterna för biodieselråvaror och produktionsteknologier för FAME och HVO ur ett regionalt perspektiv. Detta uppnås genom två separata tillvägagångssätt. För det första görs en litteraturöversikt där potentiella råvaror och produktionsprocesser beskrivs. Råvarorna kategoriseras i olika generationer. För det andra undersöks pågående och kommande aktiviteter relaterade till biodieselproduktionen i Gävleborgs län genom intervjuer med regionala aktörer. Intervjuerna är gjorda med representanter för företag med aktiviteter i Gävleborgs län: Setra, Billerud, Korsnäs, Iggesund, Rottneros och Colabitoil. Första generationens råvaror konkurrerar med livsmedelsproduktionen. För biodiesel är dessa råvaror olika typer av vegetabiliska oljor. De vanligast förekommande i världen är palmolja, sojabönsolja, rapsfröolja och solrosolja. Dessa råvaror kan användas till produktion av både FAME och HVO. I Sverige är jordbruksverksamheten relativt låg och i Gävleborgs län är den lägre än det Svenska genomsnittet. Den omfattande användningen av mark och konkurrensen med livsmedelsproduktionen gör att denna typ av råvaror för biodieselproduktion kan ifrågasättas. Men det kan argumenteras att vegetabiliska oljor har bra spårbarhet vilket kan leda till bättre kontroll för att säkerställa en hållbar biodieselvärdekedja. Andra generationens råvaror är icke-livsmedelsbaserade. Det finns en mängd olika typer. Vissa används redan och vissa är potentiella biodieselråvaror. De som presenteras i denna rapport är animaliska fetter, fiskoljor, spilloljor (WCO), pyrolysolja, lignin och råtallolja (CTO). Animaliska fetter och fiskoljor kan också betraktas som första generationens råmaterial eftersom de kan vara ätbara. Det finns höga hälsokrav för livsmedel och de fetter och oljor som inte uppfyller kraven kan användas för andra ändamål. Animaliska fetter och fiskoljor kan också användas som foder och produktion av olika kemikalier. Det är inte uppenbart vilken användning som är bäst, men i allmänhet verkar det som biodiesel och annan energianvändning anses vara den minst värdefulla. En viktig fråga att beakta är att tillgången på animaliska fetter och fiskoljor är beroende av efterfrågan på kött. WCO är ett råmaterial för biodiesel som för närvarande används av Colabitoil i deras pilotanläggning för HVO. Det verkar som om lönsamheten för att använda WCO är beroende av produktionskapaciteten hos WCO-producenterna och avståndet mellan dem, eftersom dessa två faktorer påverkar bränsleförbrukningen vid insamling. Det är optimalt att ha en stor WCO-producent för att minimera insamlingskostnaderna. Teoretiskt sett kan det uppstå en situation där producenterna är så små och så många att mer bränsle krävs för insamling än som uppnås i biodieselproduktionen. Pyrolysolja från biomassa är en intressant framtidskälla för biodiesel. Det är en heterogen blandning av föreningar och den innehåller mycket syre. Pyrolysolja är definitivt en råvara som behöver katalytisk vätgasbehandling för uppgradering. Den anses därför vara en råvara för HVO och inte för FAME. Denna studie klargör inte hur stor del av pyrolysoljan som kan omvandlas till dieselbränsle och hur mycket som kan omvandlas till bensin eller andra produkter. En pyrolysanläggning för produktion av pyrolysolja från sågspån kan komma att byggas vid Setras sågverk Kastet i Gävle. Pyrolysoljan kommer då att användas som råvara för diesel- och bensinbränsle i Preems raffinaderi. Lignin är en av huvudkomponenterna i trä. Vid framställning av massa genom sulfatprocessen separeras lignin från massan som en komponent i svartluten. Lignin bränns sedan i första hand för energianvändning i samband med återvinningen av kokningskemikalierna. De tre massafabrikerna i Gävleborgs län använder alla sulfatprocessen. Vid massabruket som ägs av Rottneros i Vallvik kan en anläggning för utvinning av lignin och en anläggning för omvandling till ligninolja komma att byggas. Denna massafabrik har ett överskott av energi och därmed en potential att extrahera en del av ligninet. Ligninet kommer att processas tillsammans med en biobaserad bärar-olja till ligninoljan. Denna ligninolja kommer då att användas vid produktion av bensin och dieselbränsle i Preems raffinaderi. Det framgår inte i denna studie vad källan till den biobaserade bäroljan kommer att vara. Dessutom avslöjas inte ligninoljans sammansättning och därför kan det inte fastställas hur stor del som kan användas för biodieselproduktion. Ligninolja är mycket intressant som råmaterial på grund av den stora mängd lignin som finns i skogen. Intervjuerna med de två andra massafabrikerna (dvs Iggesund och BillerudKorsnäs) visade emellertid att tillgängligheten är begränsad av andra faktorer. Dessa två massafabriker är integrerade med produktion av pappersprodukter och har därför inget överskott av energi. Om lignin extraheras måste energin ersättas med andra energikällor. En eventuell extraktion av lignin är förknippad med ombyggnad av olika delar av fabriken och därmed med stora investeringskostnader. CTO är en biprodukt från massafabriker som använder sulfatprocessen. Den är av begränsad tillgänglighet och består huvudsakligen av fettsyror och hartssyror. Fettsyrorna kan omvandlas till biodiesel. Ett sätt att utnyttja komponenterna i CTO är att fraktionera den till olika produktflöden genom destillation. Dessa produktflöden innefattar en ström med fettsyror, en ström med hartssyror och en ström som kallas beckolja, som kan ses som en restprodukt. Det finns två raffinaderier till vilka de tre massafabrikerna i Gävleborgs län levererar sin CTO: Sunpine i Piteå och Kraton i Sandarne. Sunpine producerar talloljediesel och andra produkter från CTO. Talloljediesel används för HVO-produktion av Preem. Kraton producerar olika kemikalier från CTO. För alla tre massabruken är det viktigt att få tillbaka beckolja från Sunpine och Kraton. En potentiell källa till lipider för biodieselproduktion nämns i intervjun med Colabitoil. Detta är omvandling av biomassa till lipider av mikrober. Ett särskilt lämpligt råmaterial för mikroberna skulle vara en typ av restprodukt från massa- och pappersindustrin som kallas fiberslam eller nollfiber. Intrycket är att detta fortfarande är i en forskningsfas, men det kommer att vara intressant att följa utvecklingen eftersom det finns lovande möjligheter om detta kan nå kommersiell skala. Tredje generationens råvaror för biodiesel är oljor erhållna från mikroalger. Mikroalger är potentiellt överlägsna de övriga råvarorna. Biodiesel från mikroalger är inte kommersiellt tillgänglig så framtiden avgör dess öde. På grund av det kalla klimatet i Gävleborgs län är det tveksamt om detta är ett bra ställe för storskalig odling av mikroalger. Den optimala råvaran för FAME är triglycerider. Därför är första generationens råvaror önskade. Katalytisk vätgasbehandling kan hantera mer komplexa råvaror och råvarubasen kan därmed ökas till andra generationens råvaror. Det finns ingen producent av FAME i Gävleborgs län, men det finns ett företag (Colabitoil) som distribuerar HVO producerat av Neste. Colabitoil har även en pilotanläggning för HVO-produktion och kan i framtiden komma att bygga en storskalig produkt-ionsanläggning. Verksamheten i Norrsundet, som Colabitoil ingår i, har potential att ge synergieffekter om olika företag etablerar sig där. Det kan då ge förutsättning för kunskapsdelning och utnyttjande av olika biprodukter mellan företagen. Det finns två aspekter kring rapportens begränsningar som bör nämnas. För det första beaktas inte miljöpåverkan från de olika råmaterialen och produktionsteknologierna. Detta är en viktig fråga eftersom biobränslenas huvudsakliga syfte är att minska miljöpåverkan jämfört med fossila bränslen. För det andra kan det inte uteslutas att intervjuerna kan vara avsiktligt eller oavsiktligt partiska, även om det inte finns anledning att misstänka detta. Dessutom är det väldigt svårt att bedöma säkerheten i uttalanden från olika personer eftersom de har olika bakgrund och olika förväntningar på framtiden. Bortsett från detta, uppnåddes i stor utsträckning målsättningen med rapporten att bedöma framtidsutsikterna för biodiesel genom belysning av utmaningar, osäkerhetsfaktorer och framgångsfaktorer relaterade till de projekt som de olika aktörerna beskrev i intervjuerna. Utmaningarna är tekniska och finansiella. Osäkerheten är relaterad till politisk stabilitet, men också till miljötillstånd och framtida råvarutillgång. Framgångsfaktorerna är den höga efterfrågan på drivmedel och samarbete mellan olika företag. ; Forskningsfinansiärer: Europeiska regionala utvecklingsfonden (ERUF), Region Gävleborg, Högskolan i Gävle

Central America is undergoing an important transition, with urban populations increasingat accelerated speeds, bringing pressing challenges as well as opportunities to boost sustained,inclusive and resilient growth. Today, 59 percent of Central America's population lives in urban areas, but it is expected that within the next generation 7 out of 10 people will live in cities, equivalent to adding 700,000 new urban residents every year. At current rates of urbanization, the region's urban population will double in size by 2050, welcoming over 25 million new urban dwellers, calling for better infrastructure, higher coverage and quality of urban services and greater employment opportunities. As larger numbers of people concentrate in urban areas, Central American governments at the national and local levels face both opportunities and challenges to ensure the prosperity of their country's present and future generations.

This report argues that the practice of disaster risk management (DRM) is a defining characteristic of resilient societies, and should therefore be integrated, or 'mainstreamed', into all aspects of development. The report will inform the Development Committee at the annual meetings 2012, and support discussion at the Sendai dialogue, a special event co-organized by the Government of Japan and the World Bank as part of the Annual Meetings program. This event will engage delegates on the importance of mainstreaming DRM, drawing upon the lessons from the great East Japan earthquake and tsunami of 2011, and other disasters. This paper includes the following headings: disasters and development: an alarming trend; disaster risk management in action; national policies and planning; International Development Cooperation; disaster risk management at the World Bank; the way forward: priorities and opportunities; and glossary and references.

It is increasingly recognized that young people are central to issues of crime and violence in South Africa. While research, policy and programming have historically focused on children and adults, there is a growing emphasis on youth as both victims and perpetrators of violence. This report presents the findings of a country assessment commissioned by the World Bank to support its incorporating human rights into youth violence programming and policy dialogues in Mexico and South Africa project. This aims to encourage policy dialogue on youth and violence with the South African government and other stakeholders. The report: (i) examines the current situation of youth violence in South Africa; (ii) summarizes the policy response by the government and the prevailing legal and institutional framework; (iii) identifies innovative programming by civil society organisations; and (iv) identifies entry points for deeper policy dialogue and improved interventions to address youth violence.

Summary of the Study Introduction Sudan is the third largest country on the African continent with a total area of 1,882,000 sq km. before the secession of South Sudan in 2011; Sudan was the largest country in Africa, covering I million square miles. Sudan is unique and complex in its climate, politics, environment, languages, cultures, religion and ethnicities. Demographically, Africans are the majority (52%), with Arab and Beja tribes constituting 38% and 6% of the population, respectively. Over 597 tribes live in Sudan that speak more than 400 dialects and practice different religions, live in Sudan. Muslims make up 70% of the total population of Sudan, followers of indigenous beliefs comprise 25% and Christians constitute 5% of the population. The complex mixture of the Sudanese social fabric renders it neither distinctly African nor Arab country. The Sudanese, however, have long disagreed about Sudan's identity. For some, Sudan should be Arab and Muslim. Other believe that the country should respect and accommodate all the cultures, religions and minorities within its territory. Most of Sudan constitutions stated that Islam and Arabic language should define the national identity. Politically, since the independence, Sudan has experienced a fluctuation between military rule and democratic rule. In fact, Sudan spent thirty years under the military rule, and only twelve years under democratically elected governments. The successive governments have frequently made use of emergency legislation to broaden the executive powers. These legislative measures have contributed to conflict and facilitated a range of human rights violations. In addition to the political instability, Sudan has the distinction in Africa in enduring a devastating civil war: that is: Sudan's north-south civil war. The conflict started just a year before the independence of Sudan, in 1956. The cumulative impact of that conflict has been massive. The conflict has caused horrendous loss of life in any interstate war, and has produced the largest internally displaced population (IDP) in the world. Sudan north-south conflict has long been perceived as ethnic or even religious conflict between the north and the south. Ethnicity has been used generously in the description of that conflict. Yet, a closer look at the history of the conflict reveals that the root-causes of that conflict are highly complex. But, this is by no means to say that conflict has had no ethnic, racial and religious overtones. The eruption of the north-south conflict was the result of a combination of factors. One could trace the root-causes of the conflict to the invasion of the south from the north by Turkiyya that expanded southwards, and the simultaneous development of slave trade. Thereafter, the British rule contributed in different ways to the crystallizing of the north-south dichotomy. After the independence of Sudan, successive governments, were unsuccessful in handling the growing southern problem, ranging from neglect to attempts to reverse the British isolation by enforced Arabisation and Islamization of the southern Sudan. The north-south conflict ended, in 1972, when Addis Ababa Agreement was signed by then President Nimeiry. But, the conflict broke out again, in 1983, when the Addis Ababa Agreement was abrogated by the then President Nimeiry. After a series of peace talks (which witnessed 'start and stop'), a Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) was concluded, in 9 January 2005, between the Government of Sudan (GoS) and the Southern Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM/SPLA) to end the conflict. The CPA provides for a temporary solution for the conflict through, inter alia, the distribution of the power between the north and the south of Sudan by establishing a decentralised system of government with a significant devolution of powers within which the Southern Sudan is to enjoy a regional autonomy and share half of the resources with north Sudan for a period of six years. Furthermore, the CPA creates joint institutions, such as, the Government of the National Unity (GoNU) in which the Southern Sudan participate and share ministerial posts. The CPA also provides for the establishment of a number of commissions for implementing and monitoring the CPA, for instance, the Evaluation and Monitoring Commission, the National Human Rights Commission, etc. At the end of the interim period, a referendum on the self-determination is to be held, in 2011, in which the people of the Southern Sudan will decide whether to remain within a united Sudan or to secede and form an independent State. The Aim of the Study The significance of this study derives from the conclusion of the CPA and the adoption of the Interim National Constitution (INC) that called for democratic transformation so as to bring an end to Sudan north-south conflict. While the CPA ended Sudan's north-south conflict, a lasting peace and a democratic transformation, in Sudan, may prove elusive unless the CPA provisions are translated into reality, especially the implementation of constitutional, legislative and institutional reforms, including human rights protection and respect for the rule of law. The study aims to answer whether the CPA and INC can fulfil their roles in securing peace and establishing a framework in which the constitutional protection of human rights are recognised and effectively implemented through the availability of the various mechanisms. In this respect, the CPA provided for the adoption of a new constitution (INC), with a view to embedding constitutionalism, rule of law promotion, and protection of human rights. It is, therefore, this study is meant to analyze the constitutional, legislative and institutional reforms of the CPA and INC with a view to examining whether such constitutional reforms may be conducive for a lasting peace, in Sudan, that is based on human rights protection, constitutionalism and the rule of law. The CPA stipulated the need for institutional and legislative changes to reduce the risk of recurrence of human rights violations. To this end, the CPA mandated the adoption of a bill of right (for the promotion and protection of human rights) and provided for re-restructuring of the courts system. Such institutional reforms are aimed at embedding constitutionalism. That is to say: establishing a system in which the constitution provides an agreed upon framework for the exercise of powers and the protection of human rights. In this respect, the study examines whether the outcome of the constitutional reforms process (to recognise, implement, and protect human rights as provided for in the INC) have been reflected in institutional and legislative reforms to protect and prevent human rights violations and address past violations and systemic factors that have contributed to violations. To that end, the human right jurisprudence of the constitutional court will be examined. The Organization of the Study a) The Structure of the Political/Governance System in Sudan under the INC With the devolution of the powers and resources to the Southern Sudan level and other States, the governance system, under the INC, is structured with four levels of government: the national level at the apex, the Government of South Sudan level, the State level (25 States), the local level. Now, the government responsibilities are decentralized and the national government allocates a significant proportion of revenues to the States. It is, therefore, that the first question that this study poses is: What is the impact of the current governance in giving greater equity of representation and decision-making influence to communities across Sudan, thereby facilitating conflict management to achieve a lasting peace in Sudan? In Sudan, previously appropriate design of institutions to ensure political accommodations for all social groups has not been established in a way that would give them the chance to function properly. Now, the INC restructures the prevailing governance system by establishing a decentralized system of government that bears the characteristics of asymmetrical/symmetrical federalism - asymmetrical in the structure and responsibilities of subunits, with the level of South Sudan having more powers and resources than other States across Sudan. Establishment of a federal structure may constitute a mechanism for preventing a relapse into conflict through the devolution of the powers to the State level. For a federal to work effectively, it requires a functional court system to decide on the jurisdictional limits of the different levels of government. Nevertheless, the relevance of the court system in resolving the intractably political contentions in federal countries, especially in transition situations, is uncertain. Noticeably missing from the literature is the study and analysis of the impact of the role of court system in post conflict countries. That said, the role of the court system in preserving democracy has grown in importance with the increase recognition of the judicial review of the constitutionality of the acts of the government organs and the recognition and the protection of human rights provisions. It is, therefore, that the involvement of the courts is necessary to ensure the successful operation of the federalism and thus the failure or the success of federalism is contingent on the implementation of the federal system by the courts. According to some scholars, 'federalism means legalism – the predominance of the judiciary in the constitution- the prevalence of a spirit of legality among the people'. As '[the] courts …are actually telling a government how far it can go with its assigned constitutional rights'. This leads to the second question that this study addresses which relates to the analysis of the constitutional reform as provided for in the INC, in general, but with a special focus on the role of the court system, through the application of judicial review and protection of human rights, to resolve not only disputes in litigations between private parties, but also to prevent the arbitrary exercise of the government power. b) The Structure of the Legal System (Court System) in Sudan under the INC The available literature presents different views as to the role of the court system in new democracies. On one hand, one view assumes that the courts have a fairly wide discretion to decide the outcome of the controversial cases to the needs of the political moment. The other view, on the other hand, takes the position that political actors do not exert any kind of influence at all on the way judges make their decisions. A third source, and with which I agree, argues that legal rules do put constrains over the exercise of the judicial discretion in controversial cases. A fourth view argues that in new fragile democracies constitutional courts/supreme courts should not be involved in judicial review, especially on adjudicating issues related to social and economic rights, which may profoundly affect the allocations of resources and violate the doctrine of separation of powers. In this respect, the study considers whether the court system, as restructured in the INC, and other constitutional guarantees introduced to the legal system as a whole, offer good prospects for constitutionalism that may control the power of the government so as not act arbitrarily. The role of court system in resolving disputes is highly contingent on the substantive law and the institutional structure within which the courts apply laws. Thus, this study examines to what extent the current structure of the legal system under the INC and the protection of human rights through the application of the Bill of Rights by the courts may signal the State's commitment to constitutionalism and respect to the rule of law. It is, therefore, that the role of the court system (in contributing to democratic transformation in Sudan) should be evaluated against the legal framework: that is the INC, with a focus on the independence of the judiciary, the application of the Bill of Rights and the rules governing the judicial review. c) The Legislative and Institutional Reforms under the INC The functions of the courts, in developing countries, have experienced increasingly transformative role as institutions that can hold the government organs accountable. The study aims to examine the practice of constitutionalism: that is, the implementation of the INC constitutional, institutional and legislative reforms, especially the compliance with the provisions of the INC and the CPA, in particular the role of the constitutional court as "a positive legislator". In this regard, the Sudanese Constitutional Court may play an important role in the law reform process given its power to annul laws found unconstitutional. This entails the non-applicability of such laws and, as a result, would compel the government institution/organ concerned to adopt new legislation that is in conformity with the INC. Thus far, the Sudanese constitutional court, under the INC, has received a number of human rights cases that involved issues related to violations of human rights or related to the constitutionality of key legislation, such as counter-terrorism laws, immunities for officials and statutes of limitation for torture. So what role the constitutional court has played in the law reform process under the INC? For the court system to play a role in the democratic reform, a comprehensive law reform process is seen as a prerequisite to bring the existing laws in line with the provisions of the INC and enacting new laws. Therefore, this study identifies what legislative and institutional reforms that have been undertaken by the parties to the CPA during the interim period to address human rights violations, root-causes of the conflict; inequality; marginalization, rule of law vacuum and weak democratic structures. Furthermore, this study offers empirical evidence for the judicial behavior of the Sudanese constitutional court through a systematic examination of selected human rights jurisprudence of the constitutional court to gauge its role in the law reform process in Sudan since the adoption of the INC. Overview of the Study and the Main Findings of the Study Introductory Chapter: Overview of the Study The Introductory Chapter provides an overview of the study, including, the key features of the State of Sudan, the aim of the study, the main objectives of the study, and a general overview of the study. Chapter One: A Historical Background of Sudan's North-South Conflict Chapter One gives a rich and deep account of Sudan north-south conflict. It looks at the root-causes of the conflict by elaborating on different factors that directly and indirectly contributed in making that conflict protracted. Chapter one moves on to consider the end of the first Sudan's north-south conflict which was ended when Addis Ababa Agreement was signed in 1972. Chapter one further elaborates on Sudan's second north-south conflict which broke out in 1983. Finally, Chapter one touches on the various peace initiatives that ended by the conclusion of the CPA. Chapter One concludes by analysing the CPA. In the final analysis, the CPA made significant changes the prevailing governance and legal systems in Sudan by establishing a federal system, introduced a dual legal system a bill of rights, provided for the right to self-determination for the south Sudan, established institutions for the protection of human rights by establishing mechanisms such as National Human rights Commission, and distributed the wealth equally between the north and the south. However, the CPA failed to include the Sudanese people in the talks leading to the conclusion of the CPA, as the CPA was bilateral reflecting the views of the north and the south. Chapter Two: The Structure of the Governance System under the INC The INC describes Sudan as a decentralized State with different levels of government: the national level, the Southern Sudan level, the State level and the local level. It further grants the Southern Sudan autonomy status. A careful analysis of the current governance arrangements reveals that the INC provides for asymmetric/symmetrical federalism system of governance. Chapter Two discusses the allocation of legislative powers between the national government, the Southern Sudan and the rest of the country and the nature of the constitutional design of the INC to manage diversity of Sudan (ethnic, linguistic, religious and cultural diversity). At the outset of Chapter Three provides an overview the fundamental principles of federalism and provides a brief historical background of federalism in Sudan and how federalism arrangements can play a role as a tool for peace-building. In the final analysis, in contract with old constitutions of Sudan, the INC establishes a federal system, with four levels of government; national, south Sudan, State and local levels. The INC federal system guarantees the special characteristics of all ethnic and religious groups in Sudan through the creation of the Council of the States. However, all the States in Sudan are not treated equally, because (1) two States have special status (South Kordofan and Blue Nile States), and (2) between the ten States in the South and the national level, the Government of South Sudan (GoSS) is inserted to exercise authority in respect of the ten States at South Sudan level. This means the INC creates asymmetrical/symmetrical federalism, as the South Sudan level enjoys significant autonomy and exclusive authority over ten States in South Sudan. All the States in Sudan are not treated equally, because (1) two States have special status (South Kordofan and Blue Nile States), and (2) between the ten States in the South and the national level, the Government of South Sudan (GoSS) is inserted to exercise authority in respect of the ten States at South Sudan level. This means the INC creates asymmetrical/symmetrical federalism, as the South Sudan level enjoys significant autonomy and exclusive authority over ten States in South Sudan. The INC Schedules (A – C) distribute the exclusive and legislative powers to the national level (A), the GoSS level (B), and the state level (C). Schedule (D) lists the concurrent powers and Schedule (E) allocates the residual powers as per its nature. Schedule (F) is a provision to resolve conflict that might arise under Schedule (D). It should be noted that not all issues listed in the INC schedules are allocated to one level of government only. For example, several substantive issues are granted to the national level as an exclusive competence, to the South Sudan level as an exclusive competence and at the same time to all levels of government as a concurrent power, such as telecommunication. With regard to the legislative powers allocated to the tens states at the South level, the GoSS according to Schedule (B) has the competence to enact a kind of framework with regard to issues that fall under the exclusive South Sudan State competence, thereby limiting the legislative powers of the ten States in South Sudan. Finally, the INC has reinforced existing power relations and failed to provide structural changes for democratic transformation, as the INC asymmetrical federalism accommodates the demands of the South Sudan only. As the INC does not accommodate the demands of the different ethnic and cultural groups in the different regions of Sudan as demonstrated in Darfur Peace Agreement and East Sudan Agreement. Chapter Three: The Structure of the Legal System under the INC The INC altered the Sudanese legal system with a view to accommodating the competing views: Sharia law and secularism. For a proper understanding of the present Sudanese legal system and an assessment of the role of the court system in contributing to democratic governance, a glance at the Sudanese legal history is necessary. Firstly, Chapter Three reviews the constitutional developments in Sudan since the independence to the present day. Secondly, Chapter Three provides overview of the structure of the court system in a decentralized system and focuses on the contribution of the court system to democratic transformation through limiting the acts of the government. Chapter Three further discusses issues that may impact of the role of the court system in contributing to democratic transformation. Yet, the role of the court system in promoting democratic transformation is contingent on the constitution, the substantive law, etc. For instance, instituting the principles of constitutionalism is contingent on the independence of the judiciary, as an independent judiciary is required for the protection of constitutional rights and to restrain the actions of the government. Thus, it is important to understand under what conditions the court system develops such accountability functions: that is, what conditions favor the ability of the court system to exercise an effective accountability functions. It is, therefore, Chapter Three examines (a) how the INC re-structures the court system in the north and the south of Sudan so as to give effect to the principles of the federalism and legal pluralism; (b) the rules regulating the judicial review, and (c) the protection of human rights through the implementation of the bill of rights by the court, all of which signal the commitment of the State to establish democratic governance. Finally, Chapter Three attempts to evaluate the independence of the judiciary and the rules that govern the judicial review before and after the adoption of the INC with a view to assessing the fidelity of the government to the principles of constitutionalism, and whether the limitations observed in the actual conduct of the government. In the final analysis, the INC constitution making process was bilateral reflecting the views of the parties to the CPA and lacked inclusiveness, but provides for a pluralism legal system by providing for a constitution for south Sudan and 25 State constitutions. The INC introduces State judiciary and South Sudan judiciary and opted for an integrated the court system. That is: the State courts apply the State laws, the national laws and the South Sudan laws. In the North, the State courts are still organized by the national level, although the NC provides for the establishment of the State judiciary. At the South Sudan level, all State courts are organized and financed at the level. Towards the South Sudan, the National Supreme Court is the final court of on matters arising under national laws The INC emphasizes the importance of protecting; respecting and promoting human rights through the inclusion a bill of right and incorporation via Art. 27(3) of the INC all human rights treaties that Sudan has ratified, thereby the human rights contained in the INC directly applicable before the Sudanese courts. Also, the implementation of some human rights requires revision of the existing statutory laws. To date there has been limited legislative reforms to address human rights violations. A few laws have been reformed but fall short of Sudan international obligations, such as Criminal Act, Security Laws, Immunity Laws, etc. The INC differentiates between the north and the south regarding the sources of legislation. Art. 5 of the INC lists Sharia as one of the sources of legislation along with the consensus of the people at the national level. Art. 5(2) of the INC names popular consensus and the values and the customs of the people of Sudan as the sources of legislation in South Sudan. The INC contains special rules for national legislation if its source is religion or custom. In that case, a state where the majority of residents do not practice such religion or customs may introduce different legislation allows practices or establishes institutions in that State that are consistent with its own religion or customs. The INC establishes human rights commission for the implementation of the bill of rights as well as a commission for the protection of non-Muslims in the Capital. The INC has chosen a concentrated system of judicial review and a hybrid system of judicial review with respect to the South Sudan as the Supreme Court of South Sudan acts as a constitutional court and a high court of Appeal with respect to South Sudan. The newly enacted Judicial and Administrative of 2005 does not provide for concrete judicial review of law and bars the court from question the constitutionality of law by way of making referral to the constitutional court, thereby renders the judiciary unable to deal with crucial constitutional issues. Chapter Four: Institutional and Legislative Reform: Practice of Constitutionalism In order to understand whether the adoption of the INC has brought any changes may enhance the role of the court system in contributing to democratic transformation; Chapter Four scrutinizes the compliance of the statutory law with the provisions of the INC, the law reform process in Sudan and the implementation of law in practice. Chapter Four further presents an analysis of more pertinent provisions of civil and political rights in the light of the laws and practices prevailing in the country to assess the extent to which the principles laid down in the INC are complied with. It further assesses the involvement of the Sudan constitutional court in the law reform process by reviewing a selected human rights jurisprudence of the constitutional court. Finally, Chapter Four makes a reference to the jurisprudence of other constitutional courts (the German constitutional court, the Indian Supreme Court and the South African constitutional court) by way of comparison. In the final analysis, a) the INC does not set out procedure for concrete review and access to the court is not free; b) The court has a broad power to consider and adjudge and annual any law in contravention with the constitution and restitute the right to the aggrieved person and compensate for the harm. The court may also order interim measures to avoid any harm. As such, the court can abolish laws and compel the government to enact new law; c) the constitutional court has reviewed a number of cases that alleged the violation of human rights. The court has demonstrated reluctance to declare legislation unconstitutional. Interpretation of the bill of rights and reference to international human rights lacked consistency and the court has taken deference to the executive; d) the constitutional, legislative and institutional changes did not acknowledge past human rights violations through mechanisms that would question the way of governance and persisting inequalities and injustices; e) the constitutional court has institutional weaknesses and its jurisprudence has largely upheld existing laws such as immunities laws and the constitutional court made limited reference to international human rights law; f) the constitutional, legal and institutional reforms failed to generate the sense of constitutionalism and the fundamental change that were to remove the causes for human rights violations and provide effective remedies. A number of laws contravening the human rights are still in force, such as, Public Order Act, Immunity of police, security and army officers, inadequate laws for the protection of women's rights; and finally, the implementation of CPA as a means of democratic transformation left an unreformed government virtually intact Chapter Five: Post- Referendum Sudan Chapter Five looks at the constitutional developments after the secession of South Sudan, with a focus on constitution making process in Sudan. The Southern Sudan Referendum for self-determination, held in July 2011, clearly indicated that the absolute majority of those who participated in the referendum for the Southern Sudan favour separation of the Southern Sudan from Sudan. The secession of the South Sudan on July 9, 2011, as a result of the referendum on self-determination provided by the CPA has created a new reality in Sudan with far reaching economic, political and social implications. Economic and financial losses related to the secession are substantial and have affected all sectors of the economy. Sudan has lost three-quarters of its largest source of foreign exchange (oil), half of its fiscal revenues and about two-thirds of its international payment capacity. In general, the secession of South Sudan resulted in a 36.5% structural decrease in overall government revenues. The unresolved issue of Abyei constitutes a trigger for potential violent tension in the future between Sudan and South Susan. Abyei status is yet to be decided, as both Sudan and South Sudan claiming it as part of its territory. Its final status will be decided by a Referendum for which implementation mechanisms have not yet been agreed upon by the two countries. The end of the CPA necessitated a constitutional review process to decide on the new constitution to replace the INC. However, for a constitution to be able to win the affections of the citizens of the State, it will be necessary to involve those citizens in the constitution-making process that establishes such a constitution, so as to ensure that the process is inclusive and reflects the aspirations of the Sudanese people at large. It is, therefore, important to increase public involvement in the constitution-making process by inviting public participation. In order for the design of a constitution and its constitution-making process to play an important role in the governance system, the design of the constitution has to be responsive to the aspirations of the ordinary people. A constitutional review process is currently under way but has not resulted in any clear proposals. That said, since 2011, a constitutional review has been underway in Sudan. The constitutional review process has not been participatory or inclusive. Lively debates on the new constitution in general, and the Bill of Rights and human rights protection in particular, have nevertheless ensued. These debates have been driven by a keen awareness of the importance of constitutional rights. These debates reflect both traditional concerns over the protection of civil and political rights, particularly in the administration of justice, and other issues that have also become a cause of acute concern. These include the desire for the realization of economic, social and cultural rights, and the rights of members of groups who suffer discrimination, particular women, religious and ethnic minorities and persons with disabilities. Currently, public debate over the new constitution is proceeding, although the Government has not yet announced a timeframe for the constitution making process, amid a polarization of views on diverse issues such as the decentralization of power and wealth sharing between the different regions of Sudan. Since 2011, the Government of Sudan, in collaboration with the UNDP and other UN agencies, initiated the forum on public participation in constitution making to facilitate open and public dialogue. This approach has been based on the need to pursue the constitutional process/review inclusively, transparently and participatory to ensure all sectors of society including civil society organizations and opposition political groups participate fully in the process.

La población mundial, que cuenta dos mil millones de habitantes alrededor del año 1950, ha crecido a un ritmo casi exponencial en las décadas siguientes hasta 4 mil millones y 5,3 en 1990 (Naciones Unidas - Departamento de Asuntos Económicos y Sociales, 2010). Sin duda un gran aumento tanto en términos absolutos cuanto relativos. Según las estimaciones de las Naciones Unidas, la población mundial se estima que alcanzará los ocho millones y medio de 2025. Estas tasas de crecimiento se producen, obviamente, tanto en Europa, donde la población ha crecido de 550 millones en 1950 a 750 millones en 2010, y en Italia, donde en el período 1861 a 2008 hubo un aumento de la población de 22 millones de habitantes a casi 60 millones (fuente: ISTAT, 2010). La población ha crecido, sin embargo, a tasas más altas en los países en desarrollo, con una tendencia a la constante en los países industrializados en las últimas décadas. Dicha población mundial intenso tiene consecuencias directas sobre el territorio urbano, mientras que lleva a una extensión de las actuales áreas urbanas menores y pequeñas ciudades. Todo esto, cada vez más, dar lugar a problemas de gestión y uso del suelo, produciendo un crecimiento del componente de la vulnerabilidad en la ecuación de riesgo. Crecimiento de la población no justifica un aumento de las condiciones hidrogeológicas de la inestabilidad. Si es así, ya que la población se ha convertido en firme en los últimos años, al menos en la mayoría de los países industrializados, no hay que hacer frente a riesgos cada vez mayor. En cambio, el modelo de desarrollo económico, basado principalmente en redes e infraestructuras, así como los asentamientos, por supuesto, produce un doble efecto: un aumento de los activos expuestos a la amenaza, una presión sobre el territorio, capaz de hacer la activación de los fenómenos peligrosos más frecuentes. Los fenómenos naturales también tienen un impacto en el marco socio-económico, ya que son responsables de la pérdida de bienes y servicios y, en ocasiones, una pérdida en términos de vidas humanas. En tal situación, la vulnerabilidad de la zona está relacionado con el desarrollo de su sistema de infraestructura social, civil y urbano. Este concepto se expresa claramente en la declaración "Los desastres ocurren cuando los riesgos se encontra con la vulnerabilidad" (Wisner et al., 2004). Esto nos lleva a considerar los desastres naturales como los fenómenos sociales reales. Cuando se habla de riesgo geomorfologicos y de políticas ambientales, uno de los pioneros es, sin duda, Earl E. Brabb, que ya en 1991 en un artículo titulado "El problema de movimientos de ladera del mundo", sostuvo que los deslizamientos son un problema mundial que cientos causa de muertes y miles de millones de dólares de daño cada año en todo el mundo. Los poblemas geomorfológicos son y serán un tema importante y un requisito fundamental del conocimiento para la política de toma de decisiones. A pesar de 20 años han pasado desde que el trabajo Brabb, la situación no parece haber cambiado. No son aún insuficientes los procedimientos de todo el mundo aunque sólo sea compartida que permite evaluar la calidad y precisión de un inventario de deslizamientos o la forma de clasificar en términos de susceptibilidad a los deslizamientos de un área y para evaluar cuantitativa y cualitativamente el rendimiento predictivo. Las imágenes y escenas de devastación, destrucción y muerte que ocurren cada año, hacen que el problema de los riesgos geomorfológicos en un problema social. ¿Quien es el responsable? Seguimos construyendo, incluso en lugares que no son adecuados para la construcción. Tenemos que admitir por lo menos una doble responsabilidad. Si bien es cierto que los acontecimientos que causar un derrumbe apenas son "previsibles", por el contrario sí podemos identificar y predecir donde estos fenómenos se producen con mayor capacidad destructiva, produciendo más daños y reducir al mínimo la vulnerabilidad. Por lo tanto, si no es posible evitar, ya que no es posible predecir, la palabra clave debe ser "la prevención". Cada vez deslizamientos de tierra u otros eventos con características destructivas y letales, que a menudo se supone y se define como "impredecible", nos ofrece con el escenario de las víctimas, los heridos y desaparecidos, el público se estremece y recuerda la vulnerabilidad de los bienes de la comunidad y direciona la discusión sobre el tema de prevención de los desastres naturales o por lo menos tratar de minimizar las consecuencias trágicas que lo acompañan. La ola emocional que sigue a la fase de emergencia se produce entre las llamadas a "enrollar las mangas" a una "cultura de prevención" que "nunca vuelva a suceder", e induce a los legisladores y los técnicos para intervenir con una variedad de medidas urgentes de mitigación y obras y de intervención inmediata, tal vez proponiendo también las regulaciones y leyes dirigidas a "evitar otro desastre similar". Hoy Saponara, ayer Génova, el día antes Giampilieri y San Fratello y así sucesivamente durante décadas: Salerno (1954) con 318 víctimas, 250 heridos y sin hogar cerca de 5.500, y el Longarone y el desastre de Vajont (1963) con cerca de 2.000 muertes de Agrigento, (1966), Valtellina (1987) 53 muertes y 4.000 millones de liras de los daños, el deslizamiento de tierra en el Val di Stava de julio de 1985 (269 muertos), las corrientes rápidas del 5 de mayo de 1998 y Sarno y Quindici y otras áreas de la región Campania, con 153 muertes, Maierato (2010), son algunos de los eventos más importantes que lleva a más de 4.000 las muertes causadas por movimientos gravitativos en medio siglo, un promedio de 4 muertes por mes, además de un daño económico incalculable. Pero cada día hay una lista de los deslizamientos de tierra, carreteras y puentes bajando, a pesar de que pasa desapercibido. A falta de una cultura de prevención y un aumento de la cultura de emergencia en su lugar. Y la protección civil se ve ahora como la única ancla de salvación y la asistencia de los municipios y la población involucrada. Italia es un País que se desmorona debido a la negligencia del hombre y a la falta de prevención. Hay 5,596 sobre 8,101 municipios en riesgo hidrogeológico, el 84% de los centros de población se define en riesgo. Esto sin duda demuestra que las construcciones se construyeron cuando no se podia. De estos municipios, 1.700 (alrededor del 21%) están en riesgo de deslizamientos, 1.285 (casi el 16%) en riesgo de inundación y 2.596 (32%) se encuentran en una combinación de deslizamientos de tierra y riesgo de inundación. El área total clasificada como de alto riesgo asciende a 36.551 km2 (7,1% del total nacional) dividido en km2 de áreas de deslizamientos de tierra y 7.791 km2 de áreas inundadas 13.760. Estas cifras ponen de relieve la inestabilidad hidrogeológica con el que cada región debe enfrentar, tarde o temprano, contra la cual el flujo de millones de euros, a menudo sólo le prometió, no servirá de mucho para la estabilización y obras de medida de seguridad. El informe de Legambiente revela que los municipios son la punta de lanza de una evidente debilidad de nuestro territorio. No hay una única manera de preparar los mapas de susceptibilidad, como lo demuestra la enorme cantidad de artículos científicos producidos incluso durante la última década, y lo mismo es cierto en cuanto a la zonificación de los peligros y los riesgos involucrados, todavía sigue siendo un problema sin resolver en gran medida (Carrara et al., 2009). La contribución de este trabajo las siguientes fases de un estudio con el fin de definir la estructura de la sensibilidad, los riesgos y peligros de un área: 1. Construcción de la base de datos: en este trabajo las diferentes técnicas y métodos de detección de deslizamiento de tierra y delimitación se comparan directamente (trabajo de campo) e indirectamente (fotografías aéreas, software de visualización remota del territorio) y su posterior despliegue en un sistema GIS. 2 Elección y definición de la escala de análisis: De hecho, uno de los problemas más actuales de la proposición se relaciona con los métodos de evaluación de susceptibilidad a escala múltiple. 3 Unidades cartográficas: las diferentes unidades se utilizan para la cartografía y zonificación del territorio, cuya previsión de resultados se comparan con el fin de ser capaces de identificar las unidades de la asignación básica más adecuada para la planificación y para fines de defensa civil, teniendo en cuenta la exactitud científica de que la modelo debe soportar. 4 Elección de los factores control: en el trabajo, es la posibilidad de identificar el conjunto más probable de los factores que se consideran relacionados directamente o indirectamente a la inestabilidad de la ladera. Se proponen procedimientos de prueba y seleccionar el conjunto de posibles factores de control, así como la construcción de modelos específicos para cada tipo de deslizamientos. 5 Construcción de modelos: como para la construcción de un modelo geo-estadístico, las soluciones se comparan diferentes y el modelo de presentación de los mismos resultados y la objetividad que se elija, teniendo en cuenta que las necesidades de una implementación más bajo en términos de costo y tiempo. 6 Validación: los modelos están sujetos a diferentes técnicas de validación, que luego se comparan entre ellos. 7 Exportación espacial de un modelo de susceptibilidad: este es un ensayo para definir y validar los términos de susceptibilidad a los deslizamientos de una amplia zona en los gustos de cientos o miles de kilómetros cuadrados, en base a los estudios de detalle de algunos sectores que lo representan. Al igual que muchos otros autores, con el propósito de este trabajo es hacer una contribución a la comunidad científica, tratando de ofrecer una modesta contribución en la solución de algunos problemas en este campo a través de experimentos y modelos realizados en una variedad de contextos y comparar los resultados entre ellos. En este sentido, unas pruebas se llevaron a cabo en algunas áreas, previamente seleccionadas, será probado y verificado el resultado de algunos de los procedimientos en los años de investigación doctoral. A continuación, un resumen de los resultados vendrán de estas pruebas experimentales TEST 1a: TUMMARRANO river basin: Model Exportation En el marco de un estudio de la susceptibilidad de deslizamientos regional en el sur de Sicilia, una prueba se ha realizado en la cuenca del río Tumarrano (unos 80 km2) tiene como objetivo caracterizar las condiciones de su susceptibilidad movimientos de ladera mediante la exportación de un modelo, definido y entrenado en el interior un número limitado (unos 20 km2) representativas del sector ("el área de origen''). Además, la posibilidad de explotar software de Google Earth y el banco de datos de fotos para producir imágenes de los archivos deslizamiento de tierra ha sido comprobado. El modelo de susceptibilidad se define, de acuerdo con un enfoque multifactorial basadas en el análisis condicional, con unidades únicas condiciones (UCUs), los cuales fueron obtenidos mediante la combinación de cuatro factores seleccionados control: litología afloramiento, la pendiente, la curvatura del plan y el índice de humedad topográfica. La capacidad de predicción del modelo de exportación, formado con 206 deslizamientos de tierra, se compara con la estimada para toda el área estudiada, mediante el uso de un archivo completo de deslizamiento de tierra (703 deslizamientos de tierra), para ver hasta qué punto el mayor tiempo/dinero necesario se tienen en cuenta los costos para. TEST 1b. Tummarrano river basin: modelo de susceptibilidad basado en la Forward logistic regression La regresión logística con pasòs hacia adelante, nos ha permitido obtener un modelo de susceptibilidad por los flujos de tierra en la cuenca del río Tumarrano, que se definió mediante el modelado de las relaciones estadísticas entre un archivo de eventos 760 y un conjunto de 20 variables predictoras. Para cada movimiento del inventario, un punto de identificación de deslizamientos (LIP) se produce de forma automática, como corresponde al punto más alto a lo largo de la frontera de los polígonos de deslizamientos de tierra. Los modelos equilibrados (760 stable/760 inestable) se presentaron a adelante el procedimiento de regresión logística. Una estrategia de construcción del modelo se aplicó para ampliar la zona considerada en la preparación del modelo y para comprobar la sensibilidad de los modelos de regresión con respecto a los lugares específicos de las células se considera estable. Un conjunto de dieciséis modelos se preparó de forma aleatoria extraer los subconjuntos diferentes céldas estables. Los modelos fueron sometidos a regresión logística y validado. Los resultados mostraron que las tasas de error satisfactoria y estable (0,236 en promedio, con una desviación estándar de 0,007) y AUC (0.839, para la formación, y 0.817, para conjuntos de datos de prueba). Como en relación a los predictores, la pendiente en el barrio de las células y la curvatura topográfica de gran perfil y plan local-fueron seleccionados de forma sistemática. Litología arcillosa afloramiento, drenajes midslope, crestas locales y midslope y los accidentes geográficos cañones eran también muy frecuentes (de 8 a 15 veces) en los modelos de la selección hacia adelante. La estrategia de construcción del modelo nos ha permitido producir un modelo de flujo de tierra realizando la susceptibilidad, cuyo modelo de ajuste, la predicción de la habilidad y solidez se estimaron sobre la base de los procedimientos de validación. Test 2. Imera river basin: modelo de susceptibilidad por flujo de tierra basado en las unidades de ladera. Un mapa de susceptibilidad de un área, que es representativa en términos de marco geológico y los fenómenos de inestabilidad de ladera de grandes sectores de los Apeninos de Sicilia, fue producida usando unidades de ladera y un modelo multiparamétrico univariado. La zona de estudio, que se extiende por aproximadamente 90 km2, fue dividida en 774 unidades de la pendiente, cuya ocurrencia esperada avalancha se estimó un promedio de siete valores de vulnerabilidad, determinado para el control de los factores seleccionados: litología, pendiente media del gradiente, SPI en el pie, el índice de humedad topográfica y la curvatura del perfil, y el rango de altitud. Cada uno de los reconocidos 490 deslizamientos de tierra estuvo representada por su punto de centro de gravedad. Sobre la base de análisis condicional, la función de la susceptibilidad aquí adoptada es la densidad, calculado para cada clase. Modelos univariante fueron preparados para cada uno de los factores que controlan, y su rendimiento predictivo se estimó por curvas de tipos de predicción y la relación de efectividad aplicada a la categorías de vulnerabilidad. Este procedimiento nos permitió discriminar entre factores efectivos y no efectivos, de modo que sólo la primera se combinó posteriormente en un modelo multiparamétrico, que fue utilizada para producir el mapa de susceptibilidad final. la validación de este último mapa nos permite comprobar el rendimiento y la fiabilidad de la predicción modelo. Los principales factores reguladores resultaron: la litología y, subordinadamente, el SPI a el pies de la unidad, y tambien el gradiente medio de la pendiente, la curvatura del perfil, y el índice de humedad topográfica dieron resultados satisfactorios. ; The World population, which counted two billion inhabitants around 1950, has grown at an almost exponential rate in the following decades up to four billion in 1980 and 5,3 in 1990 (United Nations – Department of Economic and Social Affairs, 2010). Definitely a high increase both in absolute and relative terms. According to estimates by the United Nations, the World population is estimated to reach eight billion and a half around 2025 (Chart 1.1), and then it will become steady around ten billion in 2050 because of the expected decline in fertility. These growing rates occur, obviously, both in Europe, where population has grown from 550 million in 1950 to 750 million in 2010, and in Italy, where in the period from 1861 to 2008 there was a surge in population from 22 million inhabitants to almost 60 million, (source: ISTAT, 2010). The population has grown, however, at higher rates in developing Countries (Fig. 1.1), with a tendency to become steady in industrialized Countries in the last decades. Such an intense world population has direct consequences on urban territory while leading to a spread of current minor urban areas and small towns. All this will, increasingly, result in management and land use problems, producing a growth of the vulnerability component in the risk equation. Population growth alone does not justify an increase of hydro-geological conditions of instability. If so, since the population has become steady in recent years, at least in most industrialized countries, we should not face increasing risks. Instead, the economic development model, largely based on networks and infrastructures, as well as settlements of course, produces a double effect: an increase of assets exposed to threat; a stress on the territory, able to make the activation of hazardous phenomena more frequently. It is however true that recent disasters with great loss of lives (i.e., Sarno Giampilieri, Aulla, Genova and Saponara) are actually the results of the response (letting nature take its course) to the changes in territorial asset occurred after the war. Another cause may be found in environmental changes: when the stress regime in a region changes (such as extraordinary rainfall intensity), the response is obviously new for both sides/slopes and the population. The WWF notes that from 1956 to 2001, urbanized areas in Italy have increased by 500 times and it is estimated that from 1990 to 2005 we have transformed 3.5 million hectares of land. The problem of interaction between humans and the natural environment is a very complex and diversified issue, not often approached in a systematic way, also because of the severe limitations of sources to be invested on research on a medium and long-term, for a better and effective knowledge of the environment, primarily on measures aimed at reducing risk (Plattner, 2005). Natural phenomena also have an impact within the social-economic framework as they are responsible for the loss of goods and services, and sometimes, a loss in terms of lives. In such a situation, the vulnerability of the area is related to the development of its social, civil, and urban infrastructural system. This concept is well expressed in the statement "disasters occur when hazards meet vulnerability" (Wisner et al., 2004). This leads us to consider natural disasters as real social phenomena. This condition is strongly valid especially with regard to landslides (Brabb and Harrod, 1989; Brabb, 1991). Since economic problems common to all countries do not allow either to invest in research projects on a medium and long-term or the stabilization of structures or areas on a large-scale, a new philosophy of environmental policy opens up for all active political and administrative subjects that should govern the use and exploitation of the territory. For this reason, the scientific community is engaged in a continuous search for methods and techniques to estimate the degree of real and potential instability, using the minimum amount of equipment and possible economic resources. Usually there is a substantial difficulty in identifying the most reliable procedures, that allow to approach this matter in a non-traditional manner based on modeling and investigative techniques built on the exchange of experiences between experts and conducting studies and experiments on all continents, and showing different strategies and possible technical combinations depending on the type and/or the number and complexity of the investigation, producing susceptibility, hazard and risk maps, used as the basis for decision-making processes in land management. In this framework, further efforts are needed in trying to make the different methods more objective and shared by all in order to be simple and reproducible, and most of all in transferring the knowledge gained in laws that underpin territorial planning, building regulations, and in civil defense plans (Guzzetti, 2006). When discussing about landslides and environmental policies, one of the pioneers is undoubtedly Earl E. Brabb, who already in 1991 in a paper entitled "The World Landslide Problem", sustained that landslides are a worldwide problem that cause hundreds of deaths and billions of dollars of damage every year all over the world. The same added that these losses can be reduced if the problem is identified and acknowledged in time, but many countries are simply equipped with maps showing where landslides produced problems in the past and they have even less susceptibility maps that could allow policy makers control land use. Landslides, adds Brabb, are generally more predictable and controllable than other natural events of catastrophic nature such as earthquakes, volcanic eruptions and storms, but despite this, few countries have taken advantage of this knowledge to reduce landslide hazard. Geomorphological problems are and will be an important issue and a fundamental requirement of knowledge for the politics of decision-making. Although 20 years have gone by since Brabb's work, the situation does not seem to have changed. There are still insufficient globally shared procedures even just allowing to assess the quality and accuracy of a landslide inventory or how to classify in terms of landslide susceptibility of an area and to evaluate quantitatively and qualitatively predictive performance. 1.2 Basic concepts One of the most obvious effects of rapid territory development in the past decades is the increasing impact that natural disasters have on man and his activities. Institutions are therefore committed to investing their resources in both the implementation of structural interventions to mitigate the risk as well as implementation of early warning systems and defining guidelines for land management; the latter activities allow, in fact, to avoid or minimize damage to persons and property, produced by natural phenomena, without necessarily investing in expensive resources and long structural interventions. The term "risk" is used in relation to the various components of the social and territorial fabric, as an expression of the expected consequences in the assets as a result of this disastrous phenomenon of assigned intensity at a given time interval. Within the guidelines for the preparation of prevention and management plans in terms of geological risk of the Sicilian Civil Protection Service (Regional Hydro-geological and Environmental Risks department), the term Hydro-geological Risk means the effect on different parts of the territory led by natural disasters such as landslides (geomorphological risk) and floods (hydraulic risks) triggered by events related to climate and its changes. Two main components contribute to the definition of risk: territorial hazard (geomorphological and hydraulic) and vulnerability. The latter depends on both the physical resistance of structures or assets exposed to the threat and the so-called vulnerability of social organization, which is linked, in fact, to the capacity of disaster prevention and management that a community has developed prior to the same disaster. The propensity of a territory to be affected by new landslides, the degree of hazard or risk that characterizes it, are usually expressed with the help of a map in which the area is divided into different zones according to the different values that qualify it. In this mapping, the territory is zoned or divided into homogeneous zones or user-defined fields/areas, whose ranking is defined according to their real or potential degree of landslide hazard (Varnes, 1984). Over the decades, many research groups and national and international commissions have tried to provide precise definitions, trying to reduce the existing confusion of terms in the management of natural hazards. In this section, some basic concepts are expressed as well as the terminology that will be used in the thesis below. Landslide events that develop in a given area involve a large number of environmental variables, to determine undoubted difficulties in identifying a suitable action of management, control and planning. In order to do so, understanding the problem without having a clear conceptual framework and method to be used may not be sufficient. The "forecast" of the phenomena and therefore the modeling phase is always required to designated public administration bodies and territorial control, carried out by the creation of digital simulation models which become crucial at the time when decisions must be taken/made. The creation of maps indicating the different vocation planning of an area, based for example on landslide hazard maps, not only allows you to compose the scene of the incident consequences of a given failure, but also to react under emergency, if magnitude, area, and associated potential damage are known. Planning is a subject which studies and regulates the processes of local governance and to evaluate the resulting dynamics of evolution and development. The principles guiding the choice of planning require development policies coherent with the principles of environmental protection and sustainability in an effort to control the excessive human presence, able to transform irreversibly natural systems and preserve the quality of life for future generations. Information, territorial knowledge and assessment of its natural predisposition and vulnerability are the basis of planning. These forms of knowledge and the use and application of the best technologies available to facilitate information processing and optimization of procedures for evaluation and zoning of the territory, will yield the best design solutions to achieve the desired objectives. Planning is aimed to government land use and management of spatial information, and is achieved by regulating the area according to different uses, which should be awarded taking into account the natural predispositions. Planning activities can affect a large portion of territory, in other words include a supra-municipal area or one that does not match with administrative boundaries (e.g. Provincial Territorial Coordination Plan, Hydro-geological Plan) or urban (e.g. General Regulation Plan). The geological, geomorphological, hydro-geological and seismic component should be placed at the base of the strategic development of the territory. In national legislation, water management is understood both as a natural resource but also as an element of risk, and has been regulated at the watershed level since the nineties (national framework law 183/89 on soil protection). This allow us to overcome divisions and inconsistencies produced by the adoption of targeted areas having only administrative boundaries that, therefore, do not take into account natural dynamics. The zoning of landslide hazard area is considered the most effective level of knowledge for territorial planning and territorial governance purposes. A map showing portions of an area classified as "hazardous" is of great importance due to the fact that these areas are subject to limitations and constraints that also affect the usability or simply the economic value. 1.2.1 Landslides and soil protection Italy, besides having a territory particularly prone to heavily collapse, has a highly populated territory with a density of 189 inhabitants per km2, much higher than France (114 inhabitants/km2) and Spain (89 inhabitants/km2), in Lombardy and Campania respectively, the density changes to 379 and 420 inhabitants per km2. As clear from the Report on landslides in Italy (National Geological Survey, 2007), commissioned by the ISPRA (National Institute for Environmental Protection and Research), in the last 50 years almost 500 thousand landslides have been recognized and recorded for an area of about 20 thousand km2, corresponding to 6.6% of the entire national territory. These data should be updated. As indicated by the last study conducted by the Ministry of the Environment (2010), 9.8% of the national area is to be ranked highly hydro-geological critical and 6.633 municipalities are involved, representing 81.9 percent of the national territory. This value, according to a report EURISPES ( Report Italy, 2010) is "largely underestimated", therefore agreeing that "a reliable estimate is made up of about 2 million phenomena and consequently the percentage of the Italian territory subject to ongoing phenomena is more than 20%." The Ministry of Environment, through the work for the realization of development plans undertaken by the hydrogeological Basin Authority, estimated a funding requirement of almost 40 billion euros to hydro-geologically secure the entire country, and 4.1 billion for more urgent works. Undoubtedly, the amounts are considerably high, but it is enough to consider that almost 21 billion euros were spent just to stanch the damages by hydro-geological disasters occurred in the decade 1994-2004. 1.3 Aims and scientific contribution There is no single way to prepare susceptibility maps, as evidenced by the enormous amount of scientific papers produced even during the last decade, and the same is true as for the zoning of the hazard and risk involved, still remaining a largely unsolved problem (Carrara et al., 2009). The contribution of this paper the following phases of a study in order to define the susceptibility structure, hazard and risk of an area. 1 Construction of the landslide database: in this work different techniques and methods of landslide detection and delimitation are compared, directly (field work) and indirectly (aerial photographs, remote viewing software of the territory) and their subsequent deployment in a GIS system. 2 Choice and definition of the analysis scale: the problem of scale models of susceptibility is approached. In fact, one of the most actual problems of the proposition is related to approaches to multi-scale susceptibility evaluation. 3 Mapping units: different units are used for mapping and zoning of the territory, whose foresight results are compared in order to be able to identify the basic mapping units most suitable for planning and for civil defense purposes, taking into account the scientific accuracy that the model must bear. 4 Choice of controlling factors: during the work, it is the possible to identify the most probable set of factors considered to be directly or indirectly related to the instability of the slope. Procedures for testing and selecting the set of possible controlling factors are proposed as well as the construction of specific models for each type of landslide. 5 Model building: as for the construction of a geo-statistical model, different solutions are compared and the model presenting the same results and objectivity is chosen, considering it needs a lower implementation in terms of cost and time. 6 Validation: models are subject to different validation techniques, which are then compared to each other. 7 Spatial exporting of a landslide susceptibility model: this is a trial to define and validate the terms of landslide susceptibility for a wide area in the likes of hundreds or thousands of square kilometers, based on studies of some fields that represent it. Having clear that the result of this type of study is intended to provide maps that can be used by planners in a useful manner, these must be characterized by an immediacy in understanding even by non-experts and they must also be easy to read and interpret. Therefore, these methods should be as simple as possible, for example, susceptibility levels must be clearly expressed not only in quantitative but also in descriptive terms (Clerici et al., 2010). Like many other authors, the purpose of this work is to make a contribution to the scientific community by trying to offer a modest contribution in solving some problems in this field through experiments and modeling carried out in a range of contexts and comparing the results between them.

Die Tierproduktion bleibt ein kritischer Aspekt der ländlichen Lebensgrundlagen, die vor allem den Armen in den Entwicklungsländern unterschiedliche Zwecke erfüllen. Eine verbesserte Produktivität der Tiere hat somit das Potenzial, das Wachstum nachhaltig zu stimulieren und gleichzeitig den Wohlstand zu stärken und zu verbessern. Dies ist besonders kritisch in Subsahara-Afrika (SSA) angesichts unvollkommener Input- und Output Märkte, fehlender Kredit- und Versicherungsmärkte sowie begrenzter Beschäftigungsmöglichkeiten außerhalb der Landwirtschaft. Die Produktivität der Tiere wird jedoch durch das Auftreten von Krankheiten und den Einsatz veralteter Technologien eingeschränkt. Studien zeigen jedoch, dass Tiere der Armen aufgrund unzureichender Investitionen in gesundheitsfördernde Techniken und Technologien anfälliger für Krankheiten sind. Diese Arbeit zielt darauf ab, zu einem besseren Verständnis des Adoptionsverhaltens moderner Nutztierinterventionen und ihrer Auswirkungen auf das Wohlergehen der Haushalte in SSA beizutragen. Konkret geht es in der Arbeit darum, zu untersuchen: (1) die Triebkräfte für die Einführung der so genannten "best-bet" Management-Technologien gegen die Afrikanischen Tier-Trypanosomose (AAT) - und ihre Auswirkungen auf die Ernährungssicherheit in Haushalten; (2) die Beziehung zwischen Management-Praktiken wie Entwurmung, Vektorkontrolle, Veterinärbehandlung und Nahrungsergänzungsmitteln. Konkret untersucht das Papier, ob diese Praktiken als Ergänzung oder Ersatz übernommen werden und welche Faktoren ihre Annahme antreiben; 3) die Erträge aus Maßnahmen zur Bekämpfung von Tierseuchen, die insbesondere Maßnahmen zur Steigerung der Tierproduktivität und der Armut und Vulnerabilität der Haushalte verbinden, und (4) die Rolle der Diversifizierung der Haushalte in Bezug auf die pflanzliche und tierische Erzeugung bei der Anpassung an Klimaveränderungen. Die Daten für diese Arbeit stammen von Kleinviehhaltern in den Regionen Kara und Savana in Togo und der Southern Nations Nationalities and People Region (SNNPR) in Äthiopien. Die Auswahl der Befragten erfolgte durch mehrstufige Stichprobenverfahren, um angesichts der geografisch-diversen Untersuchungsregion eine gleich hohe Wahrscheinlichkeit der Auswahl zu gewährleisten. In Togo wurden zwei Datenwellen gesammelt, während in Äthiopien eine Welle gesammelt wurde. Im Jahr 2013 wurden insgesamt 486 bzw. 492 Haushalte aus Togo und Äthiopien befragt. Im Jahr 2016 wurde in Togo eine Folgebefragung unter den gleichen Haushalten durchgeführt, die 2013 befragt wurden. Aufgrund einer Fluktuation von 6% umfasste die Folgeerhebung jedoch 443 Haushalte. Ein umfassender Datensatz, der aus sozioökonomischen Informationen der Haushalte besteht und alle Arten von einkommensschaffenden Tätigkeiten wie Selbständigkeit, außerbetriebliche Beschäftigung und andere in diesem Zeitraum ausgeübte Lohnarbeit umfasst. Bemerkenswert sind die Informationen über die Rinderproduktion wie Herdenzusammensetzung, Krankheits- und Schädlingsinzidenz und Gesundheitsmanagement. Es wurden Haushaltsrisiken und -schocks sowie Indikatoren für Vermögen, Konsum und Ernährungssicherheit erhoben. Zusätzlich zu den Daten auf Haushaltsebene wurden 2013 durch Interviews mit Interessengruppen Informationen auf Dorfebene wie Krankheitsschwere und -häufigkeit, Arzneimittelresistenz und Institutionen und Infrastruktur gesammelt. Verschiedene methodische Ansätze wurden verwendet, um die Daten in dieser Arbeit zu analysieren. Im ersten Beitrag bildet die Theorie der Maximierung der Haushaltsnutzen unter Risiken und unvollkommenen Märkten die Grundlage für die empirische Schätzung der Adoptionsentscheidung über den rationalen Medikamenteneinsatz und dessen Auswirkungen auf die Ernährungssicherheit. Ein binäres Logit-Modell wird verwendet, um die Faktoren zu schätzen, die die Akzeptanz beeinflussen, während das Propensity Score Matching (PSM) verwendet wird, um die Auswirkungen auf die Ergebnisse der Ernährungssicherheit zu bestimmen. Im zweiten Beitrag wird die Einführung mehrerer Disease-Management-Praktiken als Funktion der Krankheitsbelastung (Risiken) in einer Rinderherde modelliert. Dies geschieht empirisch durch ein multivariates Maximum-Likelihood-Schätzverfahren. Im dritten Papier, unter Berücksichtigung der unvollständigen Randomisierung der Behandlung und mögliche endogene Heterogenitätseffekte, eine Reihe von quasi-experimentellen Identifikationsstrategien, wurden implementiert, um die kausale Beziehung zwischen den Interventionen und Haushaltshilfe festzustellen. Die Umsetzung der verschiedenen Strategien kontrolliert mögliche empirische Fallstricke, wie der Selbstauswahl und unbeobachteter Heterogenität, die die Ergebnisse verzerren würden. Im vierten Papier zur Diversifizierung der Lebensgrundlagen wird davon ausgegangen, dass die Haushalte bei Vorliegen von Klimaschwankungen mit fehlenden oder unvollkommenen Kredit- und Versicherungsmärkten eine Kombination von Lebensgrundlagenstrategien wählen, um den zukünftigen Wohlstand zu maximieren und die aktuellen Ergebnisse vor negativen Wetterereignissen zu schützen. Die Entscheidung über den Portfoliomix basiert im Wesentlichen auf zwei Motivationen - Überleben oder Chancensuche. Die empirische Schätzung erlaubt es, das übergeordnete Motiv der Diversifizierung der Haushalte zu bestimmen. Da die verschiedenen Diversifikationsentscheidungen korreliert sein können, modellieren wir gemeinsam die Determinanten der Diversifikation unter Verwendung der Seemingly Unrelated Regression (SUR) mit Mundlak-Korrekturfaktor, um mögliche Endogenitätsprobleme zu berücksichtigen, die sich aus unbeobachteter Heterogenität ergeben. Korrelierte Zufallseffektabschätzungen, die mit den Annahmen Probit und Generalized Least Square (GLS) ausgestattet sind, werden verwendet, um die Auswirkungen der Diversifizierung auf Armut und Konsumergebnisse abzuschätzen, bzw. mit einer inhärenten unbeobachteten Endogenitätsverzerrung, die durch den Mundlak-Korrekturfaktor berücksichtigt wird. Die Ergebnisse dieser Arbeit tragen in vielfältiger Weise zur empirischen Literatur bei. Erstens zeigt die Abschätzung der Faktoren und Auswirkungen der Technologieeinführung auf die Ernährungssicherheit, dass der Zugang zu Informationen und Veterinärdiensten, die Verbesserung des Wissens und der Zugang zu Medikamenten entscheidend für die Adoptionsentscheidung über verbesserte Disease-Management-Praktiken sind. Die Auswirkungen der Adoption sind im Allgemeinen positiv. So zeigen die Ergebnisse beispielsweise, dass Landwirte, die verbesserte Praktiken anwenden, eine höhere Produktivität der Tiere und einen höheren Pro-Kopf-Verbrauch aufweisen. Die Verbesserung der Gesundheit der Tiere durch die Einführung wissensintensiver integrierter Bekämpfungsmaßnahmen ist ein vielversprechender Weg, um die Lebensgrundlagen und die Ernährungssicherheit kleiner, von Rindern abhängiger Haushalte in Afrika südlich der Sahara zu verbessern. Dennoch ist die Akzeptanz verbesserter Disease-Management-Praktiken bei den Rinderzüchtern nach wie vor gering. Strategien, die das lokale Veterinärpersonal in die Verbreitung von Technologien und Inputs einbeziehen, sollten in Betracht gezogen werden, um die Adoptionsrate zu fördern. Zweitens zeigt die Untersuchung der Einführung von veschiedenen best bet AAT Management Praktiken unter Verwendung der Daten von Kleinbauern in Äthiopien, dass diese Praktiken nicht komplementär, sondern substitutiv sind. Dies ist auf Ressourcen- und Haushaltsengpässe bei diesen Landwirten zurückzuführen. Auch das beobachtete geringe Wissen über das Management von AAT bei den Befragten erklärt den beobachteten Substitutionseffekt. Die Landwirte übernahmen und wandten meist eine Technologie an, nämliche die Verabreichung von Trypanozidmedikamenten - die beliebteste Praxis mit wenig oder gar keiner Investition in Entwurmung oder Schädlingsbekämpfung. Das Ergebnis verdeutlicht die Notwendigkeit eines gezielten Erweiterungsansatzes, um die Art und Weise, wie diese Technologie verbreitet wird, neu zu definieren. Es zeigt ferner, dass die Anwendung traditioneller Methoden zur Verbreitung dieser Praktiken die gleichzeitige Einführung von Agrartechnologien bei den Nutztierhaltern behindern könnte. Drittens zeigt die Messung der Auswirkungen des gezielten AAT-Kontrollinterventionsprogramms mit Hilfe des Paneldatensatzes aus Togo im Allgemeinen positive Ergebnisse für die teilnehmenden Landwirte. Die Ergebnisse zeigen zum Beispiel, dass die Teilnehmer ihre Kenntnisse und Praktiken in Bezug auf die Diagnose und das Management von Tierkrankheiten im Allgemeinen und AAT im Besonderen verbessert haben. Darüber hinaus verzeichneten die Tiere der Programmteilnehmer eine höhere Produktivität, gemessen an der Milchleistung, und reduzierte Krankheitsinfektionen. Höhere Tierproduktivität und geringere Krankheitsinfektionen führten zu einem zusätzlichen Einkommen, das den Pro-Kopf-Konsum deutlich steigerte und die Armut verringerte. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass Interventionen, die auf die Viehbewirtschaftung von Kleinbauern in SSA abzielen, zu positiven Ergebnissen bei der Existenzsicherung führen können. Schließlich zeigen die Ergebnisse, dass die Portfoliodiversifikation im ländlichen Togo im Allgemeinen von Vermögensvariablen getrieben wird, wenn man sich die Triebkräfteder Diversifikation zuwendet und wie die Diversifikation den Haushalten hilft, mit den Auswirkungen der Klimaschwankungen umzugehen. Außerdem zeigen die Ergebnisse einen negativen Zusammenhang zwischen der Diversifizierung der Haushalte und den Klimaschwankungen. Im Hinblick auf die Auswirkungen auf das Wohlergehen deuten die Ergebnisse darauf hin, dass die Diversifizierung der Nutztiere das Potenzial hat, das Wohlergehen eines Haushalts zu verbessern und auch die negativen Auswirkungen der Klimaschwankungen abzumildern. Die Institutionen scheinen die Diversifizierung von Nutzpflanzen und Nutztieren zu unterstützen und tragen auch zur Verringerung der Armut bei. Die derzeitige Einrichtung von Institutionen ist jedoch nicht wirksam, um negative Auswirkungen eines zunehmend risikoreichen Umfelds abzumildern. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass es notwendig ist, die Kredit-, Landwirtschafts- und Marktinstitutionen als mögliche politische Ziele für die Förderung der Diversifizierung der Lebensgrundlagen als Bewältigungsstrategie für Gebiete zu stärken, die negativen Auswirkungen der Klimaschwankungen und fehlenden oder unvollkommenen Märkten ausgesetzt sind. ; Livestock production remains a critical aspect of rural livelihoods serving different purposes especially for the poor in developing countries. Enhanced livestock productivity thus has the potential to stimulate growth in a sustainable way and also to strengthen and improve welfare. This is especially critical in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) in the face of imperfect input and output markets, missing credit and insurance markets, as well as limited off-farm employment opportunities. However, livestock productivity is constrained by the incidence of diseases and the use of obsolete technologies. Yet, studies show that livestock of the poor are more vulnerable to diseases because of inadequate investments in health improving techniques and technologies approaches. This thesis aims to contribute to an improved understanding of the adoption behavior of modern livestock interventions and their impact on household welfare in SSA. Specifically, the thesis sets out to investigate: (1) the drivers of adopting the so called "best–bet" African Animal Trypanosomosis (AAT) management technologies and its impact on household food security; (2) the relationship between disease management practices such as deworming, vector control, veterinary treatment, and feed supplements. Specifically, the thesis investigates if these practices are adopted as complements or substitutes and what factors drive their adoption; 3) the returns to livestock disease control interventions especially linking interventions to animal productivity and household vulnerability and poverty and (4) the role of household diversification with respect to crop and livestock production in adapting to climate variability. The data for this thesis comes from small scale cattle farmers in the Kara and Savana regions of Togo and the Southern Nations Nationalities and People Region (SNNPR) of Ethiopia. Selection of respondents involved multi stage random sampling procedures to ensure equal probability of being selected given the geographically dispersed nature of the study region. Two waves of data were collected in Togo while one wave has been collected in Ethiopia. In 2013, a total of 486 and 492 households from Togo and Ethiopia respectively were interviewed. In 2016, a follow up survey was conducted in Togo involving the same households interviewed in 2013. A comprehensive data set consisting of household socio-economic information, involving all kinds of income generating activities such as self-employment, off-farm employment and other on-farm wage employments undertaken in the period. Noteworthy are the information on cattle production such as herd composition, disease and pest incidences, and health management. Household risks and shocks as well as assets, consumption and food security indicators have been collected. In addition to the household level data, village level information such as disease severity and incidence, drug resistance and village level institutions and infrastructure have been collected through stakeholder interviews in 2013. Different methodological approaches have been used to analyze the data in this thesis. In the first paper, the household utility maximization theory under risks and imperfect markets forms the basis for the empirical estimation of the household adoption decision and impact of rational drug use on food security. A binary logit model is used to estimate the factors influencing adoption while the Propensity Score Matching (PSM) is used to determine the impact on food security outcome. In the second paper, the adoption of multiple disease management practices is modelled as a function of disease load (risks exposed) in a cattle herd. This is done empirically through a multivariate maximum likelihood estimation procedure. In the third paper, considering the incomplete randomization of the treatment assignment and possible endogenous heterogeneity effects, a number of quasi–experimental identifications strategies, such as difference in difference, fixed effects and the fixed effects instrumental variable, have been implemented to determine the causal relationship between the interventions and household welfare. The implementation of the multiple strategies controls for potential confounding issues of self-selection and unobserved heterogeneity that would bias results. In the fourth paper on livelihood diversification, it is assumed that in the presence of climate variability with missing or imperfect credit and insurance markets households choose a combination of livelihood strategies to maximize future welfare as well as protecting current outcomes against adverse weather events. The portfolio mix decision is based cardinally on two motivations – survival or opportunity seeking. The empirical estimation allows determining the overriding motive by households to diversify. Different diversification decisions may be correlated therefore the determinants of diversification are jointly estimated using the Seemingly Unrelated Regression (SUR) with Mundlak correction factor to account for possible endogeneity issues arising from unobserved heterogeneity. Correlated random effects estimation fitted with logit and Generalized Least Square (GLS) assumptions are used to estimate impact of diversification on poverty and consumption outcomes respectively with inherent unobserved endogeneity bias taken care for by the Mundlak correction factor. The results from this thesis contribute to the empirical literature in a number of ways. First, the estimation of drivers and impacts of technology adoption on food security shows that access to information and veterinary services, improved knowledge, and access to disease inputs are critical to the adoption decision of improved disease management practices. Adoption impacts are generally positive. For example, results show that farmers who adopt improved practices have higher livestock productivity and higher consumption per capita. Improving livestock health by introducing knowledge-intensive integrated control measures is a promising way to enhance livelihoods and to improve food security of small-scale cattle dependent households in sub-Saharan Africa. Nonetheless, adoption of improved disease management practices remains low among cattle farmers. Policies that involve local veterinary personnel in the dissemination of technologies and inputs should be considered to stimulate adoption. Second, investigating the adoption of multiple best bet AAT management practices using the data from small scale farmers in Ethiopia shows that these practices are not complementary, but substitutional. The study finds this to be as a result of resource and budgetary constraints. Also, the observed low knowledge of the management of AAT amongst respondents explains the observed substitutional effect. Farmers mostly adopted and applied one technology – trypanocidal drugs– the most popular practice with little or no investment in deworming or pest control. The result highlights the need for targeted extension approach to redefine how such technology is disseminating. It further shows that the use of traditional extension methods to disseminate these practices could be hampering the simultaneous adoption of farm technology among livestock farmers. Third, measuring the impacts of the targeted AAT control intervention program using the panel data set from Togo generally shows positive outcomes for participating farmers. For example, the results show that participants improved their knowledge and practices in relation to diagnosing and management of livestock diseases in general and AAT in particular. Furthermore, the animals of program participants recorded higher productivity measured in milk output and reduced disease infections which are both direct benefits of the program intervention. Higher animal productivity and lower disease infections resulted in additional income that significantly increased per capita consumption and decrease poverty headcount, i.e., two important welfare indicators in rural SSA. The results show that interventions targeted at managing livestock of small scale cattle producers in SSA can lead to positive livelihoods outcomes. Finally, turning to drivers of diversification and how diversification helps households cope with climate variability effects, the results show that portfolio diversification in rural Togo is generally driven by wealth variables. Also, the results show a negative correlation between household diversification and climate variability. In terms of welfare implications, the results indicate that livestock diversification has the potential to improve a household's welfare and also mitigate adverse effects of climate variability. Institutions seem to be supportive in crop and livestock diversification and also contribute to decreases in poverty. However, the current set up of institutions is not effective to mitigate negative effects from an increasingly risky environment. The results point to the necessity of strengthening credit, agricultural and market institutions as possible policy targets for stimulating livelihood diversification as a coping strategy for areas exposed to negative effects of climate variability and with missing or imperfect markets. ; European Commission/Global Program on Agriculture Research for Development (ARD)/DE-2009-GED2210158025/EU

En las últimas dos décadas especialmente, la atención de los científicos hacia trabajos de campo, geofísica y geoquímica, ha servido para el estudio de la estructura profunda de la corteza y del manto y su relación con la génesis y evolución de las cuencas sedimentarias. Es claro que estos resultados no son sólo de valor académico, sino que tienen importancia práctica ya que el mejor conocimiento de la geología y la geofísica profunda llevan a un entendimiento acabado de los fenómenos geológicos y las condiciones de formación y distribución de los espacios de acomodación para alojar depósitos minerales de interés económico. Consecuentemente, parece lógica la decisión de intentar reunir la mayor parte de los datos geofísicos disponibles tanto a escala de detalle como regional, y proveer una síntesis de la evolución de la cuenca Neuquina en su contexto geodinámico. La investigación presentada es un esfuerzo dirigido a hacia esos objetivos. Como un método geofísico en particular ilumina sólo una parte del problema, el empleo de técnicas combinadas ha permitido encontrar soluciones más cercanas a la realidad, teniendo en cuenta sus relaciones, semejanzas y diferencias. Debido a que los relevamientos geofísicos para estudios regionales y de detalle han sido ejecutados mayormente por organismos gubernamentales o privados y muchas veces no son accesibles para docentes e investigadores universitarios, una de las contribuciones de esta tesis es la cooperación entre la universidad y la industria, tomando las fortalezas de ambas vertientes. La premisa fundamental en esta tesis ha sido examinar la relación existente entre elementos que condicionan el régimen tectónico por medio de observaciones geofísicas. El ambiente tectónico de tipo andino de la cuenca Neuquina está controlado por tres factores fundamentales: estado térmico, volcanismo y apilamiento tectónico. El régimen térmico está regido por el flujo de calor, el cual muestra como cuadro de primer orden un sector norte alineado entre la localidad de Chos Malal y el volcán Auca Mahuida que exhibe un gradiente promedio mayor al resto de la cuenca Neuquina, especialmente respecto al sur de la dorsal de Huincul donde el flujo es el menor. Simultáneamente, el régimen térmico es el principal responsable de la existencia de tres escenarios nítidos de rigidez flexural, que han condicionado la deformación a escala cortical pero transmitiendo su impronta en la deformación del basamento: la dorsal de Huincul se comporta como un elemento de elevada resistencia mecánica relativa, que limita la propagación de la deformación hacia el sur de la comarca; la faja plegada del Agrio – Chos Malal y el volcán Auca Mahuida son las zonas más propensas a la deformación pues es la de menor rigidez relativa; y por último, el sector oriental o de plataforma, el cual presenta una rigidez flexural intermedia. Una observación muy importante es la anisotropía de la rigidez que se comporta en dirección oeste – este al norte de la dorsal de Huincul, para transformarse casi norte – sur desde la dorsal de Huincul hacia abajo. Como resultado de los cambios en la distribución de rigidez, la partición de la deformación asociada a un régimen de convergencia oblicuo que cambia su trayectoria en el tiempo, no ha permanecido invariable, sino que se ha resuelto de dos formas: al norte de la dorsal de Huincul la deformación se propaga casi sin partición, dando origen a la existencia de la faja plegada y corrida del Agrio y Chos Malal, a la deformación de arco y antearco, y a una zona sismogénica más amplia y trabada que ha ocasionado dos megasismos recientes en la región. Mientras, al sur de la dorsal de Huincul, el vector de convergencia andino se descompone en segmentos aproximadamente perpendiculares entre sí y sometidos a transpresión y transtensión, que dan origen a dos megaestructuras con mecanismo dominante de transcurrencia: la zona de falla de Liquiñe – Ofqui con dirección preferencial norte – sur y la dorsal de Huincul oeste – este. Acerca del volcanismo al cual hicimos referencia como un factor de control tectónico, en esta investigación se ha prestado especial atención al aparato volcánico del Auca Mahuida. Se postula aquí que por su edad pliocena – pleistocena, el control isostático que ejerce actualmente es casi exclusivamente local, pero aún así, sus consecuencias son fundamentales: debilita la corteza, eleva las transiciones frágil– dúctiles y permite la propagación de la deformación a sectores de borde de cuenca, relativamente retirados del frente orogénico. En cuanto al volcanismo de arco propiamente dicho, este coincide regionalmente con una zona de baja rigidez flexural para su emplazamiento, lo cual ha facilitado los mecanismos de acortamiento orogénico, el debilitamiento de la litosfera, y la migración del magmatismo por empinamiento y horizontalización de la placa subducida, procesos que se retroalimentan en sí. Con respecto al apilamiento tectónico, la faja plegada y corrida del Agrio – Chos Malal se halla emplazada sobre una zona de muy baja rigidez flexural y al menos su influencia como carga topográfica de superficie, habría facilitado la propagación de la deformación hacia el antepaís de la cuenca Neuquina por mecanismos básicamente flexurales, si bien se reconoce a partir del análisis de subsidencia en pozos, que la componente térmica es más importante que la tectónica, prevaleciente en la mayoría de las cuencas del Subandino. La cuenca Neuquina posee descompensación isostática residual positiva asociada a anomalías magnéticas corticales negativas localizadas en su depocentro sedimentario, que avalan la hipótesis de adelgazamiento cortical. El mecanismo de apertura de la cuenca Neuquina en su etapa de rifting localizado, se puede explicar satisfactoriamente y de forma coherente a las observaciones si se recurre a la hipótesis de cizalla simple, con una falla maestra de enraizamiento cortical que trae como consecuencia la distribución asimétrica de flujo de calor. Este modelo, que además predice atenuamiento cortical confirmando las anomalías observadas, no necesariamente coincide con la zona de levantamiento térmico, y por tanto, el área por debajo no acomoda toda la subsidencia térmica. La distribución de la deformación y la fábrica del basamento, que condiciona la existencia de espacios de acomodación sedimentarios, está íntimamente sujeta a los cambios del flujo de calor, la rigidez flexural y el estado isostático, como elementos de primer orden. La cuenca Neuquina conserva un gradiente geotérmico ligeramente mayor al promedio mundial de regiones continentales, cuyo origen se atribuye esencialmente a fenómenos de refracción térmica del basamento y volcanismo reciente, los cuales afectan las condiciones reológicas de la corteza, favoreciendo la deformación de intraplaca en el antepaís. Entre tanto, los cambios en la rigidez flexural, se interpretan fundamentalmente como cambios en la resistencia mecánica a la deformación. A pesar de la abundante información recopilada en esta tesis, la correlación de las anomalías geofísicas y de los datos provenientes de perforaciones y afloramientos está en una etapa inicial, por lo cual sigue existiendo ambigüedad en las interpretaciones, especialmente cuando se trabaja con métodos potenciales no ajustados con datos independientes. La fortaleza de esta tesis está basada en la interpretación geofísica interdisciplinaria sobre un marco de referencia generalizado, que se espera contribuya en la comprensión de la evolución geodinámica de la región, y más importante aún, estimule el desarrollo de nuevas investigaciones para mitigar las incertezas encontradas. ; The attention of scientists working in the fields of geology, geophysics and geochemistry was very much attracted during the last two decades, to the study of the deep structure of the earth's crust and mantle and their relationships to the genesis and evolution of sedimentary basins. Obviously, these results are not only of pure scientific value, but also have practical significance since the best knowledge of geology and geophysics lead to a better understanding of geological phenomena and the conditions of formation and distribution of mineral resources. Consequently, it seems logical the decision to try collecting most of the geophysical data available, for understanding the Neuquén Basin evolution in a geodynamics framework. This thesis is an effort towards these goals. Due to that if we use exclusively one geophysical method it illuminates only one part of the problem; the use of combined techniques has allowed us to find solutions closer to reality, taking into account their relationships, similarities and differences. Because geophysical surveys have been carried out mostly by government and private agencies, seldom these data are straightforward available to academic researchers. One character of this thesis is the link between universities and industry, trying to mitigate the weaknesses of both sides. A primary principle was to study the relationship between the factors that determine the tectonic regime throughout geophysical observations. Geophysical data indicate that the crust is not a homogeneous rigid layer over the Neuquén Basin. The crucial reason for crustal in homogeneity is that Neuquén Basin is in an Andean-type tectonic regime that is controlled by three factors: thermal state, volcanism, and tectonic load. It has been suggested that thermal state is governed by current heat-flow. In the study-case a first-order feature, a lineament between Chos Malal and Auca Mahuida volcano, has a higher average thermal-gradient at the northern zone, mainly when compare with the south Huincul system where the heat-flow is lower. Likewise, it has been argued from this thesis that thermal regime has conditioned the crustal and basement deformation, due to rigidity is strongly dependent on temperature and deformation rate. Consequently, lithosphere rigidity is expected to vary laterally as a function of geothermal gradient; a cold lithosphere is probable to be stronger and/or thicker and a hot lithosphere is expected to be weaker and/or thinner. This is the main reason for the existence of three scenarios of flexural rigidity: 1) the Huincul-system as a regional edge limiting the develop of basement ductile deformation to the south of the Neuquén Basin; 2) the Agrio - Chos Malal fold thrust belt and Auca Mahuida volcano with lower rigidity values, predisposed to thin–skinned deformation and structural control of volcanism respectively, and 3) the Eastern Platform with an intermediate flexural rigidity value. I propose two non-exclusive processes that take into account the play between crustal and basement deformation in Neuquén Basin: response to changes in distribution of flexural-rigidity, and divergence in plate convergence vector related to an oblique subduction against the plate boundary. As a result, there are two background-structural scenarios connected with the partition of the deformation: − A low partition-system north of the Huincul-axis, associated with the deformation in the arc, forearc, fold and thrust belt, and a wider locked seismogenic zone. − A high partition-system from the Huincul-trench to the south, a place where the vector of convergence splits in two perpendicular movements: the north - south Liquiñe - Ofqui fault zone, and the west - east Huincul high structural feature, both with dominant mechanisms of strike-slip displacement. Therefore, rigidity layering has the largest effect on horizontal deformation under the Andean type subduction system. A key observation in this context was the congruity with a next aspect; it is referred to the nature of the relationship between volcanism as a control factor in the tectonic regime and deformation. In this particular case, a key role plays the interaction between crustal structures of the basement and ongoing regional stress field on the Pliocene – Pleistocene Auca Mahuida volcanic complex. This effect is followed by crustal weakening, raise of the limits of brittleductile zones, and expansion of the deformation far away from the Andean orogenic front. On the other hand, a third aspect is connected with tectonic load. As we have affirmed, the influence of surface topography in the Agrio - Chos Malal fold and thrust belt have facilitated the foreland region deformation by flexural mechanisms, although it is recognized from borehole subsidence analysis time-depths cross plots that thermal component is besides tectonics, prevailing in most Sub-Andean basins. In this context, the development of geophysical methods to determine the lithospheric structure gave direct evidence from the pair associated positive residual isostatic anomaly - negative crustal magnetic anomaly, that Neuquén Basin has a thinned crustal structure in the deepest sedimentary alignment. During the rifting stage, the opening mechanism of Neuquén Basin can be adequately explained by the simple shear model, with a crustal master fault like Entre Lomas – Estancia Vieja and an asymmetric heat-flow array. The distribution of deformation patterns and basement fabrics play a key role in relation to changes in heat-flow and flexural rigidity. These changes in rigidity, can be attributed to variations in the geochemical properties of rocks, or differences in temperature and pressure conditions between the upper and lower crust, but here are interpreted as changes in the mechanical strength. The correlation of geophysical anomalies and outcrops or boreholes examples are at early stage, therefore there is still ambiguity in some of the interpretations, especially when working with potential methods. ; Fil:Sigismondi, Mario Emilio. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Ciencias Exactas y Naturales; Argentina.

El presente estudio de investigación tiene por objeto hacer un análisis de las condiciones de competitividad del sector colombiano de Cafés Especiales. El principal soporte conceptual de este proyecto de investigación proviene de los avances del profesor Michael E. Porter, de la Universidad de Harvard, que se centran en la interpretación de los fenómenos de la competitividad y la productividad y de su influencia en el desarrollo económico. Basados en los resultados del análisis de las condiciones de Competitividad Internacional del sector colombiano de Cafés Especiales se proponen unas opciones estratégicas para mejorar la posición competitiva internacional del sector. En la introducción del trabajo se hace un análisis general de los cambios en el mercado mundial del café y en los hábitos de consumo. Se muestra la tendencia que hay hacia la diferenciación, la calidad y hacia productores más responsables social y ambientalmente. Igualmente, se muestra como el país ha sido tímido en su incursión en el mercado de los Cafés Especiales a pesar de ser el primer exportador mundial en términos de volumen comercializado. Finalmente, y a partir de la problemática planteada, se presentan los objetivos de la investigación y la forma como se recolectó la información necesaria para el análisis de competitividad. En el primer capítulo se desarrolla el estudio teórico de los conceptos básicos sobre competitividad internacional, ventajas competitivas, concepto de cadenas productivas, productividad y competitividad, y desarrollo competitivo. Se profundiza más en el concepto de competitividad internacional, especialmente en lo referente al "Diamante de la Competitividad" de Michael E. Porter, donde se hace una descripción detallada de los cuatro atributos genéricos de una nación que conforman el entorno en el que han de competir los sectores. Finalmente, se hace referencia teórica al comercio electrónico por ser una de las opciones estratégicas en el mercado de los Cafés Especiales. El capítulo que corresponde a los resultados, está dividido en tres partes que concuerdan con el desarrollo de los objetivos específicos. Previo al análisis de competitividad se muestran los resultados de las encuestas y el resumen de las conclusiones del taller. Dicha información, sumada a la información recolectada durante las entrevistas, es la base del análisis de competitividad. La primera parte de los resultados tiene que ver con una caracterización y una descripción básica de todo lo relacionado con café y Cafés Especiales. Esta parte se inicia con una descripción general de Colombia en lo referente a su economía y uso de la tierra y otros recursos naturales. Posteriormente se presenta una información básica sobre producción, consumo y mercadeo, e historia tanto de cafés genéricos como especiales, y se analiza la importancia social y económica del café. Finalmente, se termina con un amplio marco de referencia de la competitividad de la caficultura colombiana y de los factores y características que han hecho competitivos a los principales Cafés Especiales del mundo. La segunda parte de los resultados corresponde al análisis en sí de la competitividad internacional de la industria de Cafés Especiales en Colombia. Para el desarrollo de esta parte de los resultados se tomaron como base los diversos conceptos enunciados en el marco teórico y conceptual sobre el "Diamante de la competitividad" de Michael E. Porter. Se hace un detallado análisis de los factores positivos y negativos de los cuatro atributos genéricos del país y su efecto sobre la competitividad del sector de los Cafés Especiales. Luego se analiza el papel del Gobierno colombiano y de la casualidad sobre los cuatro determinantes de la Ventaja Competitiva. Al final se hace una caracterización de la cadena productiva del café, haciendo una descripción sencilla y práctica de cada uno de los eslabones de la cadena, con el propósito de determinar el efecto del grado de integración de la cadena sobre la Ventaja Competitiva Internacional. En la tercera parte del capítulo de resultados se presenta la propuesta de opciones estratégicas para mejorar la posición competitiva internacional de los Cafés Especiales de Colombia. Inicialmente se determina la fase del desarrollo competitivo en que se encuentra el país en materia de Cafés Especiales. Posteriormente, basados en las debilidades y fortalezas descritas en el diamante de la competitividad, en los resultados de las encuestas y talleres, y en las entrevistas con expertos y personas vinculadas a la actividad cafetera, se formulan unos objetivos estratégicos para mejorar la posición competitiva de los Cafés Especiales Colombianos. Cada objetivo estratégico tiene una o varias estrategias definidas y unos instrumentos para el logro de los objetivos. Finalmente, todos los componentes anteriores del presente estudio, aportan información para la construcción de las conclusiones finales y de las recomendaciones emitidas por los investigadores. ; Instituto Tecnológico y de Estudios Superiores de Monterrey (ITESM) ; RESUMEN 1 INTRODUCCIÓN 4 1. MARCO TEÓRICO Y CONCEPTUAL 7 1.1 COMPETITIVIDAD 7 1.1.1 Fundamentos de Competitividad. 7 1.1.2 Tipos de Competitividad 10 1.1.3 Productividad y Competitividad 11 1.1.4 Globalización y Competitividad 13 1.2 CADENAS PRODUCTIVAS 15 1.3 COMPETITIVIDAD INTERNACIONAL 16 1.3.1. El "Diamante" de la Competitividad 18 1.4 DESARROLLO COMPETITIVO 32 1.5 OPCIONES ESTRATÉGICAS PARA MERCADOS INTERNACIONALES 33 1.5.1 Estrategia Competitiva. 34 1.5.2 T I – Tecnología de la Información 39 1.5.3 E-Business Community 40 1.5.4 Comercio Electrónico 41 2. MÉTODO 43 2.1 PLANTEAMIENTO DEL PROBLEMA 43 2.2. METODOLOGÍA DE LA INVESTIGACIÓN 46 2.2 POBLACIÓN Y MUESTRA 46 2.2.1 Tamaño de Muestra 47 2.3 PROCEDIMIENTO PARA RECOLECCIÓN DE INFORMACIÓN 49 2.3.1 Procedimiento para Encuesta a Productores 49 2.3.2 Fuentes de Información: 50 3. RESULTADOS 53 3.1 RESULTADOS DE LAS ENCUESTAS A LOS PRODUCTORES, A LAS COOPERATIVAS, TALLERES Y ENTREVISTAS 53 3.1.1 Resultados de las encuestas a los Productores. 53 3.1.2 Resultados de las encuestas a las Cooperativas. 59 3.1.3 Taller y Entrevista con los Expertos. 61 3.2. ANÁLISIS DE LAS MEJORES PRACTICAS COMPETITIVAS DEL SECTOR DE LOS CAFÉS ESPECIALES EN EL ÁMBITO NACIONAL E INTERNACIONAL. 65 3.2.1 Información general sobre Colombia 65 3.2.1.1 Datos Generales sobre Colombia 65 3.2.2 Información básica sobre la producción, consumo y mercadeo de cafés genéricos y especiales 68 3.2.2.1 Historia del Café 68 3.2.2.2 Historia de los Cafés Especiales 70 3.2.2.3 El Cultivo del Café 72 3.2.2.4 Cafés Especiales 76 3.2.2.4.1 ¿Qué es un Café Especial? 76 3.2.2.4.2 ¿Qué Clases de Cafés Especiales se pueden Identificar? 77 3.2.2.4.3 Tipos de Cafés Especiales en Colombia 81 3.2.2.5 El Mercado Mundial del Café 81 3.2.2.5.1 Oferta 82 3.2.2.5.2 Consumo 84 3.2.2.6 El Mercado de los Cafés Especiales 89 3.2.2 Importancia económica y social del café para Colombia 95 3.2.4 Competitividad de la caficultura colombiana y de otros orígenes 99 3.3. ANÁLISIS DE LA COMPETITIVIDAD INTERNACIONAL DE LA INDUSTRIA DE CAFÉS ESPECIALES EN COLOMBIA. 110 3.3.1 Análisis de condiciones de competitividad 110 3.3.1.1 Diamante de la Competitividad 110 3.3.1.1.1 Condiciones de los factores de producción 111 3.3.1.1.2 Estrategia, estructura y rivalidad 130 3.3.1.1.3 Condiciones de la demanda 133 3.3.1.1.4 Sectores conexos y auxiliares 136 3.3.1.1.5 El papel del Gobierno 143 3.3.1.1.6 El papel de la casualidad 147 3.3.2 Caracterización de la cadena productiva del café: producción, procesamiento y comercio 148 3.3.2.1 Los actores de la cadena 148 3.3.2.2 Los productores agrícolas o caficultores 149 3.3.2.3 La comercialización interna y proceso de trilla 150 3.3.2.4 La comercialización externa y proceso de tostión 152 3.4. PROPUESTA DE OPCIONES ESTRATÉGICAS PARA MEJORAR LA POSICIÓN COMPETITIVA INTERNACIONAL DE LOS CAFÉS ESPECIALES DE COLOMBIA. 153 3.4.1 Objetivo Estratégico N° 1: 155 3.4.2 Objetivo Estratégico N° 2: 158 3.4.3 Objetivo Estratégico N°3 162 3.4.4 Objetivo Estratégico N°4: 164 3.4.5 Objetivo Estratégico N° 5: 165 3.4.6 Objetivo Estratégico N°6: 166 3.4.7 Objetivo Estratégico N°7 167 3.4.8 Objetivo Estratégico N° 8: 167 3.4.9 Objetivo Estratégico N° 9: 169 4. CONCLUSIONES Y RECOMENDACIONES 171 BIBLIOGRAFÍA 177 GLOSARIO 183 ; Maestría ; The purpose of this research study is to analyze the competitiveness conditions of the Colombian Specialty Coffee sector. The main conceptual support for this research project comes from the advances of Professor Michael E. Porter, from Harvard University, who focus on the interpretation of the phenomena of competitiveness and productivity and their influence on economic development. Based on the results of the analysis of the conditions of International Competitiveness of the Colombian Specialty Coffee sector, some strategic options are proposed to improve the international competitive position of the sector. In the introduction to the work, a general analysis is made of the changes in the world coffee market and in consumption habits. It shows the trend towards differentiation, quality and towards more socially and environmentally responsible producers. Likewise, it shows how the country has been timid in its foray into the Specialty Coffee market despite being the world's leading exporter in terms of volume sold. Finally, and based on the problem raised, the objectives of the research and the way in which the necessary information for the competitiveness analysis was collected are presented. The first chapter develops the theoretical study of the basic concepts of international competitiveness, competitive advantages, concept of productive chains, productivity and competitiveness, and competitive development. The concept of international competitiveness is further explored, especially in relation to Michael E. Porter's "Competitiveness Diamond", where a detailed description of the four generic attributes of a nation that make up the environment in which they have to be compete sectors. Finally, a theoretical reference is made to electronic commerce as it is one of the strategic options in the Specialty Coffee market. The chapter that corresponds to the results is divided into three parts that agree with the development of the specific objectives. Prior to the competitiveness analysis, the results of the surveys and the summary of the workshop conclusions are shown. This information, added to the information collected during the interviews, is the basis of the competitiveness analysis. The first part of the results has to do with a characterization and a basic description of everything related to coffee and Specialty Coffees. This part begins with a general description of Colombia in relation to its economy and use of land and other natural resources. Subsequently, basic information on production, consumption and marketing, and the history of both generic and specialty coffees is presented, and the social and economic importance of coffee is analyzed. Finally, it ends with a broad frame of reference on the competitiveness of Colombian coffee growing and the factors and characteristics that have made the main Specialty Coffee in the world competitive. The second part of the results corresponds to the analysis itself of the international competitiveness of the Specialty Coffee industry in Colombia. For the development of this part of the results, the various concepts enunciated in the theoretical and conceptual framework on the "Diamond of competitiveness" by Michael E. Porter were taken as a basis. A detailed analysis is made of the positive and negative factors of the four generic attributes of the country and their effect on the competitiveness of the Specialty Coffee sector. Then, the role of the Colombian Government and chance on the four determinants of Competitive Advantage is analyzed. At the end, a characterization of the coffee production chain is made, making a simple and practical description of each of the links in the chain, in order to determine the effect of the degree of integration of the chain on the International Competitive Advantage. The third part of the results chapter presents the proposal of strategic options to improve the international competitive position of Colombian Specialty Coffees. Initially, the phase of competitive development in which the country is in terms of Specialty Coffee is determined. Subsequently, based on the weaknesses and strengths described in the competitiveness diamond, in the results of surveys and workshops, and in interviews with experts and people linked to the coffee business, strategic objectives are formulated to improve the competitive position of Colombian Specialty Coffees. Each strategic objective has one or more defined strategies and instruments to achieve the objectives. Finally, all the previous components of this study provide information for the construction of the final conclusions and recommendations.

La vainilla (Vanilla planifolia), es una orquídea cuyo fruto es altamente valorado en el mercado nacional e internacional. Su centro de origen y distribución es México y parte de Centro América. En nuestro país, ha sido intensamente aprovechada desde la época precolombina, por lo que su extracción desmedida, así como la reducción de la variabilidad genética y la fragmentación de su hábitat, han provocado la disminución de las poblaciones naturales. Actualmente se encuentra citada en la Norma Oficial Mexicana 059 (NOM-059-SEMARNAT-2010), bajo la categoría de Protección Especial. La producción de vainilla ha generado expectativas económicas, pues su alto valor en el mercado incentiva el establecimiento del cultivo, y se espera que genere ingresos que incidan en la calidad de vida de los productores locales. En la última década, se han canalizado diversos esfuerzos para incrementar la superficie sembrada y la productividad del cultivo. Las instituciones gubernamentales han destinado recursos económicos a la adquisición de material vegetativo y el establecimiento de nuevas plantaciones, así como a la capacitación y asistencia técnica. Por su parte, las instituciones de investigación, han dirigido sus esfuerzos en satisfacer las demandas del agro, particularmente en áreas como la reproducción de la especie, la caída del fruto, el bajo rendimiento y la conservación. En San Luis Potosí, desde el año 2002 se han aprobado diversos proyectos dirigidos al establecimiento de sistemas de producción, y al acompañamiento técnico productivo y empresarial. En la Huasteca potosina, la vainilla se cultiva en trece municipios de la región centro-sur, bajo tres principales sistemas de producción: la casa malla sombra, la asociación con cítricos y los sistemas agroforestales tradicionales. Las políticas agrícolas han incentivado el desarrollo de sistemas de producción simplificados como la casa malla sombra y los monocultivos, proyectando una alta productividad en pequeñas superficies, pero cuyos resultados no han sido los esperados. Aunado a lo anterior, los costos son poco accesibles para pequeños productores. Son además sistemas vulnerables desde el enfoque socioambiental; susceptibles a los fenómenos meteorológicos y a la presencia de plagas o enfermedades, con escasos reservorios de biodiversidad, de manera que impacta en la seguridad y la soberanía alimentaria, ya que entonces el productor depende del ingreso que le provea la cosecha de una sola especie, para satisfacer sus bienes y servicios. En contraste con los sistemas simplificados, existen también sistemas de producción tradicionales, como el sistema agroforestal. Los sistemas agroforestales tradicionales (SAT) guardan semejanza con un ecosistema natural, porque son altamente biodiversos y el manejo es mínimo, por lo que son considerados de bajo impacto. Son además valorados por los conocimientos bioculturales entorno a ellos. Establecer vainilla en estos sistemas, implica un menor costo y menor riesgo de plagas y daños naturales. Entre sus fortalezas también se encuentra el contar con individuos silvestres o "asilvestrados" de vainilla que, bajo un apropiado manejo, pueden ser plantas apropiadas para el cultivo. El rendimiento entre los diferentes sistemas de producción sigue siendo escaso y muy semejante, de manera que se observan muchas más ventajas en un sistema de producción tradicional, económico, resiliente y menos vulnerable, que además ha permanecido por siglos en la región. En la región, se requiere incrementar las superficies y la densidad de siembra con planta saludable y adaptada a la región. Considerando las bondades del sistema tradicional, éste ha sido seleccionado como objeto de estudio y se pretende satisfacer las siguientes interrogantes: • ¿cuál es el potencial para la conservación de la vainilla local? • ¿de qué manera influyen los factores sociopolíticos-económicos-culturales en el gradiente de producción de vainilla en el sistema tradicional? • ¿qué implicaciones tendría la micropropagación de vainilla con sustratos orgánicos para satisfacer la demanda de material vegetativo? Los objetivos de la investigación fueron identificar la distribución actual y potencial de Vanilla planifolia Jacks. ex Andrews. y diseñar acciones para su conservación; caracterizar los sistemas agroforestales donde se produce la vainilla, para tipificarlos con base en sus particularidades de manejo y establecer un protocolo de regeneración in vitro de V. planifolia a través del uso de extractos naturales en la Huasteca Potosina. Para ello, se realizaron consultas en herbarios, recorridos de campo, entrevistas con los productores de vainilla y talleres participativos con habitantes locales. Se llevó a cabo un análisis espacial basado en sistemas de información geográfica, para conocer las características ambientales de los sitios con presencia de la especie y se modelizó su distribución potencial. Asimismo, se analizaron 355 casos, obteniéndose 135 variables agronómicas y de características del productor. La información se complementó con un análisis espacial basado en un SIG para definir patrón espacial de distribución de dichos sistemas. Para la tipología se aplicó el análisis de conglomerado en dos fases. Finalmente, se cultivaron semillas estériles en medio sin reguladores de crecimiento vegetal para obtener protocormos como explantes. Una vez formados los protocormos, estos se sembraron en los medios de cultivo suplementados con los extractos orgánicos de piña, plátano y agua de coco y un medio control, el cual no contenía la adición de ningún extracto. En la Huasteca Potosina, se ubicaron 28 sitios con presencia del taxón bajo estudio, la mayoría en sistemas agroforestales tradicionales y, menor proporción, en los relictos de selva mediana que aún persisten en la región, anclados a los tutores que les proveen el soporte necesario. Su distribución potencial se estimó en 85.5 km2. El germoplasma sin procesos de domesticación y adaptado a las condiciones ambientales que se identificó, tiene posibilidades de ser conservado. Los poseedores de este recurso genético, consideran que una Unidad de Manejo de la Vida Silvestre sería la forma más adecuada para lograr su conservación in situ. En la región existen tres grupos de productores, que se diferencian por la cantidad de actividades realizadas para la producción de vainilla, el número de tutores empleados y la pertenencia a un grupo étnico. Los sistemas de la etnia Tének presentan menos modificaciones comparados con los sistemas nahuas. Éstos últimos, incluso comienzan a especializarse en el manejo de especies comerciales, pero aún conservan algunos rasgos de los sistemas originales. Los tratamientos de germinación mostraron que el mejor tratamiento fue el medio con extracto de piña, en donde se observó la formación de 5.7 ± 3.5 brotes de 36.9 ± 7.3 mm de altura, y la formación de 2.2 ± 0.5 yemas por brote. Además, se logró la formación de 13.0 ± 1.1 raíces por brote con la adición de 0.5 mg L-1 de AIA y la preaclimatación de las plantas in vitro. ; Vanilla (Vanilla planifolia), is an orchid whose fruit is highly valued in the national and international market. Its center of origin and distribution is Mexico and part of Central America. In our country, it has been intensely exploited since the pre- Columbian era, so its excessive extraction, as well as the reduction of genetic variability, and the fragmentation of its habitat, have caused the decrease of natural populations. It is currently cited in Official Mexican Standard 059 (NOM-059- SEMARNAT-2010), in the category of Subject to Special Protection. Vanilla production has generated economic expectations, since its high market value encourages the establishment of the crop, and it is expected to generate income that improves the quality of life of local producers. In the last decade, various efforts have been channeled to increase the planted area and crop productivity. Government institutions have allocated financial resources to the acquisition of vegetative material and the establishment of new plantations, as well as to training and technical assistance. For their part, research institutions have directed their efforts to meet the demands of agriculture, such as the reproduction of the species, the fall of the fruit, the low yield and conservation. In San Luis Potosí, since 2002 several projects have been approved aimed at the establishment of production systems, and technical and productive technical support. In the Huasteca potosina, vanilla is grown in thirteen municipalities in the central-south region, under three main production systems: the shadow mesh house, the association with citrus fruits and traditional agroforestry systems. Agricultural policies have encouraged the development of simplified production systems such as the shadow mesh house and monocultures, projecting high productivity in small areas, but whose results have not been as expected. In addition to the above, the costs are not very accessible for small producers. They are also vulnerable systems from the socio-environmental approach; susceptible to meteorological phenomena and the presence of pests or diseases, reduce biodiversity reservoirs and ecosystem services, so that impacts on food security and sovereignty, since then the producer depends on the income provided by the crop to satisfy Your goods and services. In contrast to simplified systems, there are also traditional production systems, such as the agroforestry system. Traditional agroforestry systems (SAT) are similar to a natural ecosystem, because they are highly biodiverse and management is minimal, so they are considered low impact. They are also valued for the biocultural knowledge around them. To establish vanilla in these systems, implies a lower cost and less risk of plagues and natural damages. Among its strengths is also having wild or "feral" vanilla individuals that, under proper management, can be appropriate plants for cultivation. The yield between the different production systems remains scarce and very similar, so that many more advantages are observed in a traditional, economic, resilient and less vulnerable production system, which has also remained for centuries in the region. In the region, it is necessary to increase the areas and planting density with a healthy plant adapted to the region. Considering the benefits of the traditional system, it has been selected as an object of study and is intended to satisfy the following questions: • What is the potential for the conservation of local vanilla? • How do sociopolitical-economic-cultural factors influence the gradient of vanilla production in the traditional system? • What implications would vanilla micropropagation with organic substrates have to meet the demand for vegetative material? The objectives of the investigation were to identify the current and potential distribution from Vanilla planifolia Jacks. former Andrews., design actions for its conservation, characterize the agroforestry systems where vanilla is produced, to typify them based on its management characteristics and establish a protocol for in vitro regeneration of V. planifolia through the use of natural extracts in the Huasteca Potosina. To do this, consultations were conducted in herbariums, field trips, interviews with vanilla producers and participatory workshops with local inhabitants. It took carry out a spatial analysis based on geographic information systems, to know the environmental characteristics of the sites with the presence of the species and He modeled his potential distribution. Likewise, 355 cases were analyzed, obtaining 135 agronomic variables and characteristics of the producer. The information was complemented with a spatial analysis based on a GIS to define the spatial pattern of distribution of these systems. For the typology, the two-stage cluster analysis was applied. Finally, sterile seeds were grown in medium without plant growth regulators to obtain protoorms as explants. Once the protoorms were formed, they were sown in the culture media supplemented with the organic extracts of pineapple, banana and coconut water and a control medium, which did not contain the addition of any extract. In Huasteca Potosina, 28 sites were located with the presence of the taxon under study, the majority in traditional agroforestry systems and, to a lesser extent, in the relics of medium forest that still persist in the region, anchored to the tutors who. They provide the necessary support. Its potential distribution was estimated at 85.5 km2. The Germplasm without domestication processes and adapted to the environmental conditions that were identified, has the possibility of being conserved. The holders of this genetic resource, they consider a Wildlife Management Unit It would be the most appropriate way to achieve its conservation in situ. In the region there are three groups of producers, which are differentiated by the amount of activities carried out for the production of vanilla, the number of tutors employed and belonging to an ethnic group. The systems of the Tének ethnic group present less modifications compared to the Nahua systems. The latter even begin to specialize in the management of commercial species, but still retain some features of the original systems. Germination treatments showed that the best treatment was the medium with pineapple extract, where the formation of 5.7 ± 3.5 shoots of 36.9 ± 7.3 mm in height was observed, and the formation of 2.2 ± 0.5 buds per bud. In addition, the formation of 13.0 ± was achieved 1.1 roots per outbreak with the addition of 0.5 mg L-1 of AIA and pre-acclimatization of in vitro plants.

Adequate and balanced crop nutrition – with nitrogen (N), phosphorus (P), and potassium (K) – is vital for sustainable crop production. Inadequate and imbalanced crop nutrition contributes to the crop yield gaps – a difference in actual and potential crop yield. Yield gap is one of the many causes of insufficient food production, thus aggravating hunger and malnourishment across the globe. On the other hand, an oversupply of nutrients is highly unsustainable, in terms of both resource conservation and global environmental health. A decreasing excreta recycling in crop production is one of the many reasons for nutrient imbalances in agriculture. Previous studies show that increasing agricultural specialization leads to spatial separation of crop and animal production. Increasing distance between excreta production and crop needs is one of the leading factors that cause reduced excreta recycling. Studies focusing on excreta recycling show that a substantial barrier to a more efficient excreta nutrient reuse is the expensive transportation of bulky volumes of excreta over long distances. In order to overcome that barrier, more detailed spatial estimates of distances between excreta production and crop nutrient needs, and the associated costs for complete excreta transport in an entire country are needed. Hence, the overall aim of this thesis was to quantify the amount of nutrients in the excreta resources compared to the crop nutrient needs at multiple scales (global, national, subnational, and local), and to analyze the need for excreta transports, total distances and costs, to meet the crop nutrient needs in a country. On the global scale, annual (2000-2016) excreta supply (livestock and human) could provide at least 48% of N, 57% of P, and 81% of K crop needs. Although excreta supply was not enough to cover the annual crop nutrient needs at the global scale, at least 29 countries for N, 41 for P, and 71 for K had an excreta nutrient surplus. When including the annual use of synthetic fertilizers, at least 42 additional countries had a N surplus, with the equivalent figures for P being 17 countries, whereas 8 additional countries attained a K surplus. At the same time, when accounting for the use of synthetic fertilizers, each year, at least 57 countries had an N deficit, 70 a P deficit, and 51 countries a K deficit, in total equivalent to 14% of global N and 16% of each P and K crop needs. The total surplus in other countries during the period was always higher than the deficit in the countries with net nutrient deficits, except for P for some years. Unfortunately, both the deficits of the deficit countries and surpluses of the surplus countries were increasing substantially during the 17 years. Such global divergence in nutrient deficits and surpluses have clear implications for global food security and environmental health. A district-scale investigation of Pakistan showed that the country had a national deficit of 0.62 million tons of P and 0.59 million tons of K, but an oversupply of N. The spatial separation was not significant at this resolution; only 6% of the excreta N supply needed to be transported between districts. Recycling all excreta, within and between districts, could cut the use of synthetic N to 43% of its current use and eliminate the need for synthetic K, but there would be an additional need of 0.28 million tons of synthetic P to meet the crop nutrient needs in the entire country. The need for synthetic fertilizers to supplement the recycled excreta nutrients would cost USD 2.77 billion. However, it might not be prohibitively expensive to correct for P deficiencies because of the savings on the costs of synthetic N, and K. Excreta recycling could promote balanced crop nutrition at the national scale in Pakistan, which in turn could eliminate the nutrient-related crop yield gaps in the country. The municipal-scale investigation using Swedish data showed that the country had a national oversupply of 110,000 tons of N, 6,000 tons of P, and 76,000 tons of K. Excreta could provide up to 75% of N and 81% of P, and more than 100% of the K crop needs in the country. The spatial separation was pronounced at the municipal scale in the country. Just 40% of the municipalities produced over 50% of the excreta N and P. Nutrient balance calculations showed that excreta recycling within municipalities could provide 63% of the P crop needs. Another 18% of the P crop needs must be transported from surplus municipalities to deficit municipalities. Nationally, an optimized reallocation of surplus excreta P towards the P deficit municipalities would cost USD 192 million for a total of 24,079 km truck transports. The cost was 3.7 times more than the total NPK fertilizer value transported, and that met the crop nutrient needs. It was concluded that Sweden could potentially reduce its dependence on synthetic fertilizers, but to cover the costs of an improved excreta reuse would require valuing the additional benefits of recycling. An investigation was also done to understand the effect of the input data resolution on the results (transport needs and distances) from a model to optimize excreta redistribution. The results showed that the need for excreta transports, distances, and spatial patterns of the excreta transports changed. Increasing resolution of the spatial data, from political boundaries in Sweden and Pakistan to 0.083 decimal grids (approximately 10 km by 10 km at the equator), showed that transport needs for excreta-N increased by 12% in Pakistan, and the transport needs for excreta-P increased by 14% in Sweden. The effect of the increased resolution on transport analysis showed inconsistency in terms of the excreta total nutrient transportation distance; the average distance decreased by 67% (to 44 km) in Pakistan but increased by 1 km in Sweden. A further increase in the data resolution to 5 km by 5 km grids for Sweden showed that the average transportation distance decreased by 9 km. In both countries, increasing input data resolution resulted in a more favorable cost to fertilizer value ratios. In Pakistan, the cost of transport was only 13% of the NPK fertilizer value transported at a higher resolution. In Sweden, the costs decreased from 3.7 (at the political resolution) to slightly higher than three times of the fertilizer value transported in excreta at the higher data resolution. This Ph.D. thesis shows that we could potentially reduce the total use of synthetic fertilizers in the world and still reduce the yield gaps if we can create a more efficient recycling of nutrients both within and between countries, and a more demand adapted use of synthetic fertilizers. ; Livsmedelsproduktion är grunden för vårt samhälle idag och för den utveckling som skett det senaste århundrandet. Idag är vi åtta miljarder människor i världen med en produktion och handel med livsmedel, där knappt en miljard lever under hunger och svält. Inom de närmaste decennierna förväntas världens befolkning fortsätta växa och stanna av på omkring 11 till 12 miljarder människor under senare hälften av 2000-talet. För att klara livsmedelsförsörjningen bättre idag, och ännu mer så i framtiden, krävs att vi hittar former för att återföra skördade näringsämnen, som fosfor, kväve och kalium, tillbaka till åkermarken. Många av dessa näringsämnen är ändliga resurser som dessutom bidrar till övergödning om de läcker ut till andra habitat. I dag återfinns det mesta av dessa näringsämnen i gödsel, mänsklig exkreta och rötslam från avloppsreningsverk. Avhandlingen har studerat förutsättningarna för att sluta en större del av näringsämnens cykler i Sverige och Pakistan genom återföring av gödsel och mänsklig exkreta till jordbruksmark, samt utifrån detta även dragit slutsatser om de globala förutsättningar och effekterna av att sluta kretslopp för näringsämnen. Effekterna av att förbättra återförsel av näringsämnen till åkermark innefattar en minskad belastning i miljön som resultat av minskad användning av handelsgödsel, minskad användning av energi för produktion av handelsgödsel, samt framför allt ökade möjligheter för en långsiktigt hållbar hög skörd på åkerarealen. Det finns dock energikostnader vid återförsel av näringsämnen till följd av många och tunga transporter. Avhandlingen har därför analyserat transportkostnader för effektiv återvinning av näringsämnen från djurhållning och mänsklig exkreta och hur stor del av gödselbehovet som kan täckas av dessa återförda näringsämnen. Speciellt har avhandlingen också studerat hur viktigt det är att ta hänsyn till i vilken skala man skall studera problemet, dvs om det är data på gödselbehov och tillgång som är lokala - ända ner på enskilda fält och gårdar - regionala eller nationella som man skall utgå från när man söker efter effektiva lösningar för att sluta näringsämnes cykler. Resultaten visar att större delen av gödselbehovet i både Pakistan och Sverige kan täckas genom återvinning av stallgödsel och mänsklig exkreta. I Sverige kan 81% av fosforbehovet täckas på det viset. Transporterna sker i första hand inom kommuner, 63% av behovet, medan de resterande 18% av behovet som kan täckas kräver transporter som är längre och sker mellan kommuner. Kostnaden för transporterna är däremot höga och motsvarar mer än tre gånger kostnaden för motsvarande handelsgödsel. I Pakistan är kostnadsbilden annorlunda, bl.a. eftersom lönekostnaderna är lägre och handelsgödsel är dyrare än i Sverige. Avhandlingen visar att kostnaden för transporter av gödsel i Pakistan skulle motsvara enbart 13% av kostnaden för motsvarande mängd handelsgödsel. Det mesta av återförandet av näringsämnen sker inom distrikt, till exempel är det bara 6% av kvävebehovet som behöver täckas av transporter utanför distrikten. Pakistans handelsgödselanvändning, och därmed kostnad för detta, skulle vid en effektiv återvinning av näringsämnen kunna reduceras ned till 43% av dagens kostnader för kvävegödsel, för fosfor behövs det 0.28 miljoner ton och behovet av kaliumgödsling skulle helt försvinna. Det krävs därmed handelsgödsel motsvarande 2.77 miljarder USD, vilket till del skulle kunna kompenseras av minskade totala kostnader för kväve- och kaliumgödsel. En sådan återföring av näringsämnen i Pakistan skulle också medföra en högre gödseltillförsel till jordbruket och därmed en möjlighet att reducera skördegapet i landet. Skördegapet i Pakistan är betydande med veteskördar kring 25–30% av de möjliga, och dessa skördegap anses bero just på för små gödselgivor. Pakistan har också tydliga problem med livsmedelsförsörjning på grund av dagens skördegap med 20% av en befolkning på 200 miljoner som är undernärda. För Sveriges del är produktionen och avkastningen per areal till följd av gödsling redan hög. En mer effektiv återförsel av näringsämnen i Sverige skulle därför i första hand bidra till att minska användning av handelsgödsel och därmed begränsa användning av ändliga resurser som fosfor. Analyserna i avhandlingen visar till exempel att i Sverige skulle användning av fosfor som handelsgödsel kunna minska med 67% om återförsel av stallgödsel och mänsklig exkreta effektiviserades. Analyser av globala data för år 2000 – 2016 visar att den årliga tillgången på näring i gödsel (från djur och människor) motsvarar minst 48% av grödornas N behov, 57% av P behovet och 81% av K behovet. Även om den total mängden näring i stallgödsel och mänsklig exkreta inte räcker för att täcka det årliga globala behovet av näring, så visar data på ett överskott på N i minst 29 länder, ett överskott på P i minst 41 länder och 71 länder har ett K-överskott i stallgödsel och exkreta. Om man dessutom räknar in användningen av handelsgödsel blir det ytterligare 42 länder som har överskott på N, 17 länder till med P-överskott och 8 ytterligare med K-överskott. En stor del av resterande länder har ett underskott av näringsämnen (när man summerar gödsel, mänsklig exkreta och handelsgödsel), 57 länder har brist på N, 70 länder behöver mer P och 51 har brist på K i sitt jordbruk, och har därmed lägre skördar än möjligt. Det totala överskottet av näringsämnen i de andra länderna under denna period motsvarar dock rätt väl den brist som länder med underskott uppvisar. Tyvärr är trenden den att de länder som visade på överskott av näringsämnen år 2000 har sammantaget tydligt ökat på överskottet till 2016, medan även underskotten har ökat i flera av länderna med bristande tillförsel av N, P eller K. Sådana globala obalanser har tydliga implikationer för den framtida matförsörjningen och för miljön. Avhandlingen visar att vi idag skulle kunna använda mindre handelsgödsel totalt i världen, och ändå reducera de skördegap som finns, om vi skapar en effektiv återförsel av näringsämnen såväl inom som mellan länder och ett mer behovsanpassat användande av handelsgödsel.

Contemporary Ukrainian state and society pass through complicated and contradictory period of transformation of socio-economic, political, spiritual and moral relations. The youth, as subject and object of policy, social and cultural relations, mirrors the features of Ukrainian political system's evolution and cultural evolution in its vital activity. The youth is an important part of Ukrainian society, the medium of its intellectual potential, a main factor of socio-economic progress. Process of state building largely depends on capability of youth to be an active creative power.Nevertheless, it should be noted, that significant part of youth has no reliable political and socio-cultural reference points, civic consciousness isn't formed, spiritual and moral ideals are lost, increasingly the youth regards with negative to socially useful activities and becomes most separated from society and state than previous generations.Meantime effective socialization of youth is a necessary condition for a constant development of Ukrainian political system, largely depictures the future of the country. Perspective of society's further development primarily depend on the features of formation of the political culture of youth, its political values, socio-political orientation, political choice, attitude to power.In this regard, necessity of studying processes, what spread across youth subculture, political analysis of youth subcultural differentiation, production technologies and mechanisms for prevention deviant behaviour and crises among young people, appears.The socio-economic and spiritual development of Ukraine is impossible without concentration on resolving the problems of the youth as future of our country, a guarantor of social and economic progress, because an immutable truth is that further development mostly depend on providing young generations with decent conditions for life. In despite of declared realization of this truth, a majority of countries in the world starts new millennium with a significant burden of unsolved problems of youth, most of them, for a example, imparity of youth, unemployment, marginalization of young people, propagation of illegal social practices and asocial manifestations among young people, youth health problems and some marital and family problems etc., now shows tendency to intensification.Under conditions of deep economic and demographic crisis, crisis of culture and ideology, of post-Soviet countries, including Ukraine, youth problems in different areas of life become more specific, they entail hard and prolonged consequences, therefore, they need be analyzed deeply and regulated, realistic and balanced youth policy must be developed.The term "youth" is treated diversely in many branches of science - philosophy, sociology, political science, pedagogy, psychology etc. Its generalized version is suggested in encyclopedias and determines the youth as a separate socio-demographic group that differs in a complex of age characteristics, features of social status, that are determined by social system, culture, regularity of socialization, education in terms of a particular society.The youth, within the meaning of current age ranges of youth in Ukraine (according to national legislation an age range of youth is 15 - 34 years), makes up the significant part of the population of Ukraine. Now the youth contingent in Ukraine is demographically heterogeneous, because the youth unites in itself groups of rather a broad age range – from teenagers (15-17 years), post teenagers (18-19 years old) to much more experienced in age and socially persons and adults, that are over 30 years old (30-34 years).It should be considered that the youth is socially heterogeneous. Yong workers, villagers, students, political leaders, representatives of the business community, migrants, young specialists, marginal people with different degree of success adapt to market economy, frequently orient themselves on contradictory political and spiritual values.The position of youth political culture, as well as society generally, is largely fragmented. The separate groups of the youth differ from each other in the interest to policy, level of inclusion in the political life, orientations on different ideological and political currents of modern Ukraine. All this differences haven't characterized as acute antagonism and haven't led to excessive politicization yet.The young people significantly differ from older generations, because they almost got rid of illusions that somebody can solve their own problems. They are individualistic and pragmatic, relate to the modern authority rather neutrally and don't connect any positive changes with it.The young generation perceives the policy and the authority as entity that cause neither admiration, nor especially acute negative emotions. First of all, it proves in removal of a large number of the youth from political life. In some measure apathy of youth, first of all, appears because the reforms that take place in Ukraine impact on the youth most painfully, and because of absence of understanding policy towards youth as an independent socio-demographic group, also because the youth, on the one hand, doesn't see necessity to change something cardinally in environment, but, on the other hand, doesn't consider political activity as something important, it finds most perspective methods and forms of self-fulfillment. As a result – total alienation of the youth from the authority, that can be transformed into active rejection at any time.Today state only declares principles of political culture of participation and public culture. During period of formation of the youth generation it is necessary to examine the situation, to explore the depth and sharpness of social problems, to establish monitoring of youth life.Modern problems such as crisis of relationship of generations, impairment of vital parameters, formation of specific youth subculture and counterculture etc., demonstrate that all structures of socialization together – family, environment and even education, become not enough to solve the problems of society when new generations come on and it is not enough to solve the problems of youth, that takes on its historical subjectivity.Liberal views of youth are often formed under the influence of education, cultural environment, family socialization, but are not the result of a «rational» choice. State youth policy, as an innovative Institute, has it own particularities and the main one of them is that it is specialized and was built on innovative forms of activity. These forms are associated with deep process of knowledge and management. They need political will and great resources to be realized. The payment for that are guaranteed results of activity, without what society can't exist and develop no longer.As a result of new situation, what appeared because political activity in labor and educational groups had been prohibited, the policy moved on from industrial and academic areas to the sphere of free time of youth and led new youth organizations on the competition with traditional structures of free time. The youth structures could gain neither recognition, nor authority on broad stratums of the rising generation.The perspective of further development of society connects, first of all, with features of the formation of political culture of youth, its political values, a socio-political orientation, political choice and attitude towards the authority.The formation of consciousness of the category of population is strategically important for the state, because working politically active forces will be replaced exactly by today's youth. Now it is hard to manipulate the young people, they are very sensitive and note everything that takes place in society. May be, some part of them go to policy in order to make money, but for the most of them is important to realize their own opinions.The current political situation in Ukraine makes the youth think about a lot of questions: how can I, young man, decide something and affect the situation in the country (the region); how much does my vote weigh in elections etc. One of the most important factors that can push these people into active public deeds is confidence of an opportunity that something can be changed by their choice and decision.The modern politicians come to understanding that the slogans are ineffective and the youth can't be conquered with appeals on TV. The new generation is more independent than previous one and, the most important of this, that it has a choice. The votes of youth will not be cast without any reason – someone must work with it. The experience of last decades proves that only when countries pay much attention on work with youth they will success in policy and economy. A sustainable progress is demonstrated by societies that have looked over the system of traditional opinions about new generation and it importance for political and socio-economical development (for example, Germany, Sweden).In Ukraine a program of state and public actions in this sphere and mechanisms of solving these problems is determined by modern national policy. The especial attention should be paid to solving problems of youth self-realization and formation of young citizens.There is 367 003 persons (30,67 percent of all population of the region) of young people from 14 to 35 years old in Mykolaiv, including citizens - 251 712 persons and villagers - 115 291 persons. The youth needs permanent protection and help of state. However to give support to the youth doesn't mean to solve all its problems. First of all, it means to give the youth an opportunity to solve problems by itself.The Regional Program "The Youth of Mykolaiv Region" on 2011-2015 years becomes a strategic document. The conception determines directions of relationship's development between the state and the youth at the regional level. The most optimal way and method of solution are:to develop the scientifically argumentative strategy of implementation of public policy towards the youth of region;to popularize efficiency, availability and creation of extensive network of youth social infrastructure, a directing on activity that will satisfy needs and create the necessary conditions for effective socialization of young people;to promote youth occupation by introduction the system of career-guidance, creation the conditions for secondary employment, provision with fist job, stimulation to make business, outspread of youth information field concerning existing professions and demand for them; to promote youth employment and youth entrepreneurship by expansion of employment, professional training of youth, giving an opportunity to realize youth projects;to involve the youth in realization of social programs and projects of state youth policy that are directed on solving problems according to Program;to create a complex system of social protection for representatives in special categories of youth community, to render social assistance and support for the youth that is in crisis;to create conditions for providing social assistance and modeling healthy lifestyle among all groups of youth in Mykolaiv;to encourage the creative self-realization and total evolution of youth, to support the youth initiatives and activities at different spheres of life, to implement incentives in order to improve the cultural level of youth;to implement the mechanism how to inform youth community by mass media and Internet-resource;to implement measures to create conditions for youth loans;to promote the youth integration towards world and European community, the exchange of experience and joint activities of the youth at the regional and the national levels;to promote spiritual and physical development of young people in Mykolaiv region, a high patriotic consciousness, a national pride, a formation and development of motivation that is directed to preparation for doing public and constitutional duty in order to protect the national interests of Ukraine.Now it is possible to use young people in realization of youth police by enlisting them in youth and children public organizations. These organizations are one of the most important social institutes that promote a formation of civil society. The public organizations have exclusive opportunities for political socialization of youth, because they are not only a key-note subject of youth policy that affects its formation and realization, but also are good staff reserve for the public authorities and local government. The social movement is the force that can't be ignored and should not be ignored.So, it is important to create legal and other conditions for cooperation of the authority, youth public organizations and active representatives of this part of population. The principal revolution in youth attitude to policy will take place only when it feels itself a real member of process of transformation and development in Ukrainian society. ; Статья посвящена исследованию особенностей формирования политической куль-туры молодежи, ее политических ценностей, социально-политических ориентиров в период трансформации украинского общества, анализируется роль государства в формировании и реализации современной молодежной политики. ; Статтю присвячено дослідженню особливостей формування політичної культури молоді, її політичних цінностей, соціально-політичних орієнтирів у період трансформації українського суспільства, проаналізовано роль держави у формуванні та реалізації сучасної молодіжної політики.

The UK nuclear strategy today is a muddle. After a brief description, this blog suggests what it should be. The Government claims that it ensures "that any new nuclear power station built in Great Britain meets high standards for:safetysecurityenvironmental protectionwaste management"The process is called the Generic Design Assessment (GDA) which is claimed to take four years, though insiders say the average is nearer six. But that is less than half the time taken to approve the National Grid Electricity System Operator (ESO) plans to connect up to 86 gigawatts (GW) of offshore wind by 2035. If one is building just one nuclear power plant every 20 years, these bureaucratic delays may not matter much, but the new small modular reactor (SMR) technology means, if we are to achieve net zero by 2050, building five a year over the next 20 years. No chance of that unless the bureaucrats mend their ways.The three stages of the GDA are: "Step 1 (initiation) which can take around 12 months. At its conclusion, ONR will publish a GDA Step 1 Statement setting out its regulatory position at this point. Step 2 (fundamental assessment) can take around 12 months, after which a GDA Step 2 Statement sets out ONR's regulatory position at this point. Step 3 (detailed assessment) can take around 24 months. ONR will then publish one or both GDA Step 3 Statement and Decision Document."If a developer requires a GDA for the building of an SMR at one site only in the UK then the process can be halted after the successful conclusion of Step 2 followed by a Site Licence application. If the deployment of a particular SMR design is envisaged for multiple sites in the UK then Step 3 needs to be successfully concluded.Although the four issues are supposed to be considered as an integrated whole, they can really be considered as two: safety determined by the Office for Nuclear Regulation and site approval determined by the Environment Agency.  Good progress was made on the former issue by the nuclear regulators in the US, Canada and UK agreeing that safety clearance in any one of the three would be regarded as approval by all three.  The two-way (and hopefully now three-way) transatlantic agreement to harmonise the licensing process has thus far only tackled the administrative landscape work that occupies much of the first 2 years. There are few safety aspects to Stage 1 which could be reduced to 4 months in all 3 countries if a standardised and transportable approach is agreed. Note that activities covered by the various steps and/or stages of the UK, US and Canadian systems do not match precisely at this stage, and some harmonisation is still required. Stage 3 is where the actual design is critically scrutinised and an iterative dialogue with design teams is established. This work can take around 12-18 months depending upon the lineage and degree of novelty in the reactor design. If the applicant has a well-resourced design team that can respond quickly to regulator questions and design modifications, it can proceed quickly. In the case of the AP1000, there were still almost 1,000 issues raised by the ONR that remained (and still remain) unresolved. This is where delays can become significant and where developers may be to blame. Trying to design and license a new reactor on a shoestring budget can result in developers complaining to their shareholders that the regulator is being unreasonable. Institutional shareholders then lobby politicians to influence regulators to be more accommodating of the newcomers.Terrapower has realised the importance of having an FOAK (First Of A Kind) site under development and adequate financial resources to quickly design, build and commission their first reactor. They are now putting pressure on the US NRC to bring the same urgency to their licensing application. There is one other point worth noting. The history of nuclear safety thus far, together with the accidents that have happened, have largely surrounded the use of water/steam as a coolant and transporter of heat energy from the reactor to where it is converted into mechanical and electrical energy. But when it comes to HTGRs and MSRs there is no high temperature and pressurised water in or around the reactor. These advanced SMRs have  much simpler and safer systems and this needs to be reflected in their design processing time.How should it work? We need to distinguish, as the current system does not, between the traditional gigawatt reactors such as proposed for Sizewell C and small or advanced modular reactors (SMRs) which are rapidly coming onto the market. But more importantly we need to distinguish between an FOAK reactor that has never been licensed before and an NOAK (Nth Of A Kind) reactor for which design approval has already been awarded in either the US or Canada, or indeed another country that meets the UK's exacting standards for nuclear licensing. With more than 20 SMR designs likely to make it to the licensing and construction stages in the next decade, the US, Canada and the UK can ill-afford to repeat the administrative and technical procedures given the time, staffing and financial constraints that each regulator is experiencing or is likely to experience once these designs are submitted. The US and Canadian regulators are already facing political pressure to speed up SMR design assessments and to be proportional given the size of these reactors when compared to giga scale reactors. The UK is limiting SMRs to a small number deemed most useful for the UK situation. However, adopting this line risks excluding exciting new technologies and applications from both the UK nuclear industry and the nation's effort to decarbonise industry and power generation.Of the possible new nuclear plants going through the mill in 2010, it was deemed necessary for their sile locations to be approved by 51 separate quangos. It was all a complete waste of time as in March 2011, Energy Secretary Huhne says Britain may back away from the use of nuclear energy because of safety fears and a potential rise in costs after the Fukushima disaster. No new nuclear plants were approved after  Sizewell B and Hinkley Point B in 1967. In other words, the process had become disapproval, not approval.Future strategy: NOAK for NuclearThe UK would be much better off if we abandoned trying to be first of a kind (FOAK) but aimed for Nth (NOAK). The advantages would be:The GDA process could be immensely streamlined as the environmental issues could mostly be taken from predecessor countries and, if Canada and/or the US had already given approval, the safety aspects could be eliminated altogether. Instead of starting from scratch, new GDAs should only have to look at environmental issues that differ from GDAs already approved.  For example, if the radioactive elements of SMRs were sited underground, approval of one should automatically apply to another similarly sited. Hinkley Point C is a glaring example of the risks and costs of trying to be first. The French utility EDF, which is developing Hinkley Point C, has reported a cost increase to £33 billion (30% higher than initial estimates) and potential delays in its start date.Construction and operating skills would have been developed elsewhere first. A Science Direct paper took NOAK build time to be 6 years versus 10 for FOAK.The market would have had time to grow, be competitive and both capital and running costs reduce."The average capital cost of SMR NOAK plants currently under development worldwide is approximately $5,130 per kilowatt electric (kWe), which is estimated to be 30% less than FOAK plants. However, it's essential to note that specific costs can vary based on factors such as design, location, and technology."From these comparisons, we should conclude that both for large Giga Watt reactors and SMRs, the UK should abandon its enthusiasm for being the world leader. NOAK is quicker, cheaper and more reliable. Nuclear skills can be the better learned from other countries as well as developing our own. The car industry has proved not just to be a UK success story, but a NOAK success story too.  Nuclear should learn from that.