"Wherever the sugar plantation and slavery existed," wrote the famed Trinidadian scholar C.L.R. James, "they imposed a pattern. It is an original pattern, not European, not African, not a part of the American main,.but West Indian, sui generis, with no parallels anywhere else." These lines appear in James's 1963 essay "From Toussaint L'Ouverture to Fidel Castro," which he appended that year to a new edition of The Black Jacobins, his seminal history of the Haitian Revolution first released in 1938. Writing at a time when the British West Indies' attainment of independence, coincident with the triumph of the Cuban Revolution, had prompted many Caribbean politicos and intellectuals to propose that the region's diverse territories confederate into one regional nation, James arguedthat those territories, no matter their divides of language and history, should be understood to share a common culture and destiny. He also argued that the peoples of the Caribbean "nation" - belonging, as they did, to societies created and shaped for centuries by their links to European powers - had a unique and special role to play, among the world's formerly colonized peoples, in shaping the future of world civilization.This dissertation engages with James's arguments to explore how, across the past half-century, the Caribbean has been imagined - both in the Caribbean and worldwide - to be a coherent cultural region. Engaging with broader debates among geographers and other scholars about the uses and abuses of the "region" as analytic and political tool, I use the concept of "imaginative geography" to explore why and how various representative figures - from popular musicians to novelists to theoreticians - have shaped understandings of "Caribbeanness," both in the islands and worldwide. Today James's dream of formalizing the West Indian "nation" into a unified state is long past, but the impetus to think in terms of region that he once exemplified has persisted - and indeed grown - among Caribbean thinkers. Moreover, I argue, his predictions about the import of Caribbean cultures in the cultural landscape of the wider world, aided by the massive outflow of Caribbean emigrants to Northern cities, have in many ways come true. From the emergence of Harry Belafonte as "the first black matinee idol" in North Atlantic pop cultures; to the rise of Fidel Castro as figurehead of the non-Aligned Third World during the Cold War; to the emergence and continued salience of Bob Marley as the "first Third World Superstar"; to the outsized number of brilliant writers, from Walcott and Marshall to Díaz and Danticat, who in addressing experiences particular to the Caribbean, have spoken with often unexcelled eloquence to universal themes - these exponents of the Caribbean as region and idea have succeeded, for better or worse, in supplying to the world some of our most widespread stories about bondage and freedom; racial purity and mixture; art and politics. This dissertation offers an account of how and why this has came to pass, in the decade's since C.L.R. James published his revised history of the epochal slave revolt in the French sugar colony of Saint-Domingue by which, as he put it, "West Indians first became aware of themselves as a people."
In: The journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Band 7, Heft 2, S. 363-404
ISSN: 1467-9655
Books reviewed:Behrend, Heike & Ute Luig (eds). Spirit possession: modernity and power in Africa.Deloache, Judy & Alma Gottlieb (eds). A world of babies: imagined childcare guides for seven societies.Krause, Inge‐Britt. Therapy across culturesLewis, Gilbert. A failure of treatmentGeneralBeaglehole, J.C. (ed.). The journals of Captain James Cook on his voyages of discoveryCharlesworth, Simon J. A phenomenology of working class experienceCrowe, Ivan. The quest for food: its role in human evolution and migration.Gates, Hill. Looking for Chengdu: a woman's adventures in China.Gorkin, Michael, Marta Pineda & Gloria Leal. From grandmother to granddaughter: Salvadoran women's stories.Kroeber, Paul D. The Salish language family: reconstructing syntax (Stud. Anthrop. Nth Amer. Indians).Lee, Gaylen D. Walking where we lived: memoirs of a Mono Indian family.Okano, Kaori & Motonori Tsuchiya. Education in contemporary Japan: inequality and diversity (Contemp. Jap. Soc. Ser.).Rheubottom, David. Age, marriage, and politics in fifteenth‐century Ragusa (Oxford Stud. social cult. Anthrop.).Smith, Shawn Michelle. American archives: gender, race, and class in visual culture.Southall, Aidan. The city in time and space.Weinberger‐Thomas, Catherine. Ashes of immortality: widow‐burning in India.White, Luise. Speaking with vampires: rumor and history in colonial Africa (Stud. Hist. Soc. Cult.).Wolfe, Patrick. Settler colonialism and the transformation of anthropology: the politics and poetics of an ethnographic event (Writing past Colonialism Ser.).ReligionKanafani‐zahar, Aïda. Le mouton et le mûrier: rituel du sacrifice dans la montagne libanaise (Coll. Ethnol.‐Controverses).Rappaport, Roy A. Ritual and religion in the making of humanity (Cambridge Stud. soc. cult. Anthrop.).Sundkler, Bengt & Christopher Steed. A history of the church in Africa (Studia Missionalia Upsaliensia 74).Taves, Ann. Fits, trances and visions: experiencing religion and explaining experience from Wesley to James.Viswanathan, G. Outside the fold: conversion, modernity, and belief.Economic Anthropology & DevelopmentAbeyratne, Sirimal. Economic change and political conflict in developing countries: with special reference to Sri LankaArce, Alberto & Norman Long (eds). Anthropology, development and modernities: exploring discourses, counter‐tendencies and violence.Berkes, Fikret & Carl Folke (eds). Linking social and ecological systems: management practices and social mechanisms for building resilience.Jeffery, Roger & Nandini Sundar (eds). A new moral economy for Indian forests? Discourses of community and participation.Sillitoe, Paul. Social change in Melanesia: development and history.Dahl, Jens. Saqqaq: an Inuit hunting community in the modern world.Social AnthropologyEdwards, Jeanette. Born and bred: idioms of kinship and new reproductive technologies in England (Oxford Stud. soc. cult. Anthrop.).Gao, Mobo C.F. Gao village: rural life in modern China.Gould, Sydney H. A new system for the formal analysis of kinship.James, Deborah. Songs of the women migrants: performance and identity in South Africa (Internat. African Library).Lassiter, Luke E. The power of kiowa song.Lee, Richard B. & Richard Daly (eds). The Cambridge encyclopedia of hunters and gatherers.Miller, Daniel & Don Slater. The Internet: an ethnographic approach.Ong, Aihwa. Flexible citizenship: the cultural logics of transnationality.de Pina‐cabral, João & Antónia Pedroso de Lima (eds). Elites: choice, leadership and succession.Sluka, Jeffrey A. (ed.). Death squad: the anthropology of state terror (Ethnogr. polit. Violence).Widlok, Thomas. Living on mangetti: 'Bushman' autonomy and Namibian independence (Oxford Stud. soc. cult. Anthrop.).Wilmsen, Edwin N. Journeys with fliesYoung, Antonia. Women who become men: Albanian sworn virgins (Dress, Body, Culture).
In: The Australian journal of politics and history: AJPH, Band 19, Heft 3, S. 447-473
ISSN: 1467-8497
Book reviewed in this article:POLITICS, LANGUAGE and TIME: Essays on Political Thought and History. By J. G. A. Pocock.INDIRECT RULE AND THE SEARCH FOR JUSTICE: Essays in East African Legal History. By H. F. Morris and James S. Read.HISTORY OF MODERN EUROPE.THE HISTORY OF MODERN EUROPE, 1460–1559. By Eugene F. Rice jr.THE AGE OF RELIGIOUS WARS, 1559–1689. By Richard S. Dunn.KINGS AND PHILOSOPHERS, 1689–1789. By L. Krieger.THE AGE OF REVOLUTION AND REACTION, 1789–1850. By C. Breunig.THE AGE OF NATIONALISM AND REFORM, 1850–1890. By N. Rich.THE END OF THE EUROPEAN ERA, 1890 to the present. By F. Gilbert.THE COUNTER‐REVOLUTION: Doctrine and action, 1789–1804. By J. Godechot, translated by S. Attanasio.HITLER? HORTHY? AND HUNGARY: Germ; in‐Hungarian Relations, 1941–1944. By Mario D. Fenyo.THE REVOLUTION OF 1688 IN ENGLAND. By J. R. Jones.THE BRITISH EMPIRE‐COMMONWEALTH, 1897–1931. By John Kendle.THE DURHAM REPORT AND BRITISH POLICY: A Critical Essay. By Ged Martin.INTERNATIONAL LAW AND CONTEMPORARY COMMONWEALTH ISSUES. By Robert R. Wilson.THE EMERGENCE OF THE INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS. By S. R. Mehrotra.INDIA'S DEMOCRACY. By A. H. Hanson and Janet Douglas.THE DYNAMICS OF INDIAN POLITICAL FACTIONS: A Study of District Councils in the State of Maharashtra. By M. C. Carras.THE WAGES OF WAR 1816–1965: A Statistical Handbook. By J. David Singer and Melvin Small.ECONOMIC GROWTH IN HISTORY: Survey and Analysis. By J. D. Gould.EMILE DURKHEIM: Selected Writings. Edited and translated by A. Giddens.HISTORISM: The Rise of a new Historical Outlook. By F. Meinecke; translated by J. E. Anderson.TOWARDS THE SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF HISTORY: Selected Essays. By Lee Benson.POLITICS AND SOCIAL INSIGHT. By Francis G. Castles.CAPITALISM AND MODERN SOCIAL THEORY: An analysis of the writings of Marx, Durkheim and Max Weber. By A. Giddens.LEGAL CONTROL OF GOVERNMENT: Administrative Law in Britain and the United States. By Bernard Schwartz and H. W. R. Wade.THE COUNTRY PARTY IN NEW SOUTH WALES: A Study of Organisation and Survival. By D. Aitkin.A FINE COUNTRY TO STARVE IN. By G. C. Bolton.ADELAIDE AND THE COUNTRY 1870–1917: Their Social and Political Relationship. By J. B. Hirst. THE MAKING OF AN AUSTRALIAN PRIME MINISTER. By Laurie Oakes and David Solomon.PROTESTANTISM AND SOCIAL REFORM IN NEW SOUTH WALES, 1890–1910. By J. D. Bollen.CONSCRIPTION: Necessity and Justice: the Case for an All Volunteer Army. By Glenn Withers.EDWARD GIBBON WAKEFIELD IN NEW ZEALAND: His Political Career, 18534. By Peter Stuart.SILENT POLITICS: Polls and the Awareness of Public Opinion. By Leo Bogart.THE POLITICS OF UNREASON: Right‐Wing Extremism in America 1790–1970. By S. M. Lipset and E. Raab.RADICALS OR CONSERVATIVES? The Contemporary American Right. By J. McEvoy III.THE BROKEN REBEL: A Study in Culture, Politics and the Authoritarian Character. By Rupert Wilkinson.PARTICIPATION IN POLITICS. Edited by G. Parry.CONTEMPORARY COMMUNITY: Sociological Illusion or Reality? By J. Scherer.COMMUNITY POWER STRUCTURE: Propositional Inventory, Tests and Theory. By C. W. Gilbert.GOVERNING WITHOUT CONSENSUS: An Irish Perspective. By Richard Rose.ULSTER: A Case Study in Conflict Theory. By R. S. P. Elliot and John Hickie.IRELAND'S ENGLISH QUESTION: Anglo‐Irish Relations 1534–1970. By Patrick O'Farrell.
Editors' Introduction -- Preface - Professor Jeffrey Ross, University of Baltimore -- Chapter one: Unlocking Prisons: Toward a Carceral Taxonomy - Associate Professor James Oleson, University of Auckland -- Section One: Prison and prisoner representations -- Chapter two: The 1980s behind Bars: the Punitive System in Prison (1987) and Lock Up (1989) - Fernando Gabriel Pagnoni Berns, Juan Juvé and Mariana Zárate, Universidad de Buenos Aires -- Chapter three: Freeing every Last man of Shawshank: a Reading of Frank Darabont's The Shawshank Redemption - Debaditya Mukhopadhyay, Manikchak College -- Chapter four: Incarceration as a Dated Badge of Honour: The Sopranos and the Screen Gangster in a Time of Flux - Robert Hensley-King, Ghent University -- Chapter five: 'So Neglect Becomes Our Ally': Strategy and Tactics in the Chateau D'If in Kevin Reynolds' The Count of Monte Cristo (2002) - Dr Kwasu D Tembo, University of Edinburgh -- Chapter six: Prisons on Screen in 1970s Britain - Dr Marcus K Harmes, Meredith A Harmes, Dr Barbara Harmes, University of Southern Queensland -- Chapter seven: Porridge Reheated: Rewriting the Prison Sitcom - Eleanor March, University of Surrey -- Chapter eight: In the Name of the Father: (Re)Framing the Guildford Four - Dr Fran Pheasant-Kelly, University of Wolverhampton, UK -- Chapter nine: 'You're in trouble mate': Prison and Screen Practice - Dr Lewis Fitz-Gerald, University of New England -- Chapter ten: How Does the Design of the Prison in Paddington 2 (2017) Convey Character, Story and Visual Concept? - Jane Barnwell, University of Westminster -- Section Two: Prisoner reactions to representation -- Chapter eleven: Reading Bronson from Deep on the Inside: An Exploration of Prisoners Watching Prison Films - Dr Victoria Knight, De Montfort University, UK and Dr Jamie Bennett, University of Oxford, UK -- Chapter twelve: Voices from the Inside: Prison Podcasts - Dr Dawn K. Cecil, University of South Florida, St. Petersburg -- Chapter thirteen: A Place to Stand: the Importance of Inmate Narratives in Media - Nathan Young, Arizona State University -- Chapter fourteen: Mediated Representations of Prisoner Experience and Public Empathy - Dr Katrina Clifford, Deakin University and Professor Rob White, University of Tasmania -- Section Three: Out of the depths: media creations from inside prison -- Chapter fifteen: Prison on Screen in Italy: From 'Shame Therapy' Propaganda to Citizenship Programs - Dr Nicoletta Policek, University of Cumbria, UK -- Chapter sixteen: Make Do and Mend: Images and Realities of Prisoners' Positive Creativity - Charlotte Bilby, Reader in Criminology, Northumbria University -- Chapter seventeen: 'O Prison Darkness … Lions in the Cage'; The 'Peculiar' Prison Narratives of Guantánamo Bay - Dr Josephine Metcalf, University of Hull -- Chapter eighteen: Ghost Ships in the Sea: Guantánamo Bay Detainee Art and a Torturous Exhibition - Emilee Grunow, University of Minnesota--Twin Cities -- Section Four: Learning from prison: ethics, education, and audiences -- Chapter nineteen: The Lord of the Flies in Palo Alto - Professor James Oleson, Auckland University -- Chapter twenty: Story as 'Freedom,' Story as 'Prison': Narrative Invention and Human Rights Interventions in Camp 14: Total Control Zone - Professor David Scott Diffrient, Colorado State University -- Chapter twenty-one: An Evaluation of the Effect of Prison Break on Youth Perception of Prison - Dr Okechukwu Chukwuma, Islamic University in Uganda, Kampala Campus and Julius Omokhunu, Edo State, Nigeria -- Section Five: Sensational prisons: incarceration and punishment as reality TV -- Chapter twenty-two: Tacumbú in the News: Non-Sensational Reporting of a Perpetually Unfolding Real-Life Prison Drama - Timothy Revett, New Orleans Baptist Theological Seminary -- Chapter twenty-three: Bad Teens, Smug Hacks & Good TV: The success and legacy of Scared Straight! - Catherine Harrington, Northwestern University, Evanston, IL -- Chapter twenty-four: The Same, but Different: Discourses of Familiarity and Fear in 60 Days In - Dr Faye Davies, Birmingham City University, UK -- Chapter twenty-five: Reality TV: Instilling Fear to Avoid Prison - Dr Erin DiCesare, Johnson C. Smith University -- Chapter twenty-six: The Queen without a Kingdom: Vulnerability, Martyrization, Monolingualism and Injury Towards a Quechua Speaking Woman Imprisoned in Argentina - Dr Sergio Rodríguez-Blanco, Universidad Iberoamericana, Mexico City -- Chapter twenty-seven: Women Behind Bars: Dissecting Social Constructs Mediated by News and Reality TV - Jennifer Thomas, Howard University -- Chapter twenty-eight: Monstrous Celebrity and Train-Wreck Femininity: The Tabloid-isation of Prisons and Prisoners - Dr Susan Hopkins, University of Southern Queensland -- Section Six: Genre and prisons: Black Mirror and beyond -- Chapter twenty-nine: Speculative Punishment, Incarceration, and Control in Black Mirror - Dr David Pierson, University of Southern Maine -- Chapter thirty: Carceral Imaginaries in Science Fiction: Toward a Palimpsestic Understanding of Penality - Kaitlyn Quinn, Department of Sociology, University of Toronto, Erika Canossini, Department of Sociology, University of Toronto Vanessa Evans, Department of English, York University -- Chapter thirty-one: 'It's more like an eternal waking nightmare from which there is no escape': Media and Technologies as (Digital) Prison in Black Mirror - Julie Escurignan, University of Roehampton and Dr François Allard-Huver, University of Lorraine -- Chapter thirty-two: Dark Fantasies: The Prisoner and the Future of Imprisonment - Dr Marcus Harmes, Meredith Harmes, Dr Barbara Harmes, University of Southern Queensland -- Chapter thirty-three: Minority Report, Abjection and Surveillance: Futuristic Control in the Scientific Imaginary - Dr Fran Pheasant-Kelly, University of Wolverhampton, UK -- Chapter thirty-four: Moral Ambivalence and the Executioner's Hood – Averting the Retributive Gaze in Dystopian Fiction - Dr Francine Rochford, La Trobe University, Australia -- Section Seven: Creative and commercial transformations: dark tourism in dark places -- Chapter thirty-five: Dark Tours: Prison Museums and Hotels - Associate Professor James Oleson, Auckland University -- Chapter thirty-six: 'Pack of thieves?': The visual representation of prisoners in dark tourist sites - Dr Jenny Wise and Dr Lesley McLean, University of New England, Australia -- Chapter thirty-seven: The Legend of Madman's Hill: Incarceration, Madness and Dark Tourism on the Goldfields - Dr David Waldron, Federation University Australia -- Chapter thirty-eight: Three Related Danish Narratives: the Film 'R', the Penal Museum at Horsens and the Replacement Prison of East Jutland - Dr Jack Dyce -- Chapter thirty-nine: 'Ulucanlar from Prison to Museum: Struggle on Memory and the Future in Turkey' - Dr Mine Gencel Bek, University of Siegen -- Section Eight: Orange is the New Black: race and gender in a television phenomenon -- Chapter forty: Introduction to Imprisonment by the 'Nice White Lady': Piper Chapman as the Ideal Racialised and Classed Neoliberal Subject - Kate Meakin, University of Sussex -- Chapter forty-one: Can Prison be a Feminist Space?: Interrogating Television Representations of Women's Prisons - Jessica Ford, University of New South Wales, Australia -- Chapter forty-two: Advocating Prisoners' Human Rights: A Textual Analysis of Orange is the New Black - Dr Alina Thiemann, Institute of Sociology, the Romanian Academy -- Chapter forty-three: Is Yellow the New Orange? Vis a Vis: The Transnational Phenomenon of Female Prison Dramas and the Rise of Spanish Television - Julia Echeverría, University of Zaragoza, Spain -- Section Nine: Varieties of incarceration: from Wentworth to Bitch Planet -- Chapter forty-four: Wentworth and the Politics and Aesthetics of Representing Female Embodiment in Prison - Cornelia Wächter, Ruhr University Bochum, Germany -- Chapter forty-five: From the Stony Ground Up: the Unique Affordances of the Gaol as 'Hub' for Transgressive Female Representations in Women-in-Prison Dramas - Stayci Taylor (RMIT University, Melbourne), Craig Batty (University of Technology, Sydney), Tessa Dwyer (Monash University, Melbourne), Radha O'Meara (University of Melbourne) -- Chapter forty-six: 'Are You Woman Enough to Survive?': Bitch Planet's Collaborative Critique of the Neo-Liberal Prison-Industrial Complex - Dr Martin Zeller-Jacques, Queen Margaret University -- Chapter forty-seven: The Pleasure Politics of Prison Erotica - Dr Nicoletta Policek, University of Cumbria, UK -- Chapter forty-eight: Let's Have Redemption! Women, Religion and Sexploitation on Screen - Dr Marcus Harmes, Meredith Harmes, Dr Barbara Harmes, University of Southern Queensland -- Section Ten: Exploitation and racialization in prison: film, memoirs and music -- Chapter forty-nine: Screening Fear and Anxiety: African American Incarceration and the Dawning of the Prison-Industrial Complex - Assistant Professor Keith Corson, University of Central Arkansas -- Chapter fifty: 'If These Walls Could Talk': The Prison Motif in the Work of Kendrick Lamar - Chelsea Roden, Universität Heidelberg, Germany -- Chapter fifty-one: How Race and Criminality Interface Through Memoir, Drawing & Film: an Investigation of Austin Reed, Frank Jones Jamaa Fanaka - Ravi Shankar, University of Sydney, Australia.
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Tobacco use is the leading preventable cause of death in South Carolina. Smoking-related medical costs amount to $1.1 billion each year, including $393 million for Medicaid. Tobacco growing in South Carolina declined by over 50 percent from 1997 to 2008. Tobacco accounted for less than 10% of the state's cash receipts from all crops in 2007. Despite the low levels of actual tobacco growing and the small role tobacco played in the state's economy in 2008, the cultural construct of being a "tobacco growing state" continued to have a disproportionately large impact on tobacco control policy making. Between 1997 and 2008, the tobacco industry lost its alliances with the Farm Bureau Federation and Commissioners of Agriculture, former staunch industry allies, because of negotiations over the Master Settlement Agreement, the buyout of the Tobacco Price Support system, and increasing purchase of foreign tobacco. Tobacco control Policy Score rankings of 2007/2008 legislators by knowledgeable tobacco control advocates revealed that legislators from the Pee Dee region, historically the stronghold of tobacco agriculture, were similar to the rest of the state's legislators in their attitudes towards tobacco control. Tobacco area legislators were formerly strong allies of the tobacco industry and historically worked with industry lobbyists to ensure defeat or manipulation of tobacco control bills. The 2007/2008 Policy Scores indicated that this was no longer the case. Tobacco control advocates should take advantage of the growing distance between tobacco companies and its former tobacco-growing allies and the decline in the actual importance of tobacco agriculture to challenge the rhetoric and resistance to tobacco control policies in the state. The tobacco industry built significant political influence in South Carolina through lobbyists, alliances with prominent trade associations, campaign contributions and other political expenditures. From 1996 to 2006, tobacco companies, trade associations and producers contributed a total of $680,541 to candidates for state office and to political parties. There is a measurable relationship between tobacco industry contributions and legislative behavior. As rated on a Policy Score scale from 0 to 10, with 10 being extremely receptive to tobacco control and 0 being extremely pro-tobacco industry, for every $1,000 received from the tobacco industry during the 2006 election cycle, a legislator's Policy Score decreased by 1.5 points. Democrats were on average 3.6 points more favorable towards tobacco control than Republicans, after controlling for campaign contributions. South Carolina was selected by the NCI in 1990 to participate in the 17-state ASSIST program. ASSIST funded tobacco control programming within the Department of Health and Environmental Control and established the state's first formal tobacco control coalition, the Alliance for a Smoke-Free South Carolina. The Alliance disbanded in 1997, leaving tobacco control advocacy disorganized and ineffective through 2003. ASSIST ended in 1999 and was replaced by a minimally-funded DHEC Tobacco Division supported primarily by about $1 million annually from the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. In 1998, the state signed the Master Settlement Agreement, securing approximately $70 million per year from the major cigarette companies. In 2000, the state securitized its settlement revenue, receiving a lump sum of $900 million up front in lieu of its annual payments through 2019. Refinancing in 2008 moved this date back to 2012. The 2000 General Appropriations bill set up 4 trust funds from the securitized MSA funds, with 73% ($574 million for healthcare), including tobacco control. Only $3.34 million of the MSA revenue was spent on tobacco control between 2000 and 2008. The state allocated an additional $6 million from the General Fund to the DHEC Tobacco Division between 2002 and 2008, with no state funding for the program between 2003 and 2006 and again in 2008. The Tobacco Division developed small-scale but innovative tobacco control programming, particularly community programs to promote policy change and the Rage Against the Haze youth movement. The DHEC leadership did not prioritize tobacco control between 2000 and 2008, although its support increased gradually due to efforts by the Tobacco Division, DHEC regional staff and the voluntary health groups. Funding requests remained at $2 million, significantly below the CDC recommended $62.2 million per year. Limitations by DHEC leadership on the role that DHEC staff play in local community-wide policy change efforts changed in 2007 to allow direct participation, but remained limited in scope. The voluntary health groups failed to prioritize increased funding for the DHEC Tobacco Division relative to their other lobbying focuses and continued in 2008 to act hesitantly in their lobbying of DHEC leadership to support tobacco control funding and policy change. In 2001, tobacco control advocates formed the South Carolina Tobacco Collaborative. It received 83% of its funding from the state health department, limiting its advocacy capacity. Increased funding from voluntary health groups and national partners between 2005 and 2008 allowed the Collaborative and the other prominent tobacco control advocacy groups, the South Carolina African-American Tobacco Control Network and the Smoke-Free Action Network, to increase advocacy between 2005 and 2008. These developments led to notable successes in clean indoor air policies and attempts to increase the state's tobacco tax. The cigarette tax in South Carolina remained the lowest in the nation in 2008, at 7 cents per pack. The last cigarette tax increase was in 1977, with nearly annual attempts to increase the tax defeated by coordinated efforts from the tobacco industry. Tobacco control advocates began to push for a cigarette tax increase in 2000, without success. Between 2006 and 2008, the Collaborative developed a well-funded and well-coordinated public education and lobbying campaign to support a cigarette tax increase. In 2008, the General Assembly passed a 50-cent increase, with $5 million of the annual revenue directed to the DHEC Tobacco Division, over active opposition from the tobacco industry and its allies. Governor Mark Sanford vetoed the bill for its lack of revenue neutrality, and Speaker of the House Bobby Harrell successfully prevented a veto override in the House. The 2006-2008 cigarette tax increase campaign showed that well-funded tobacco control advocacy could be successful over tobacco industry opposition in the legislature. The defeat of the increase bill demonstrated the need for stronger grasstops lobbying and relationship building with legislative leadership. Between 1977 and 1989, local policymakers passed 19 limited clean indoor air ordinances, building momentum for consideration of a state-level clean indoor air bill. In 1990, tobacco control advocates compromised with tobacco industry lobbyists to allow the passage of a weak statewide Clean Indoor Air Act, halting significant progress on clean indoor air through 2005. In 1996, the tobacco industry succeeded in using the Synar Amendment to integrate preemption into a youth access to tobacco amendment. The tobacco industry and tobacco control advocates assumed the provision also preempted local clean indoor air activity. Beginning in 1999, local policymakers in Charleston began to support local clean indoor air ordinance attempts despite assumed preemption. While Charleston did not pass an ordinance until 2006, news coverage of the city's efforts began a wave of consideration of local ordinances, eventually supported by state and local tobacco control advocates and the Municipal Association. Between May 2006 and December 2008, 21 local clean indoor air ordinances passed, 12 of which passed before the state Supreme Court rejected the argument that preemption applied to clean indoor air ordinances. Two localities were sued over their ordinances on preemption grounds, but won both cases in the Supreme Court. During the 2007/2008 legislative session, tobacco control advocates joined together to successfully defeat multiple attempts to institute express preemption through weak clean indoor air legislation supported by the tobacco industry. Given the success of local clean indoor air efforts, the strategy of tobacco control advocates developed during 2008 should be maintained: continue to promote comprehensive local smoke-free ordinances, while avoiding any action on clean indoor air in the General Assembly.
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The gulf between the United States and the rest of the world — in particular the Global South — on the Israel-Palestine conflict remains sharp and wide. This was demonstrated yet again at The Hague last week, where the International Court of Justice (ICJ) is hearing a case triggered by a U.N. General Assembly (UNGA) resolution in December 2022 seeking an advisory opinion on the "legal consequences" of the Israeli occupation of Palestine.The case has taken on even greater significance in the current context of Israel's military action in Gaza and the West Bank. The Israeli assault (in response to Hamas's October 7 attack) has led to around 30,000 Palestinian deaths and widespread destruction of homes, mosques, churches, hospitals, and community centers with seemingly no end in sight. A BBC investigation at the end of January found that between 50% and 61% of the Gaza Strip's buildings had been destroyed or damaged in the war, while over 80% of the population had been displaced.This case also comes on the heels of last month's ICJ hearing in a separate case brought by South Africa alleging serious violations of the 1948 Genocide Convention by Israel in its current assault on Gaza. In that case, the ICJ issued a provisional order that Israel's actions in the current war against the Palestinians could plausibly be considered genocide. Other Global South states have initiated measures at the International Criminal Court. Overall, states representing close to 60% of the Global South's population have either directly or indirectly backed international legal action on Palestine, as our previous analysis showed.Last week's proceedings were the early stage of the UNGA-triggered case, in which the oral arguments focused on whether the court has jurisdiction over the matter. Of the 49 countries and three international organizations (the League of Arab States, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, and the African Union) that argued before the court's judges — the most of any case in the ICJ's history — only four argued that the court lacked jurisdiction and should therefore not render an opinion: the United States, the United Kingdom, Hungary, and Fiji.Although this round of argumentation centered around the question of the court's jurisdiction, the representatives who spoke on behalf of their respective countries presented their view of Israel's occupation as well as current and past military activity in Palestine. Cuba went as far as to explicitly argue that Israel's military aggression in the current war amounts to a "genocide." Several others, including Bolivia and Chile, argued that the occupation violates international law, and should therefore end.The extent to which this issue resonates across the Global South is evident in the fact that Indonesia, the world's fourth-most populous country and a U.S. partner, so strongly supports the Palestinian cause that the country's foreign minister, Retno Marsudi, left the G20 Foreign Ministers' Meeting in Brazil to personally present Indonesia's argument before the court. She argued that Israel's "unlawful occupation and its atrocities must stop and should not be normalized or recognized." Indonesia sees Palestine as the last unresolved issue of decolonization, which it is mandated to oppose according to its constitution. Bangladesh spoke of violations of three basic tenets of international law: the right to self-determination; the prohibition to acquire territory by force; and the prohibition of racial discrimination and apartheid. Namibia also cited apartheid in its arguments, while The Maldives spoke of appropriation of water resources for Palestine, among other things. The African Union, collectively representing 54 African states, described "an asymmetrical situation in which an oppressed people is confronted with an occupying power."Other Global South states arguing in favor of the ICJ's jurisdiction in this case even called out the United States by name. Guyana, for example, said that the U.S.'s argument fails because the U.S. wrongly claims that there is an ongoing peace negotiation between Israel and Palestine, therefore leaving no legal authority for the ICJ to deliver an opinion on this issue.Algeria also explicitly said that this case not only stains Israel's image, but also hurts that of the United States, as the U.S. government continues to support Israel despite its continued violation of international law.Fiji was the only Global South state in the hearings to broadly align with Israel and the United States in its arguments. It argued that a two-state solution could only come about when (Palestinian) terrorism ended. It also stated that Israel had not agreed to the case, the ICJ approach circumvents the Oslo process, and the information available to the court was one-sided. Additionally, Zambia struck a cautious tone, supporting a two-state solution but also saying that a solution should not "squarely blame one party."The deep opposition to U.S. and Israeli positions was not just confined to the Global South. Most core U.S. allies in the Global North were also opposed. For example, France argued that Israel's settlements in Palestine are illegal. France also asked the court to render an opinion on the extent to which the Palestinians have suffered damages, and asked that the court consider how much restitution or compensation is appropriate for the damages suffered by Palestinians under Israeli occupation.Even the United Kingdom — the lone core U.S. ally aligned with American and Israeli positions in the case — called out Israel's occupation. The country's representative stated that although the UK opposes ICJ jurisdiction in this case, in part because the scope of a fact-finding mission would be too broad in the context of an ongoing conflict, Israel's continued and expanding occupation of Palestine is illegal under international law.China and Russia, the two great power rivals of the United States, both supported the majority opinion, arguing in favor of the ICJ's jurisdiction in the case and against Israel's occupation of Palestine.This comes as growing security, economic, and political ties are being formed by the Chinese and Russians with states across the Global South. The Russian mercenary group known as the Wagner Group — recently rebranded as Africa Corps — has tapped into strong anti-Western sentiment to form military and security ties with states across central and west Africa, largely replacing unpopular and outdated U.S. and French security projects in the area. Meanwhile, China continues to promote its Belt and Road Initiative globally, connecting with countries across the world, claiming to meet their economic demands and support development projects. China and Russia's positions against the Israeli occupation of Palestine have only hardened in recent months.Both China and Russia are also leading members of BRICS, in which they are in a de facto coalition with leading middle powers of the Global South looking to plug existing and major gaps in the current international system as well as prominently project their voice on the global stage.Washington's isolation on Palestine may not have mattered much if we were still in a unipolar world. But with relative power slowly diffusing away from Washington, the United States may benefit from shifting its policies and bridging its position with the rest of the world on the highly emotive issue of Palestine that is causing enormous human suffering and already beginning to destabilize the wider region.
