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During its occupation by the United States and throughout the 1950s, Germany experienced one of the most dramatic intellectual, cultural, and educational transformations in history. Historians have often observed the intrusion by the USA into German intellectual and institutional life as part of the USA's overall plan to 're-educate' Germany and to tie it to its own political traditions and Cold War goals. Through examination of the political theories and academic educational reforms of Carl J. Friedrich, one of the most important intellectuals of the Cold War, this article argues that US policies were simultaneously shaped and determined by intellectual traditions from the Weimar period. It shows how Friedrich's educational theories, which had a tremendous influence on both US and German academic establishments after the war, were developed already in the context of the Weimar-era 'Heidelberg School' and the political theories of Max Weber. Through this example, the article seeks to offer a new and more complex picture of Germany's postwar democratization in general.

The meaning of Anthropocene rests on the idea that there is a specific rationale behind the university and higher education, which is in itself progressive, educational, and redeeming. Institutions for, and students and teachers within, higher education, are more or less directly linked to the structures and rational of their political surroundings and social and cultural environments. However, just as there is depth to ecologies in the natu- ral environment, and just as there is strangeness and even alien forms hidden within those environments, so it is with universities and higher education. They harbor hidden aspects, and these presences call from the dark, with their deeper and more unknown voices, even alien ones that seem to reach into universities not only from a future but also from a pres- ent that we cannot easily see or even understand. In this essay, we shed light on these more alien strands of higher education reality; what we term an "ontological excess" of univer- sities. This darker ontology helps us argue that the foundations of the university go much deeper, and is societally more tangled, than the immediate pillars of the Anthropocene.

Going through a protracted period of transition since the end of the Cold War, the world order in the making is neither what was nor what it is yet to become. It is in "the middle of the future."To get our bearings in this uncertain transition, we explore the two grand post‐Cold War narratives—"The End of History" as posited by Francis Fukuyama and "The Clash of Civilizations" posited by the late Samuel Huntington. Mikhail Gorbachev looks back at his policies that brought the old order to collapse. The British philosopher John Gray critiques the supposed "universality" of liberalism and, with Homi Bhabha, sees a world of hybrid identities and localized cultures. The Singaporean theorist Kishore Mahbubani peels away the "veneer" of Western dominance. Amartya Sen, the economist and Nobel laureate, assesses whether democratic India or autocratic China is better at building "human capacity" in their societies.

The paper explores the ways in which enterprise and entrepreneurial education (EEE), delivered by HEI's, impacts regional development. To do this we analysed several datasets from The Higher Education Statistics Agency (HESA) and the Office for National Statistics (ONS) focusing on the ways in which HEI start-up activity impacts indicators including GDP and employment. This highlights where further research and investment is needed to ensure a consistent regional development policy which we believe aligns with the conference's focus on connecting practitioners and policymakers to create a genuine change in regional disparities.

In most Western countries, a compulsory education system plays a key role in societal integration. This article discusses how the Norwegian model of education, its values base and religious education, contribute to integration in the broad sense. Approximately 98 per cent of all children between the ages of six and sixteen participate in a common, compulsory and public course of education regulated by a curriculum approved by the parliament. Both the schools' values base and the obligatory subject of religious education are best understood as contributions to integration in contemporary Norwegian society that is characterised by secularisation and disintegration of the Christian hegemony on the one hand, and by the emergence of cultural and religious diversity on the other. In this case, secularism is identified not with distance from religion but with equity towards religions, in education and in society, based on the assumption that everyone can unite around human rights, regardless of religious or cultural affiliation. ; This is an Author's Accepted Manuscript of an article published in Hovdelien, O. (2015). Education and Common Values in a Multicultural Society–The Norwegian Case. Journal of Intercultural Studies, 36(3), 306-319.[copyright Taylor & Francis], available online at: http://www.tandfonline.com/10.1080/07256868.2015.1029887.

The aim of this paper is to clarify some basic aspects concerning the purpose and importance of education, the meaning of what is public, and the political significance of all proposals presented regarding education. The issue of education is primarily political and begins with how the character of the State is defined. On one hand, if the State has a subsidiary definition, education is considered to be a commodity that is negotiated in the market in the appropriate quantity and quality which correspond to the respective purchasing power. On the other hand, if the State is defined as responsible, education is considered to be a right. Political will is what establishes one definition or the other. ; Se pretende tratar de aclarar algunos aspectos básicos respecto al sentido e importancia de la educación, el significado de lo público y el sentido político de toda propuesta que se hace al respecto. El tema de la educación es primeramente político y empieza por la definición del carácter del Estado. De la definición del Estado como subsidiario se deriva la comprensión de la educación como un bien de consumo que se transa en el mercado en la cantidad y calidad que corresponda al respectivo poder de compra. De la definición de un Estado responsable deriva la comprensión de la educación como un derecho. Es la voluntad política la que establece una u otra definición.

State failure and proxy war have consumed key Arab states such as Iraq, Libya, Syria, and Yemen, with massive humanitarian consequences. Local power struggles have been exacerbated by regional and international interventions. The next American administration must act to resolve these wars and assist the reconstruction of shattered states. Rather than new military interventions, the United States should focus on the international enforcement of military de-escalation to accomplish these goals. This article explores the distinctive challenges for U.S. policy in each of these conflicts.

If you are looking for a simple, straight forward book for conducting an action oriented research in an educational setting than Craig's 2009 Action Research Essentials is for you. This book provides the "essentials" for this type of research . She provide s clear and concise information assisting students that may be using this approach for the first time. Good examples are given for the novice of action oriented research. The author presents the information in an orderly fashion. In this review, I will give my initial appraisal and content analysis regarding the intended audience, objectivity of the author and the writing style presented.

With this article, the author intends to outline a legitimising basis for implementing education for sustainable development (ESD) in early childhood education, in juridical, pedagogical and political terms. Starting from our current ecological crisis, the ontological assumptions of modern culture are considered obstructive to possibilities for mitigation. The author affirms a need for constructing new conceptual frameworks in the field of ESD suitable also for the youngest children. The very logic of the reigning notion of knowledge requires revision in order to secure successful implementation as well as fostering citizens with the moral agency required to meet calamity. Ontological insights from deep ecology are suggested integrated with the more practical epistemological concept of ecological habitus. Possible gains are not exclusively related to sustainability, but also include positive impacts on the life quality of young children as such. ; Published version

'Ist die Türkei wirklich ein 'islamischer Großstaat', der seinem Wesen nach keinen Platz in der Europäischen Union hat? Dominiert 'der Islam' Politik und Gesellschaft der Türkei in einer Art und Weise, dass diese einfach nicht 'europäisch' werden können? In der Studie wird, ausgehend von der historischen Entwicklung, das aktuelle Verhältnis von Staat und Islam in der Türkei untersucht. Unter Zurückweisung eines unveränderlichen Wesens 'des Islam' und seines Verhältnisses zur Politik wird in einer historisch-strukturellen Analyse gezeigt, wie die islamische Religion nach europäischen Vorbildern in den Dienst der türkischen Staatsraison und des Aufbaus einer republikanischen Nation (nation building) gestellt wird. Der so entstandene türkische Laizismus ist gekennzeichnet durch eine strikte staatliche Kontrolle des öffentlichen religiösen Lebens, einschließlich einer von einer staatliche Einrichtung verfügten 'korrekten' Interpretation der Religionsinhalte, und dadurch, dass jegliche Form von 'freier' Religionsausübung als existentielle Bedrohung für die Republik wahrgenommen wird. Erst unter der AKP-Regierung von Ministerpräsident Recep Tayyip Erdogan beginnt sich das offizielle Religionsverständnis zu wandeln: Laizismus wird im europäischen Sinn als echte Trennung von Staat und Islam gesehen; Islam wird zwar als eine mögliche ethische Grundlage, nicht aber als Handlungsanleitung für Politik verstanden und ein pluralistisches Verständnis von Religionsfreiheit beginnt zu keimen. So gesehen ist zwar die aktuelle Situation von Staat und Islam immer noch durch ein in den meisten EU-Ländern bereits weitgehend überwundenes Verhältnis gekennzeichnet, aber im Prozess ihrer Säkularisierung ist die Türkei 'verspätetes Europa' und nicht 'aktueller Orient'.' (Autorenreferat)