In the first chapter, I point out that rarely are information (e.g., knowledge about nutrient cycling, sediment!. transport)and analysis techniques (e.g., ecologic modeling, ecosystem analysis) used in land use planning decisionmaking. These products of science can significantly improve the technical quality of resource use allocations developed by land use planners and recommended to decisionmakers—particularly the planning areas, the complexity and infrequent use. Some planners have scientific backgrounds but none are broadly enough trained to use the plethora of diverse, scientific information commonly available on their planning areas and problems. Planners' training and function is to organize and to direct the process producing for decisionmakers a set of well evaluated, alternative plans and/or to recommend a best plan. Their role is not to be or become scientific experts. However planners need to·be able to work with scientific experts when such information is needed to analyze important problems. Conceptual ecologic models (CEM) and ecologic simulation models (ES) natural science information for analyzing the problems of planners which have important scientific components. I note that the frequently encountered task of developing a land capability classificaton (LCC) for a regional planning area can be greatly improved by using CEMs to establish which variables and values define capability classes. I examine the use of CEMs as an analysis approach for developing technically improved and scientifically supported LCC by application to a case study. In Chapter 2, I outline the general advantages of using scientific information and scientific analysis approaches, such as ESMs, for decisionmaking, and how to decide when they are appropriate tools for specific types of planning problems. I then present a general procedure for determining which analysis technique to use. The best scientific techniques (1) availability of data, equipment, skills and other analytic needs; (2) dominance of the problem by scientific and/or quantitative information; (3) working behavior of the planners (e.g., the relative consideration they give to formal analysis, expert judgment, public preference); and (4) working environment constraints within which the plan must be developed (e.g., time and funds available for analysis, political considerations, type of decisions to be ntade, size of the area for which decisions are to be made). In Chapter 3, from these four considerations I develop and explain a set of guidelines for deciding whether ESM is the most appropriate analysis technique. In Chapter 4, I develop a planning problem of the Lake Tahoe Basin region as an example of using the guidelines to assess the feasibility of CEM and ESM for developing a LCC for protecting the water color and transparency of the lake. In Chapter 5, I develop an overall CEM of the system of variables controlling water color and transparency as affected by suspended sediments and nutrients from watershed lands. In accord with the assessment guidelines, I also discuss the availability of adequate levels of scientific principles and data to enable construction of an ESM. I then divide the overall system CEM into a series of subsystems, subsequently developing CEMs for each in Chapters 6 through 10 and 13 through 16. Chapter 6 presents a CEM of the factors controlling the water color portion of the system model. In subsequent chapters I present CEMs of subsystem variables controlling: biotic production and distribution of subtances affecting water color and transparency (Chap. 7); transport of suspended sediment by overland flow and stream flow processes (Chap. 8); release, transport and delivery of nitrogen (Chap. 13) and phosphorus (Chap. 14); and suspension of particles in lake waters and retention once settled on the lake bottom (Chap.16). In Chapters 11 and 12, respectively, I develop estimates of the quantities of nutrients and potential suspended sediment particles on watershed sites. In Chapter 17, I develop a LCC scheme based upon the information in the preceding subsystem EM mapping and procedural decisions needed for its implementation. In the last chapter (18), I evaluate CEM use as an analysis technique likely to increase area planners' use of scientific information and analysis techniques. I also discuss why, in spite of their considerable promise, I think scientific information and analysis techniques will not be used more widely by land use planners.
"This document is CDC's response to the IOM's TB elimination challenge [as found in the 2000 Institute of Medicine report: Ending neglect: the elimination of tuberculosis in the United States." -- p. 6. ; "In collaboration with divisions in the National Center for Infectious Diseases, the Public Health Practice Program Office, and the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health, the Division of Tuberculosis (TB) Elimination of the National Center for HIV, STD, and TB Prevention (NCHSTP), Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), is the functional equivalent of a national TB program in the United States. As such, CDC is the federal government's lead agency for TB prevention, control, and elimination. In 1989, CDC published A Strategic Plan for the Elimination of Tuberculosis in the United States. This plan had been developed by the Advisory Council for the Elimination of Tuberculosis (ACET) and proposed a national strategy for TB elimination by 2010. The implementation of this plan was set back by the TB resurgence that occurred in the late 1980s and early 1990s. This rekindling of TB disease was fueled by the onset of the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) epidemic, increases in TB cases among foreign-born persons, outbreaks in congregate settings, and the appearance and transmission of deadly multidrugresistant (MDR) TB strains. These occurred at a time when decades of cuts in TB funding had resulted in the deterioration of TB control programs, and TB control officials had very few resources with which to fight back. CDC published the National Action Plan to Combat Multidrug-Resistant Tuberculosis in 1992 to complement the 1989 TB elimination document. A renewed downturn in TB incidence since 1993 points to the successful implementation of these national plans over the past decade. Unprecedented low rates of TB disease now provide a historic opportunity to accelerate the decline in TB morbidity and the drive toward elimination. This opportunity is threatened, however, by several converging factors: 1) the retreat of TB into high-risk populations at the margins of society where it can resist detection, 2) the persistence and growth of the global TB epidemic, 3) the limitations of current control measures and recognition of the need for new tests and treatments, plus an improved vaccine, and 4) changes in the health care system that make the current context for TB elimination very different from that of a decade ago. Given this altered landscape, in late 1998 CDC commissioned the Institute of Medicine (IOM) of the National Academy of Sciences to conduct a study and determine if TB elimination is still feasible as a national goal and, if so, to provide recommendations on how to make that goal a reality. The resulting report, Ending Neglect: The Elimination of Tuberculosis in the United States, concluded that TB elimination in the United States is indeed feasible but will require 'aggressive and decisive action beyond what is now in effect.' To break the 'cycle of neglect' that has characterized U.S. tuberculosis control efforts, the report recommended an aggressive strategy to 1) maintain control of TB, 2) speed the decline in TB incidence, 3) develop new tools for TB diagnosis, treatment, and prevention, 4) increase U.S. efforts to help fight the global epidemic, and 5) mobilize and sustain public support for TB elimination and track progress." - p. 5 ; Executive Summary -- -- Introduction -- Historical Perspective -- TB: A Preventable and Treatable Disease -- Cycles of Resurgence and Control -- Challenges to Elimination -- -- How to Eliminate TB? -- The IOM Report -- Maintain Control of TB -- Speed the Decline -- Develop New Tools -- Increase Involvement in Global Efforts -- Mobilize and Sustain Public Support -- Why Eliminate TB? -- Rationale for Elimination -- -- Who Will Lead? -- CDC's Response -- -- The Plan -- Goal I: Maintain control of TB -- Goal II: Accelerate the decline -- Goal III: Create new tools -- Goal IV: Reduce the global burden of TB -- Goal V: Summon and sustain support -- Goal VI: Track progress -- References ; Writing committee: Kenneth G. Castro, MD, Michael F. Iademarco, MD, MPH, Mark N. Lobato, MD, R. Scott McCoy, MEd, Richard J. O'Brien, MD (co-chair), Zachary Taylor, MD, MS (co-chair), and Charles D. Wells, MD, Division of Tuberculosis Elimination (DTBE), National Centerfor HIV, STD, and TB Prevention (NCHSTP), CDC; Susan A. Maloney, MD, MPH, Division of Global Migration and Quarantine, National Center for Infectious Diseases (NCID), CDC. ; Also available via the World Wide Web. ; Includes bibliographical references and index. ; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. CDC's Response to Ending Neglect: The Elimination of Tuberculosis in the United States. Atlanta, Ga: US Department of Health and Human Services, CDC; 2002.
Iceland s population of approximately fifty thousand inhabitants did not change appreciably from the end of the settlement period in the late twelfth century until the mid-nineteenth century because of the climate and limited technology in agriculture and fisheries. In fact, periodic decreases resulted from climatic fluctuations, natural disasters and epidemics, since this was a primitive rural community of farmers and fishermen. The weakness of the urban community was so apparent that when the royal monopoly on domestic trade was abolished by law in 1788, new migrants from selected villages to urban communities1 were offered public subsidies, such as free lots and tax dispensation for twenty years. Despite this government intervention, the growth of the urban population, especially in the capital city, did not manifest until early in the twentieth century following technological developments, such as the advent of motor vessels, banks, and certain infrastructure investments. That is probably because the Danish authorities and Icelanders were not unanimous in their policies and actions. The growth of the urban population was followed by a decline in the rural population. This trend increased after World War II, and at the beginning of the 1980s, the population of the urban areas outside the capital area2 began to decline as well, especially those populations that were farthest away from Reykjavík and Akureyri, the second-largest urban community outside the capital area. The present research s objective is to investigate whether transportation improvements affect inter-regional migration in Iceland. This thesis is divided into three main parts. First, a brief introduction describes the development of the transportation system in Iceland, especially the road network, and geographic population patterns in the twentieth century. The second part covers fundamental theories of transportation economics and spatial economics, especially regarding transport demand, the geographic pattern of housing prices, theories of industrial location, and interregional migration. The third part reports on an empirical investigation that is in line with the objective of the thesis. Many factors motivate migration. Geographic differentials in labour market conditions were among the first factors addressed by economic theory in the context of spatial economics and were still among the central factors when amenities, local factors of value offered free or relatively inexpensively to the local population, were included several years ago. Amenities include natural resources, public services and social activities, while negative amenities or dis-amenities include local phenomena, attributes, incidents or threats, including crime and pollution that decrease the welfare of the local population without compensation. One theory has suggested amenities compensate for lower wages; since people tend to like places with good weather conditions, beautiful scenery, and other amenities, these places tend to generate an excess supply of labour, and wages decrease, while wages are higher where amenities are more limited. The New Economic Geography is the most recent theory covering interregional migration, where the core-periphery model is central. According to the model, the agglomeration economies are among the main reasons for rural-to-urban migration, through higher real wages. Moreover, lifetime earnings instead of present wages are addressed as more relevant. Uncertainty is included as well. One version of the core-periphery model includes social capital and traffic congestion. Transportation economics is a large field within economics. Here, transport demand is relevant to the study topic so the theoretical presentation of transportation economics will be devoted to that only. Unlike many others types of demand, transportation demand is a derived demand since it is the demand for any other goods that is, people travel to work, trade, and go shopping. Otherwise, transportation demand is comparable to demand for other values or goods where price, income, and the price of supplementary and complementary goods play a central role. The dissertation s empirical contribution will be divided into three parts and therefore classified into three separate chapters. First, we investigate the relationship between transportation improvements and local housing prices because housing prices reflect the value of locations. Second, we measure whether and to what degree rural residents value agglomeration and access to a central business district (CBD)3. Finally, we examine whether transportation improvements affect interregional migration. The empirical part of the study is based on data from Iceland that covers annual averages for Iceland s 79 municipalities for nearly two decades the period from 1981-2006. Many municipalities were merged during this period with the result that the relevant data for all the years were classified according to the number of municipalities in the year 2006 in order to maintain comparability of data. Panel data models are implemented for analysis. They combine the analysis of cross section and time series simultaneously that is an analysis of number of individuals or municipalities over time. One can choose between fixed and random effect in the analysis of panel data, where the coefficients of the fixed effect model include a variation within municipalities, while coefficients of random effect include both within and between variations. The estimation of the relationship between transportation improvements and housing prices is based on a relatively new interpretation of Johan Heinrich von Thünen s (1783-1850) theory regarding land rent: housing prices tend to be highest in the centre of a CBD because of the significance of the market, and they decrease for every unit of distance from the centre. However, the theory also suggests that transportation improvements between a CBD and a rural area increase housing prices in the rural areas because of easier access to the CBD. Where the variation of transportation improvements is to be found between all municipalities and Reykjavík, a model of fixed effect was found to be relevant. The analysis of Iceland confirms that the relationship between transportation improvements and housing prices is non-linear that is, the marginal impact, which is largest in the municipalities adjacent to the CBD, decreases as the distance between the municipality and the CBD increases. This result shows that the impact of transportation improvements on local housing prices increases marginally as the distance between a district and a CBD decreases. Several other known factors, such as the supply of housing, had an expected negative impact on housing prices, while the number of rooms, balconies, garages, and parking had positive impacts. Until the present study, an analysis of this theory had not been implemented on an entire country. Along with heterogeneous marginal impact, these were the major contributions of this particular empirical study. The value of access was estimated by testing whether the spatial disparity of housing prices in Iceland, especially the difference between CBDs and rural areas, had changed during the past two decades. If it had changed, we tested whether the change was a result of increased agglomeration of economies or a result of changing preferences for access over amenity values. Again, the analysis is based on a modern version of von Thünen s theory concerning the forces behind the spatial disparity of housing prices, along with theories of agglomeration economies. Now, a model of random effect, returning coefficients including both within and between variations, was relevant since local amenities have to be considered in an evaluation of access and agglomeration economies. The results suggest that the spatial disparity of housing prices changed in favour of CBDs in Iceland and that changed preferences in favour of access over amenities were responsible that is, access became relatively more valuable. These changes were also due to increased agglomeration economies, but further inspection shows that the differences in housing prices between Reykjavík and the closest neighbouring municipalities decreased, despite previous findings. Weak evidence suggests that this decreased difference could be due to counter-urbanisation, a relatively new phenomenon in which certain types of urban citizens move from urban areas to rural areas within a 120-kilometre radius. This phenomenon has been detected both in North America and Europe. The many reasons for this phenomenon can generally be classified into economic factors and changed preferences such as proximity to wild nature (absence of pollution) and traditional farming. In the present study, as in the previous one, several other known factors have had an expected impact on housing prices. These factors include labour income, supply of housing, housing age, dwelling size, number of rooms per dwelling, balconies, garages, parking, and number of dwellings in the same house. Finally, the impact of transportation improvements on interregional migration was tested. The empirical model is based on the neo-classical Harris-Todaro model. The results suggest that geographic differentials in labour market conditions, such as wages and unemployment, play a leading role in explaining interregional migration, but the supply of housing and transportation improvements also affects interregional migration. While the supply of housing seemed to have had a positive impact on interregional migration, transportation improvements between the rural and urban areas did not have a homogeneous impact on interregional migration in the relevant regions, where it was negative towards its closest regions of the rural area and positive towards regions farther away. The first result is in line with the theory of the New Economic Geography (or the Core-Periphery Model), suggesting that a transportation improvement between two different regions would result in a net flow of residents from the smaller to the larger region, due to better market access and agglomeration economies. Certain types of industries (firms in monopolistic competition) will disappear from the smaller region and grow in the larger region. The latter is in line with the Disequilibrium and Harris-Todaro models, suggesting that transportation improvements lead to positive net inflows of migrants because of higher real wages following lower transport costs. Since the overall results indicate that selected factors are missing in the model, the analysis was repeated for men and women separately. The results then showed that the model was better in explaining the migration behaviour of women rather than men. The condition of the labour market seemed to matter more to women than men. This is a logical result to some extent, since it has been shown in other studies that the gender wage gap is larger in rural areas of Iceland than in urban areas. The supply of housing was affecting the migration patterns of both genders, while travel time, surprisingly, did not show any significance. Weak results for the migration pattern of men fuelled the idea that it should be tested against the migration pattern of women. Thus, if women would leave for better income, according to Gary Becker s results that show singles are generally less well off than married people and other couples, the expected future welfare of single men would be lowered. With this in mind, the most logical response by single men would be to follow single women, since men are indifferent regarding other potential factors affecting migration. A new variable for reflecting changes in the local gender ratio (number of women divided by number of men) in the previous period was added to the model and confirmed the hypothesis. Moreover, travel time also became significant for men, and the overall robustness of the model increased. Therefore, travel time seems to impact the interregional pattern of men but not women. ; Hin mikla fjölgun íbúa á höfuðborgarsvæðinu og fækkun til sveita á Íslandi var tilefni þessarar rannsóknar. Þjóðinni fjölgaði lítið fram á miðja 19. öld, en íbúafjöldi sveiflaðist öldum saman í kringum 50.000. Miðað við ríkjandi tæknistig virðast landbúnaður og sjávarútvegur ekki hafa geta brauðfætt fleiri íbúa og sveiflur í veðurfari, náttúruhamfarir og farsóttir lögðu grunninn að sveiflum í fjölda íbúa þannig að ekki var stór munur á íbúafjölda frá lokum landnámsaldarinnar fram á miðja 19. öld, eftir því sem komist verður næst. Þetta var frumstætt sveitasamfélag og mikill meirihluti bjó í strjálbýli. Myndun þéttbýlis var svo veik á Íslandi að sett voru lög árið 1788, þegar verslun var gefin frjálsari4, um styrki til þeirra sem settust að í völdum kaupstöðum þ.e. Reykjavík, Grundarfirði, Ísafirði, Akureyri, Eskifirði og Vestmannaeyjum. Styrkirnir fólust í ókeypis lóðum og 20 ára undanþágu frá sköttum svo eitthvað sé nefnt. Það var samt ekki fyrr en snemma á 20. öldinni eftir vélvæðinguna, fjárfestingu í innviðum, stofnun banka og annarra stofnana, að fólki fer að fækka til sveita og fjölga í þéttbýli um land allt en mest á höfuðborgarsvæðinu. Það kann að vera vegna þess að framan af voru ráðandi öfl ekki einhuga um eflingu þéttbýlis. Vöxtur þess varð síðan mjög ör eftir lok seinni heimstyrjaldarinnar og í upphafi 9. áratugarins fór íbúum að fækka í þéttbýlum utan höfuðborgarsvæðisins, einkum þeim sem fjærst voru Reykjavík og Akureyri. Rannsóknin er í þremur megin hlutum. Fyrst er stuttur inngangur sem varpar ljósi á hvernig samgöngukerfið, þó aðallega vegakerfið, íbúaþróun einstakra landsvæða og búferlaflutningar á Íslandi þróuðust á 20. öldinni. Þar á eftir kemur stór kafli um helstu kenningar og líkön innan samgönguhagfræði og svæðahagfræði. Innan svæðahagfræði er einkum horft til landfræðilegs breytileika á fasteignaverði, staðsetningar fyrirtækja og búferlaflutninga. Að lokum kemur hluti sem segir frá þremur mismunandi reynslurannsóknum (e. empirical studies). Samkvæmt kenningum hagfræðinnar hefur margt áhrif á búferlaflutninga. Oftast eru aðstæður á vinnumarkaði nefndar en skynvirði verður áberandi á síðari tímum. Skynvirði (e. amenity value) felst í staðbundnum gæðum sem auka velferð almennings án þess að hann borgi fyrir það markaðsvirði. Ýmis náttúrugæði, niðurgreidd og endurgjaldslaus þjónusta eða hreinlega félagsstarf hefur verið flokkað undir skynvirði. Þá hafa fræðimenn talað um neikvætt skynvirði (e. disamenity). Það eru staðbundnir þættir sem draga úr velferð íbúanna án þess að þeir fái fyrir það bætur. Glæpir og mengun hafa verið taldir þar á meðal. Athyglisverðar eru kenningar sem gengið hafa út á að laun séu almennt lægri á stöðum þar sem skynvirði er hátt. Það er útskýrt þannig að fólk laðist að stöðum sem bjóða upp á gott veðurfar eða önnur endurgjaldslaus gæði. Það eykur framboð vinnuafls og laun lækka. Að sama skapi eru laun óvenju há þar sem skynvirði er lágt. Nýjastar eru kenningar nýju- svæðahagfræðinnar (e. New Economic Geography), en þaðan er kjarna- jaðarlíkanið ættað. Þar á borgarhagræði stóran þátt í að laða íbúa úr sveit til borgar með hærri launum. Þá er einnig lögð meiri áhersla á ævitekjur fremur en laun á hverjum tíma. Einnig er svigrúm fyrir áhættu. Öll óvissa um afkomu dregur íbúa til svæða þar sem afkomuöryggi er meira. Í einu þessara líkana er félagsauði og umferðarþunga fundinn staður. Samgönguhagfræði er stórt svið. Hér er það eftirspurn eftir samgöngum sem tengdist viðfangsefni ritgerðarinnar og fræðilegum bakgrunni hennar því gerð skil. Það sem einkennir eftirspurn eftir samgöngum er að hún er afleidd þ.e. hún er afleiðing af eftirspurn eftir öðrum gæðum. Fólk ferðast í þeim tilgangi að versla og sækja vinnu og afþreyingu svo eitthvað sé nefnt. Að öðru leyti lýtur eftirspurn eftir samgöngum sömu lögmálum og eftirspurn eftir öðrum gæðum þar sem eigið verð, verð stuðnings- og staðkvæmdarvara og tekjur neytenda spila stórt hlutverk. Í þessari rannsókn var ætlunin að mæla hvort samgöngubætur hefðu áhrif á búferlaflutninga og hvernig. Þetta var gert í þremur skrefum. Fyrst með því að skoða áhrif samgöngubóta á fasteignaverð, þar sem fasteignaverð endurspeglar virði staða og staðsetninga. Í öðru lagi að meta þróun landfræðilegs breytileika fasteingaverðs og hvort í því fælist þróun á borgarhagræði og virði aðgengis að höfuðborginni. Að lokum meta áhrif samgöngubóta á búferlaflutninga með beinum hætti. Reynslurannsóknir ritgerðarinnar byggðu á gögnum frá Íslandi yfir öll sveitarfélög á landinu (79) í nærri tvo áratugi. Reiknuð voru ársmeðaltöl fyrir öll sveitarfélögin. Mörg sveitarfélög voru sameinuð á þessu tímabili en til að gæta samræmis voru allar tölur reiknaðar upp fyrir 79 sveitarfélög líkt og á síðasta ári í gagnasafninu, árið 2006. Líkönum fyrir tvívíð gögn (e. panel data) var beitt við greiningarnar. Þau greina líkön með þversniðs- og tímaraðagögn samtímis þ.e. yfir fjölda einstaklinga eða sveitarfélaga í mörg ár. Í greiningum tvívíðra gagna er í megin atriðum hægt að velja á milli líkans með föstum áhrifum annars vegar og tilviljunarkenndum áhrifum hins vegar. Líkan með föstum áhrifum skilar stuðlum sem endurspegla breytileika innan sveitarfélaga eingöngu, meðan líkan með tilviljunarkenndum áhrifum skilar breytileika innan sveitarfélaga og milli þeirra samtímis. Við mat á áhrifum samgöngubóta á fasteignaverð var stuðst við kenningu og líkan þýsks hagfræðings, Johan Heinrich von-Thünen (1783-1850), um landfræðilegt mynstur fasteignaverðs, þar sem það hefur tilhneigingu til að lækka út frá borgarmiðju vegna mikilvægis markaðarins. Þar sem breytileika á samgöngubótum var að finna á milli allra sveitarfélaga og Reykjavíkur skilaði líkan með föstum áhrifum niðurstöðum sem svöruðu rannsóknarspurningunni. Niðurstaða greiningarinnar staðfesti að samgöngubætur milli landsbyggðarinnar og höfuðborgarinnar hafa áhrif á fasteignaverð á landsbyggðinni til hækkunar. Sérstaða rannsóknarinnar fólst einkum í tvennu: Þessari greiningu hefur aldrei verið beitt á heilt land með þessum hætti og sýnt var fram á að áhrifin væru ekki einsleit. Þau voru mest næst höfuðborginni en fjara síðan smám saman út eftir því sem fjær dregur. Það gefur til kynna að áhrif samgöngubóta eru líklegastar til hafa mest áhrif á fasteignaverð ef þær eru sem næst höfuðborgarsvæðinu. Ýmsir aðrir vel þekktir þættir höfðu áhrif á fasteignaverð eins og búist var við. Þeir helstu voru að framboð íbúða hafði neikvæð áhrif á verð íbúða á meðan stærð þeirra, fjöldi herbergja, svalir, bílskúr og bílastæði höfðu marktæk jákvæð áhrif á verð þeirra. Þá var aðgengi dreifbýlis að borgum metið. Það var gert með því að kanna hvort munur á fasteignaverði í Reykjavík og annarra landsvæða hafi aukist á síðastliðnum 20 árum. Ef það var tilfellið, var ætlunin að meta hvort það fælist í auknu virði á aðgengi vegna breyttra óska almennings um aukið aðgengi að fjölbreyttu úrvali þjónustu og atvinnu eða aukins þéttbýlishagræðis (e. agglomeration economies) vegna aukinnar almennrar hægræðingar af nábýli við annað fólk og fyrirtæki. Að þessu sinni var stuðst við nútíma útfærslu á kenningum von-Thünens um drifkrafta á landfræðilegum breytileika fasteignaverðs og kenninga um þéttbýlishagræði. Nú var líkan með tilviljunarkenndum áhrifum viðeigandi, þar sem aðgengi togast á við skynvirði en slík verðmæti mælast aðallega með breytileika gagnanna milli sveitarfélaga og breytileiki innan þeirra er síðan nauðsynlegur til að gefa fullnægjandi mynd af virði borgarhagræðis. Í greiningunni kom fram að munurinn á fasteignaverði í Reykjavík og Akureyri gagnvart öðrum sveitarfélögum hafði aukist á síðustu árum. Sýnt var fram á að óskir almennings um búsetukosti höfðu verið undirliggjandi þáttur og breyst stóru þjónustukjörnunum tveimur í hag þ.e. aðgengi sem borgir veita hefur orðið hlutfallsega verðmætara heldur en skynvirði sem dreifbýlið hefur í ríkara mæli. Þá kom fram vísbending um að þéttbýlishagræði hafði átt sinn þátt í þróuninni. Við nánari skoðun kom í ljós að munurinn á fasteignaverði í Reykjavík og nálægum sveitarfélögum hafði verið að minnka á sama tíma, þrátt fyrir áðurnefnda þróun. Vísbendingar komu fram um að búferlaflutningar úr borg í sveit hafi verið undirliggjandi áhrifaþáttur þess. Það er almenn tilhneiging til flutnings borgarbúa aftur til sveitar eða smærri bæja í nágrenni borganna, eða í u.þ.b. 120 kílómetra radius frá miðju hennar sem orðið hefur vart bæði annars staðar í Evrópu og einnig í Bandaríkjunum. Ástæður hennar eru ýmist af efnhagslegum hvötum eða af breyttri forgangsröðun í lífi fólks eins og óskir um meiri nálægð við náttúruna eða nánari tengsl við lífið í sveitinni. Í þessari rannsókn komu fram ýmsir aðrir áhrifaþættir fasteingaverðs, margir þeir sömu og í fyrri rannsókninni. Þar má nefna atvinnutekjur, framboð íbúða, aldur og stærð þeirra, fjöldi herbergja, svalir, bílastæði og bílskúr, fjöldi íbúa. Að lokum voru áhrif samgöngubóta á búferlaflutninga metin með beinum hætti. Stuðst var við klassískt búferlaflutningalíkan. Niðurstaða rannsóknarinnar benti til að aðstæður á vinnumarkaði, atvinnutekjur og atvinnuleysi, skiptu mestu máli varðandi búferlaflutninga milli sveitarfélaga á Íslandi. Einnig sást að framboð íbúða laðaði fólk að. Þá skipti aðgengi að sterkum þjónustukjörnum nokkru máli og þess vegna geta samgöngubætur milli höfuðborgarsvæðsins og landsbyggðar hægt á eða jafnvel snúið óhagstæðri íbúaþróun við. Það gæti líka magnað óhagstæða íbúaþróun vegna þess að áhrifin voru þau sömu allsstaðar; því nær sem samgöngubótin var Reykjavík því líklegri var hún til að valda óhagstæðum búferlaflutningum í nærliggjandi sveitarfélagi. Í ákveðinni fjarlægð snérist þetta við þannig að samgöngubætur milli Reykjavíkur og fjarlægari sveitarfélaga stuðluðu að hagstæðum búferlaflutningum til þeirra. Fyrra samhengið er í samræmi við kenningar nýju- svæðahagfræðinnar (kjarnajaðarslíkansins) og kveður á um að samgöngubótin leiði til þess að ákveðin framleiðsla og þjónusta leggist af vegna nálægðar við sterkan kjarna. Hið seinna í samræmi við ójafnvægislíkanið þar sem samgöngubótin hefur tilhneigingu til að auka kaupmátt launa (raunlaun) utan borgarinnar vegna lækkandi verðlags í kjölfar lægri flutningskostnaðar og draga þannig úr brottflutningi eða jafnvel draga fólk að vegna hærri launa. Þar sem niðurstöðurnar gáfu til kynna að ennþá vantaði mikilvæga áhrifaþætti inn í líkanið var gerð tilraun til að meta það á ný og skipta gagnasafninu upp á milli karla og kvenna. Þá kom í ljós að líkanið skýrði miklu betur út búferlaflutninga kvenna heldur en karla. Aðstæður á vinnumarkaði virtust skipta konur miklu meira máli en karla. Það er á vissan hátt rökrétt niðurstaða þar sem sýnt hefur verið fram á að launamunur kynja er minni á höfuðborgarsvæðinu en utan þess. Framboð á íbúðum hafði áhrif á bæði kynin, en ferðatími engin áhrif. Þar sem þetta líkan virtist vera óvenju lélegt í að skýra búferlaflutninga karla vaknaði sú hugmynd að kanna hvort brottflutningar kvenna hefðu áhrif á brottflutning karla. Sú tilgáta vaknaði á grundvelli kenninga Gary Beckers um að hagsæld fólks í sambúð eða hjónabandi sé meiri heldur en einhleypra; þar með ef konur flyttu brott þá dragi úr líkum karla á að komast í sambúð. Það var gert með því að kanna hvort karlar flyttu í kjölfar kvenna til þess að auka líkurnar á sambúð/hjónabandi. Það var staðfest þegar líkanið var keyrt aftur með viðeigandi breytingum. Við þetta hafði ferðatími marktæk áhrif á búferlaflutninga karla og niðurstaðan almennt áreiðanlegri. Það virðist því vera þannig að samgöngubætur hafi frekar áhrif á búferlaflutninga karla en ekki kvenna.
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There are a lot of moving parts to the MMT program. I want to focus on one of these parts today: the relation between monetary and fiscal policy. One thing I find appealing about MMT scholars is their attention to monetary history and institutional details. I've learned a lot from them in this regard. But as is often the case with details, one has to worry about whether they help shed light on a specific question of interest, or whether they sometimes let us not see the forest for the trees. And in terms of the broader picture, since I grew up in that branch of macroeconomics that tries to take money, banking, and debt seriously (i.e., not standard NK theory), I sometimes have a hard time understanding what all the fuss is about. Much of standard monetary theory (SMT) seems perfectly consistent with some of the ideas I seen discussed in MMT proponents; see, for example, The Failure to Inflate Japan.
This post is devoted to better understanding a contribution by Eric Tymoigne. Eric is one of the people I go to whenever I want to learn more about MMT (if you're interested in MMT, you should follow him on Twitter @tymoignee). In this post, I discuss his article "Modern Monetary Theory, and Interrelations Between the Treasury and Central Bank: The Case of the United States." (JEI 2014). Passages quoted from his paper are highlighted in blue. The working paper version of the paper can be found here. Eric has kindly agreed to respond to my comments and let me post our conversation. We had to some editing, hopefully this did not disrupt the flow too much. In any case, I hope you find it interesting. And, as always, feel free to join in on the conversation in the comments section below. -- DA
One of the main contributions of modern money theory (MMT) has been to explain why monetarily sovereign governments have a very flexible policy space. Not only can they issue their own currency to spend and to service their public debt denominated in their own unit of account, but also any self-imposed constraint on budgetary operations can be easily bypassed.
I'm curious to know what the contribution is here relative to standard monetary theory (SMT). In SMT, the government can also issue its own currency to spend and to service the public debt denominated in its own unit of account. So this degree of "flexibility" is already accounted for. As for "self-imposed constraints on budgetary operations," SMT takes several approaches to this issue, depending on the purpose of the analysis. One approach is to take these constraints as given and then to study their implications. But it is also common to consolidate the central bank, treasury and government into a single authority, which implies no self-imposed constraints on budgetary operations.
Perhaps what is meant is that MMT shows how existing self-imposed constraints on budgetary operations can be (or are) bypassed in reality. This leads us to question, however, concerning what those self-imposed constraints are doing there in the first place. Are they there by design and, if so, why? Or are they there by accident (and, if so, how in the world did this happen)?
ET: Yes consolidation is not unique to MMT as we have said repeatedly. Not only is it used quite commonly in the economic literature, but also it is a common rhetorical tool in economic talks, discourse, etc.
DA: Right, so everyone understands this (at least, they should)--it's perfectly consistent with standard monetary theory. So far, so good.
ET: Most economists, politicians and the public don't understand this or its implications. They will interpret the above as saying that it is obvious that the government can create money but it is not a normal way to proceed and it is inflationary. MMT just pushes consolidation to its logical conclusions and shows that institutional details do back those conclusions. In a consolidated framework, the federal government can only implement spending by creating money, this is not abnormal and it is not inflationary by itself. There is no other way to find the necessary dollars to spend. Here is what consolidation means in terms of balance sheets:
For the federal government, taxes destroy currency (L1 falls) and claims on non-fed sectors falls (A1 falls) (an alternative offsetting operation is net worth of government rises). When US spends, it credits accounts (L1 rises). Similarly, bond issuance does not lead to a gain of any asset for the government; all it does is replace a non-interest earning government liability (monetary base) with an interest-earning government liability (Treasury securities).
DA: I am not going to argue against your accounting. As for bond-issuance, in SMT, an open-market operation is modeled as a swap of zero-interest reserves for interest-bearing treasuries. The interest on treasuries is explained by their relative illiquidity (another self-imposed constraint). The economic consequences of such a swap depends on a host of factors, which I'm sure you're familiar with.
ET: Sure, in addition, self-imposed financial constraints (e.g. debt ceiling, no direct financing by the Fed, no monetary power for treasury) have been put in place at various times with the argument that they impose discipline in public finances. MMT argues, these financial constraints are not necessary and are bypassed routinely through Treasury-Central Bank coordination.
DA: Sure, the standard view is that these self-imposed constraints are designed to impose discipline in public finance. The proposition that these financial constraints are or are not necessary, however, must be based on a set of assumptions that may or may not be satisfied in reality. (The fact that these constraints may be bypassed through Treasury-Central Bank coordination does not seem relevant to me -- the conflict emphasized by SMT is between an "independent" central bank and the legislative authority (e.g., the Fed and Congress, not the Fed and Treasury). I'm not sure why a new theory is needed here. We know, for example, that if the legislative branch of government fully trusts itself (and future elected representatives) to behave in a fiscally responsible manner, the notion of an "independent" central bank (and other self-imposed constraints) makes little sense.
ET: Remember that MMT emphasizes the irrelevance of financial/nominal constraints for monetarily sovereign governments (bond vigilantes, risk of insolvency of social security, etc.). One can do that by using the consolidated government (taxes don't finance, bonds don't finance, government spends by crediting accounts, etc.) or by using the unconsolidated government (the central bank helps the Treasury, the Treasury helps the central bank). The second method conforms to actual federal government operations but it is much less easy to use rhetorically and it waters down the core point: government finances are never a financial issue as long as monetary sovereignty applies.
Given that point, as you note, financial constraints are not only irrelevant, but also disruptive and used for political games. MMT wants to make government financial operations as smooth and flexible as possible. Once society has decided how, and to what degree, government should be involved in solving socioeconomic problems, finding the money should not be an issue when monetary sovereignty prevails. That means demystifying and eliminating financial barriers to government operations so the political debate can focus on solving real issues (environment issues, socio-economic issues, etc.). Fearmongering about the public debt and fiscal deficits makes for poor political debates and policy prescriptions.
There is a view, expressed by Paul Samuelson, that if we tell policymakers and the public that there are no financial limits to government spending, policymakers will spend like mad; therefore, economists need to lie to policymakers and the public (and themselves). This is nonsense. We ought to discuss policy choices not on the basis of Noble Lies but rather on the basis of sound and informed premises. Economists needs to make sure that policymakers focus on resource constraints.
In addition, political constraints on government should be geared toward improving the transparency and participatory aspects of government (e.g. limit role of big money in elections, limit wastes, etc.). We already have a government that passes a budget (it needs to do so for transparency and accountability purposes), we already have an auditing process, and we already have some (limited) democratic process, so aim at improving these aspects. MMT proponents are not naive, we know that some politicians are self-interested, we know that policy implementation may lead to mistakes, we know people may try to game the system ("free riders"); however we trust that a transparent and democratic government can (and does) get through these issues. MMT does not see financial constraints as helping in any ways, rather they inhibit the democratic process.
Of course, MMT proponents also have a policy agenda (Job guarantee, financial regulation based on Minsky, etc.) because we do not see market mechanisms as self-promoting full employment, price stability and financial stability. As such, as you said, MMT proponents favor alternative means to achieve these goals through direct government intervention. We don't see the central bank as an effective means to promote price stability. The central bank should focus on financial stability through interest-rate stabilization and financial regulation (an area where the Fed has not performed well).
Finally, yes independence of the central bank is seen as a big deal but MMT disagrees for two reasons. First, MMT emphasizes the lack of effectiveness of monetary policy in managing the business cycle and, second, and probably more importantly, MMT notes that central-bank independence in terms of interest-rate setting and goal settings does not mean independence from the financial needs of the Treasury.
DA: I think it's fair to say most people want to see government operations run smoothly, and would welcome a sober debate over the issues at hand without the fear-mongering that some like to promote. The broad objective seems the same--the debate is more over implementation--how monetary and fiscal policy is to be coordinated--given human frailties.
Having said this, I think you go too far by asserting that "government finances are never an issue as long as monetary sovereignty applies." Of course, technical default on nominal debt is not an issue (we all understand this). But SMT also recognizes the importance of economic default on nominal debt. True, a government can always print money to satisfy its nominal debt obligation, but if money printing dilutes the purchasing power of money, this is a de facto default.
On a related issue, SMT asks "what are the limits to seigniorage?" The fact that a government can print money does not give it the power to command resources without constraint. People can (and do) find substitutes for government money (they may also substitute out of taxed activities into non-taxed activities). SMT treats the limits to seigniorage as a financial constraint. Maybe MMT has a different label for this constraint? Perhaps it is related to what I hear MMT proponents call an "inflation constraint." Maybe one way to reconcile MMT with SMT on this score is by recognizing that SMT usually assumes (sometimes incorrectly) that the inflation constraint is always binding. If this is the case, a monetarily-sovereign government does have a financial constraint, even according to MMT.
ET: Yes, ability to create a currency does not mean ability to command resources because there may not be a demand for the currency. That is where tax liabilities and other dues owed to the government become important (cf. the chartalist theory of money, a component of MMT). That's also why taxes, monetary creation and bond issuance are not conceptualized by MMT as alternative financing means but rather as complementary. The government imposes a tax liability, spends by issuing the currency necessary to pay the tax liability, then taxes and issues bonds. Spending may be inflationary indeed and so there is an inflation constraint; but it is not a financial constraint, it is a resource constraint.
About the "printing" of money by government, inflation and economic default. Regarding the first two, there is no evidence of an automatic relation between money and inflation. In a consolidated view, government always spends by monetary creation but controls the impact on inflation via taxes and the impact on interest rates via bond issuance. In an unconsolidated view, the central bank routinely finances and refinances the Treasury by helping some of the auction bidders and by participating in the auction.
Finally, regarding economic default, governments routinely "default" in that sense with no problems. I don't see that as a relevant concept unless someone can show that economic default raises interest rates or generates rising inflation (it does not); here again, there is no automatic link between inflation and interest rates. That link depends on how the central bank reacts; if it does not then market participants don't either.
DA: Let me return to the manner in which the Fed/Treasury/Congress are consolidated (or not) in SMT and why this matters, in your view. In some SMT treatments, Congress decides spending and taxes, which implies a primary deficit. It's up to the Treasury to finance that deficit, with the Fed playing a supporting role (by determining interest rate and issuing reserves for treasury debt). What's wrong with this approach?
ET: That goes in the right direction with an understanding that the government really has no control over its fiscal position. All this, which relates to the implementation of monetary sovereignty, helps understand why the financial crowding out is not operative, why monetary financing is not by definition inflationary, why i > g is normal. It helps explain why the hysterical rhetoric surrounding the public debt and deficits in nonsense. I recently wrote a piece for Challenge Magazine on that topic. Surpluses are celebrated, governments implement austerity during a recession to "live within our means", Social Security needs to be fixed to avoid bankrupting it, governments need to save more, etc. All of this is incorrect.
DA: I'm not sure why you claim SMT leads to the idea of i > g. The case i < g is perfectly consistent with SMT (see Blanchard's 2019 AEA Presidential address, and also my posts here and here). The correct criticism (I think) is that mainstream economists have assumed i > g as being the empirically relevant case (it is not).
ET: That is what I meant. MMT links that to monetary sovereignty.
DA: I think that's correct. I should like to add that mainstream economists (apart from a small set of monetary theorists) have not appreciated the role of high-grade sovereign debt as an exchange medium in wholesale financial markets and as a global store of value, which in my view likely explains a lot of the "missing inflation." But as for "surpluses being celebrated," you are now talking about individual viewpoints and not SMT per se. There were plenty of calls out there for countercyclical fiscal policy based on standard macroeconomic principles. But I do agree virtually all mainstream economists are (perhaps overly) concerned about "long-run fiscal sustainability." The view is that at the end of the day, stuff has to be paid for -- and that having the ability to print money, while granting an extra degree of flexibility, does not get around this basic fact.
DA: I'd like to ask you about this statement you make:
In (the unconsolidated) case, the Treasury collects taxes and issues securities before it can spend. However, federal taxes and bond offerings also serve another highly important function that is overlooked in standard monetary economics. Specifically, federal taxes and bond offerings result in a drainage of funds from the banking system, and MMT carefully analyzes the implication of this fact. From that analysis, MMT argues that federal taxes and bond offerings are best conceptualized as devices that maintain price and interest-rate stability, respectively (of course, the tax structure also has some important role to play in terms of influencing incentives and income distribution; something not disputed by MMT).
DA: Well, yes, taxes serve both as a revenue device (permitting the government to gain control over resources that would otherwise be in control of the private sector) and as a way to control inflation. I'm not sure about the idea of the Treasury offering bonds for the purpose of achieving interest-rate stability (though this may happen to some extent when the treasury determines which maturity to offer). I don't think this is the way things work in the U.S. today.
ET: Taxes and issuance of treasuries drain reserves and so raise the overnight rate. Hence, on a daily basis, a fiscal surplus raises the overnight rate and a fiscal deficit lowers it. There has been significant Treasury-Fed coordination to smooth the impact of taxes (and treasury spending) on the money market.
DA: Fine, but so what? We all understand "coordination" between Fed and Treasury exists at the operational level.
ET: I think you are too kind to other economists and policymakers. On taxes as price-stabilizing factors, there is indeed some similarities here. On the role of treasuries for interest-rate stability, it does work like this today. It may not be obvious because of the current emphasis on treasuries as Treasury's budgetary tools, but Treasury has issued securities for other purposes than its budgetary needs. In the US, this occurred most recently during the 2008 crisis (SFP bills). In Australia, in the early 2000s, the Treasury issued securities while running surpluses in order to promote financial stability.
DA: But even if this is not the way things actually work (in my view, it's the Fed that stabilizes interest rates, possibly through OMOs involving U.S. Treasuries), I'm not sure what point is being made. I think we can all agree that monetary and fiscal policy can be thought of as being consolidated in some manner. What would be good to know is how a specific MMT consolidation matters (relative to other specifications) for a specific set of questions being addressed. There is nothing in the abstract or introduction of this paper that suggests an answer to this question.
ET: The point being made is that in a consolidated government, tax and bond issuance lose the financial purpose they have for the Treasury but keep their price and interest-stability purposes.
DA: In standard monetary theory, tax and bond issuance keeps its funding purposes for the government and at the same time can be used to influence the price-level (inflation) and interest rates. Is this wrong? I don't think so. At some level, taxes (a vacuum cleaner sucking up money from the private sector) must have some implications for the ability of government to exert command over real resources in the economy. What we label this ability (whether "funding" or ''finance" or whatever, seems inconsequential).
ET: Ok here comes the crucial difference between financial and real sides of the economy. In financial terms, taxes do not increase the capacity of the government to spend, i.e. the government does not earn any money from taxing; taxes destroy the currency. In financial terms, there is no reason to fear a fiscal deficit; deficits are the norm, are sustainable and help other sectors grow their financial net wealth. As such, it is not because a government wants to spend more that it must tax more or lower spending somewhere else. That is the PAYGO mentality. This mentality makes policymakers think of spending and taxing in terms of how they impact the fiscal balance instead of their impact on employment, inflation, incentives, etc. While deficits may have negative consequences, they are not automatic. If one takes a look at the evidence, deficits have no automatic negative impacts on interest rates, tax rates, public-debt sustainability, or inflation.
In real terms, the necessity to increase tax rates to prevent inflation, and so move more resources to the government, depends on the state of the economy and the permanency of the increase in government spending relative to the size of the economy. In an underemployed economy, the government can spend more without raising tax rates. In a fully employed economy, shifting resources to the government without generating inflation does require raising tax rate and/or putting in place other measures such as rationing, price controls, and delayed private-income payment. Here Keynes's "How to Pay for the War" provides the roadmap. Standard economics is full-employment economics so opportunity costs are always present. MMT follows Kalecki, Keynes and the work of their followers (have a look at Lavoie's "Foundations of Post Keynesian Economic Analysis") and note that capitalist economies are usually underemployment and economic growth is demand driven. Put in a picture, the economy is usually at point a.
Put succinctly, the real constraint is conditionally relevant, the financial constraint is irrelevant if monetary sovereignty prevails. That is the proper way to frame the policy debates and to advise policymakers; don't worry about the money, worry about how spending impacts the economy.
ET: Moving to another topic, consolidation of the government brings to the forefront forces that are operating in the current system but that are buried under institutional complications. Namely that a fiscal deficit lowers interest rates and treasuries issuance brings them back up, that spending must come before taxing and treasuries issuance, that monetary financing of the government is not intrinsically unsound and does not mean that tax and treasuries issuance don't have to be implemented.
DA: The statement that "deficit lower interest rates" needs considerable qualification. Among other things, it depends on the monetary policy reaction function. As for the claim that spending *must* come before taxes, this is not a universally valid statement (even if it may be true in some circumstances. But even more importantly, who cares? Mainstream theory does not suggest that monetary financing is intrinsically unsound (seigniorage is fine, if it respects inflation ceiling). As for money, taxes and bonds not being alternative "funding" sources, I worry that this semantics. You can call X a "funding" source or not -- it's just a label. The real question is: what are the macroeconomic implications of X?
ET: Let me emphasize where I agree. Yes, evidence shows the central role of monetary policy for the direction of interest rates, fiscal policy is at best a very small driver. And yes, one ought to focus on the real implications of government spending and we ought to forget about the financial implications. A fiscal deficit is not unsustainable nor abnormal; deficits are the stylized fact of government finances and are financially sustainable if monetary sovereignty is present. So don't try to frame the policy debate and set policy in terms of household finances, bankruptcy, fixing the deficit, etc.
To conclude I see three reasons why the "taxes/bonds don't finance the government" rhetoric is helpful:
1- It is strictly true for the federal government (i.e. consolidation).
2- it brings to the forefront some lesser-known aspects of taxes and treasuries issuance: impacts on money market, role of central bank in fiscal policy, role of treasury in monetary policy.
3- It changes the narrative in terms of policy and political economy: government does not rely on the rich to finance itself, taxes should be set to remove the "bads" not to finance the government (e.g. one should not set tax rates on pollution with the goal of balancing the budget but with the goal of curbing pollution to whatever is considered appropriate, that may lead to much higher tax rates than what is needed to balance the budget), PAYGO is insane, one should focus on the real outcomes of government policies not the budgetary outcomes.
DA:
1. I think this is semantics.
2. Not sure how it helps in this regard.
3. I think all of these positions are defensible without the statement "taxes/bonds don't finance the government", so if this is the ultimate goal (and I think it should be), perhaps we should set aside semantic debates and focus on the real issues at hand.
ET: 1 is not semantic. I know you have in mind taxes as a means to leave resources to the government. MMT makes a clear difference between financial (ability to find the money) and resources constraint (ability to get the goods and services) as explained above. The financial constraint is highly relevant for non-monetarily sovereign governments so it should be noted and clearly separated from the real constraint. Too many policy discussions and decisions by policymakers operating under monetary sovereignty are based on an inexistent inability to find money and the imagined dear financial consequences of budgeting fiscal deficits. 2 helps to understand how monetary sovereignty is implemented in practice. On 3, yes focus on the real issues.
DA: We agree on 3! Thank you for an interesting discussion, Eric. There's so much more to talk about, but let's leave that for another day.
The article is focused on analyzing current state of land use by categories, regional economic and financial data to propose new robust model for economically efficient land use planning for commercial and non-commercial enterprises. The research results can serve as an important material for decision making process on how to develop the land and the City areas in context в new global economic development. It provides extensive overview of existing land use trends for in Kyiv city based on analytical data and scientific assumptions. The Author believe that this research will be beneficial for government, city government, international organizations, private institutions, and researchers. The goal of the research paper is to build a solid scientific model based on general understanding of underlying economic challenges of efficient land use considering past data, short term and in long term planning. The paper has an overview of city planning documentation and city statistical data in context of real estate, urban population, economic data, including research of real estate and currency exchange rate data to median salary in Kyiv starting from 2000s. It is important not to put too much focus on the existing models and systems, as they rely too much on the assumptions and complicated calculations, that are hard to make use of in real world planning. Instead we build our research on real-world data and developed a forecast of the size of investment in land use, average real estate prices for the next 5 years. The paper noted an existing problem of inconsistency of the existing norms and regulations in Ukraine concerning rational and effective land use and planning, especially for local authorities and commercial organizations. The author substantiates why the economy in the context of urbanization needs a new look. The paper uses the planning of the city of Kiev. It is a suitable example of a developing city, so the proposed model can be developed based on the city economical and land use data. This research can help solve the existing problems of urbanization in Ukraine and have a positive impact on the economic development of the city and the region.In present times large urban agglomerations serve as none of the major catalysts of economic trends. Urbanization, as process, plays key role in transformation of the local, regional and world economies. Urbanization should be considered an important factor in the development of the economy of both the city and the state. It dictates the path of development of micro- and macroeconomics of regions, although not directly. And in the context of long-term land use and spatial development, this process can play a significant role. The issues of suburban development, industrialization, post-industrialization, environmental problems and the issues of further existence and development of agricultural regions bordering on urban centers (urban agglomerations) cannot be excluded from the field of view. Alongside with new possibilities that arise from large urban economy, great number of challenges that need to be addressed appear. Besides to the economic related issues, irreversible ecology changes (rise of sea level, forest fires etc.) global pandemics and new technologies, manufacturing process must be included in urbanization research. This requires novel approach to how we view city, build economic models, and make forecasts for future development. In this paper we set initial stage for development of such robust economic model, while using data and statistics of Kyiv city. This city can serve as great test ground for proposed model, as it is relatively new urban center, that is part of the developing country economy.The goal of this research work is to analyze current and past land use patterns, outline existing issues and economical inefficiencies in those patterns in large urban city. In addition, we plan to look at land use from several viewpoints, that of the researcher, governmental institutions, commercial company, personal level. This will enable us to make correct assumptions and help build economical model for future land use development. Research work is based on official statistics data, provided by State Statistics Service of Ukraine, Kyiv city council, Municipal Enterprise "Kyivgenplan", private real estate companies, economists, and Public cadastral map of Ukraine. We used statistical analytics, mathematical correlation, polynomial and linear approximations, Ratio analysis, utility curves, profit curves and growth models. For predictions modeling key economic parameters were identified. This data was used to build linear dependency models of functions and plotted charts, diagrams based on calculations data.Ukraine does not stand aside from the global challenges of time related to globalization and urbanization. These are indicators such as: significant labor migration, outdated land legislation and inefficient use of land resources. Therefore, the author of the study analyzed the social, environmental, and economic factors influencing the development of the economy of individual united territorial communities of Ukraine with emphasis on the Kyiv city. The main reason for focusing research work on this city is general availability of statistical information and economic data from 2000s.In recent history several events have happened that made dramatic effects on Ukraine and Kyiv land use economics situation. Global financial crisis of 2008 has affected real estate price in Ukraine, in addition to Ukraine currency devaluation. In 2014 military conflict, war, in the east part of Ukraine and Russian annexation of Crimea, had it impact on the housing market, as well as further currency devaluation.Current land area of Kyiv is 82,64 thousand hectares with population of 2 967,4 million people. Land use in Kyiv is classified by following types: Residential buildings; Public buildings; Industrial, research and production and utility territories; Transport infrastructure; Green areas; Water resources; Agricultural companies and other. Analysis of the types of buildings in the capital shows that the largest share in the Residential housing are – private houses 3.76 thousand hectares, and high-rise buildings 8.4 thousand hectares. Non-residential real estate - buildings, premises that are not classified in accordance with the law to the housing stock, are divided into the following types: hotel buildings, office buildings, commercial buildings, garages, industrial buildings and warehouses, buildings for public performances, outbuildings and other buildings.To make better predictions and effectively analyze land use data, we will start with real estate data and general social information - such as monthly salary, average numebr of employees per company, followed by currency exchange rate, average office rent prices and average living apartments price in USD. According to official data, the average salary for full-time employees in 2020 was 16,186 UAH. As of 2018 the highest monthly wage was in the mining industry (44,405 UAH) and the lowest in construction (8,311 UAH), and health care (8,406 UAH). The prices in Kyiv suburbs are much lower than in the city, with average cost of sq. m being around 13,500 UAH.Based on the State Statistics Service of Ukraine Kyiv city data the housing stock in Kyiv in 2019 had a total area of 59.1 million m2, and an average of 20.2 m2 per person. The total number of apartments in Kyiv was 991.6 thousand. If we look at the state building codes as of 2019, the minimal the minimum area of a one-room apartment is 28 sq. m. At the same time according to State Statistics Service of Ukraine Kyiv city data in 2019 the average available housing area per single person living in Kyiv was 20,2 sq. m. Let's look at 26600 $ for 28 sq. meters apartment, with average monthly wage of 16,186 UAH, which is 575 $, for an average it will take 46 month to buy an apartment, if there will be no other expenses and salary is tax free. Median flat rent in Kyiv 2020 – 9.4 $ per sq. m., which makes 263.2$ for 28 sq. meters apartment per month or 7401 UAH.Afterwards we conducted study of enterprise operations statistics between 2018 and 2019. The following data was produced as a result - the number of business entities was 294,458 companies, number of full-time employees was 1,149,074 people, the volume of sold products produced by one (average) enterprise was 36,843.35 thousand UAH per year or 3070.2 thousand UAH per month, with the average number of employees in one company being 16 people. Today there are about 500,000 sq. m. of commercial real estate in Kyiv, and according to experts, by the end of 2020 this figure will increase by at least another 150,000 square meters. m.Based on available data we analyzed the average rent price that company need to pay for one month in Kyiv. If one office employee needs at least 6 sq. meters of office space, then the average company that consist of 16 employees will need to rent 96 sq. of office space. Using 2020 data, on average the monthly rent is 2400$ per month, so the company will need to pay 28,800$ per year. The study showed that the average cost of office space as following - 1200$ per sq. m in 2020; 1500$ per sq. m in 2019; 1300$ per sq. m in 2018; 903$ per sq. m in 2017.The author analyzed the dynamics of increasing the number of living apartments by year. In 1995 their number was (in thousands) - 889,4; 2000 – 926,9; 2005 - 984,4; 2010 - 1037,9; 2015 -1112,1; 2018 - 1081,7; 2019 - 991,6. It should be noted that since 2001 the total area is determined taking into account the summer premises with the established reduction factors. Since 2004, the total area of the housing stock and the number of apartments has included data on bankrupt enterprises and those that have completely ceased operations [stat data]. The population of Kyiv, according to official statistics is as following, by year: 1995 – 2643,8 thou. ppl.; 2000 – 2615,3 thou. ppl.; 2005 – 2666,4 thou. ppl.; 2010 – 2785,1 thou. ppl.; 2015 – 2888,0 thou. ppl.; 2018 – 2934,5 thou. ppl.; 2019 – 2950,8 thou. ppl.; 2020 - 2 967,4 thou. ppl. Total income per all officially employed in Kyiv city: 2010 - 5286,46 UAH, 2015 - 6255,92 UAH; 2018 - 13243,96 UAH; 2019 - 17546,89 UAH. The total share of business income and self-employment as compared to total income in Kyiv per year: 2010 – 8%; 2015 – 4,5; 2018 – 6.3%; 2019 – 6.2%.Another trend is the rapid reduction of vacancies in the Kyiv office centers. During the first half of 2019 the growth in demand and the small amount of new supply of office space led to a decrease in the average vacancy rate from 6.5 to 6%, this data was taken from international real estate agency report. In some office buildings the vacancy was in the range of 4-5%. For comparison: in 2016 on average 16% of the areas were vacant in Kyiv business centers, and in 2015 - more than 20% of spaces were vacant. We analyzed which types of industries have formed the highest demand for real estate office rent in Kyiv in recent years to form this trend. The highest percentage is 52% by IT technologies companies; professional services in various fields – 35%; FMCG – 7%; pharmaceutical companies – 3%, energy companies – 2% and agricultural companies – 1%.A new period of urban development requires new theories and qualitatively new research. It is an indisputable fact that urbanization is a process that will continue. Its pace will be determined by the state of the world and regional economy, as well as innovation and the results of the fourth industrial revolution. In our future research, special attention will need to be paid not only to the economic and social components of the urbanization process, but also to environmental factors. Environmental issues are one of the main problems in the process of urbanization. This is due to the rapid development of infrastructure, development of cities and adjacent areas. And as a result - an uncontrolled very rapid increase in population, an increase in the number of personal transport and the development of new enterprises. All these factors negatively affect the quality of life in cities and can reduce the attractiveness of real estate. Therefore, people do not move to such centers, but begin to build others. The proposed Index of economic feasibility of land use by purpose is a result of mathematical modeling of main economic parameters that include land use, such as land price, real estate prices, investments ratios and personal income levels. It will serve as a foundation to build a more robust economic model that will describe conditions needed for future economic growth, efficient land used patterns in urban and sub-urban areas. It should be noted that for making more accurate future predictions, land use patterns and economic data of close (up to 50 km) and distant sub-urban areas (region) should be studied and added to the model. ; У статті автор зосередив увагу на аналізі поточного стану землекористування за видами економічної діяльності підприємств, регіональними економічними та фінансовими даними, щоби запропонувати нову сучасну модель економічно ефективного планування землекористування для комерційних та некомерційних підприємств та установ. Результати досліджень можуть слугувати важливим матеріалом для процесу прийняття рішень про те, як розвивати наявні земельні ділянки та райони міста в контексті нового глобального економічного розвитку. Наведено детальний огляд нинішніх тенденцій землекористування в місті Києві на основі аналітичних даних та наукових гіпотез. Автор статті вважає, що це дослідження буде корисним для урядових організацій, органів місцевого самоврядування, міжнародних організацій, приватних установ та деяких науковців і дослідників.Метою цієї роботи є побудова сучасної наукової моделі, що ґрунтується на загальному розумінні основних економічних проблем ефективного землекористування з урахуванням нинішніх даних, а також короткострокового та довгострокового планування. У статті наведено огляд містобудівної документації та статистичних даних столиці в контексті інформації про нерухомість, міське населення, економічні дані, включно з дослідженнями даних про нерухомість і курс валют до середньостатистичної зарплати в Києві, починаючи з 2000 років. Важливо не надто суттєво зосередитися на нинішніх моделях і системах, оскільки вони занадто покладаються на припущення і складні розрахунки, які важко використовувати в реальному плануванні. Замість цього ми будуємо наші дослідження на реальних даних, тому розробляємо прогноз розміру інвестицій у землекористуванні та середні ціни на нерухомість на найближчі 5 років.У статті відзначено наявну проблему невідповідності сучасних норм і нормативно-правових актів в Україні щодо раціонального та ефективного землекористування та планування, особливо для місцевих органів влади та комерційних організацій. Автор дослідження обґрунтує, чому економіка в умовах урбанізації потребує нового погляду. У статті використовується інформація про планування міста Києва. Київ – вдалий приклад європейського міста, яке інтенсивно розвивається, тому запропоновану модель можна розробити на основі даних міського економічного планування та землекористування. Це дослідження може допомогти вирішити наявні проблеми урбанізації в Україні та позитивно вплинути на економічний розвиток міста та регіону.
This study is a product of the Africa Infrastructure Country Diagnostic (AICD), a project designed to expand the world's knowledge of physical infrastructure in Africa. The AICD provides a baseline against which future improvements in infrastructure services can be measured, making it possible to monitor the results achieved from donor support. It also offers a solid empirical foundation for prioritizing investments and designing policy reforms in Africa's infrastructure sectors. The AICD is based on an unprecedented effort to collect detailed economic and technical data on African infrastructure. The project has produced a series of original reports on public expenditure, spending needs, and sector performance in each of the main infrastructure sectors, including energy, information and communication technologies, irrigation, transport, and water and sanitation. This report presents the key AICD findings for Mozambique, allowing the country's infrastructure situation to be benchmarked against that of its African peers. Given that Mozambique is poor but stable country, two sets of African benchmarks will be used to evaluate its situation: those for non fragile Low Income Countries (LICs) and those for Middle-Income Countries (MICs). Detailed comparisons will also be made with immediate regional neighbors in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).
In 1990, Australia and New Zealand were ranked around 25th and 37th in terms of Gross National Product (GNP) per capita, having been the highest-income countries in the world one hundred years earlier. Those countries relatively poor economic growth performance over that long period contrasts markedly with that of the past 15 years, when these two economies out-performed most other high-income countries. This difference in growth performance is due to major economic policy reforms during the past two to three decades, both at and behind the border. The report provide new evidence on the extent of governmental distortions to agricultural incentives in particular in the Australian and New Zealand economies since the late 1940s, both directly due to agricultural policies per se and indirectly (and negatively) through protection to manufacturing.
The year 2015 is pivotal in international development. In the lead-up to 2000, the global community came together at various conferences to agree on, for the first time in known history, shared development goals. The eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) set 18 targets that were aimed at significantly reducing disease, illiteracy, gender inequality, hunger, and poverty, and improving access to water and sanitation by 2015. Leading up to this point where the era of the MDGs concludes, progress has been monitored and discussions started well ahead of this momentous year to define and meet the more ambitious Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), building on and bringing to fruition what has been started under the MDG agenda. Much progress has been made toward achieving the MDGs. The world reached the poverty reduction target five years ahead of schedule, and progress has been reported in a number of other areas. However, considerable challenges remain: even while declaring success on MDG1, roughly a billion people remained in poverty. A large number of MDG targets will not be met by the end of 2015, and progress remains uneven among the different countries. Moreover, new challenges to progress are emerging deriving from natural and manmade calamities. To deliver on the twin goals and the post-2015 agenda, the Bank Group would benefit from a clearly articulated role, approach, and expected contribution to the SDGs, both externally for enhancing partnerships and internally to facilitate prioritization and synergies. As this paper has shown, the World Bank Group works actively in many areas relevant to the SDGs, actually many more than covered here, but various evaluations have pointed to the importance of multi-sector integrated approaches that challenge countries and their partners to find new ways of working. The challenges that the SDGs aim to address, and the SDGs themselves, are complex, and solutions will have to be tailored to context, bring together multiple actors, and benefit from dynamic, constantly adjusted planning and execution that is informed by ongoing monitoring and evaluation.
Globally, there were 809.9 million undernourished people, of which 194.4 million people (24 per cent) were in India in 2016-18. India had around 30.9 per cent (46 millions) of the world's stunted children under five years of age and 50.9 per cent (25.2 million) of the world's wasted children in 2016-18 (FAO, IFAD, UNICEF, WFP and WHO, 2019). Moreover, a study by Kharas et al. (2018) projects that India will account for 33 per cent of stunted under five years of age and 21 per cent of wasted children worldwide by 2030 unless stringent actions are taken. Given this backdrop, the pertinent question that the report aims to address is how India can achieve nutritional security by 2030. To address this, the paper identifies the multi-dimensional determinants of malnutrition and also explores the linkage between nutrition and income, poverty, food security and agriculture. To identify the determinants of malnutrition, we ran logistic regressions for children under five years of age who are underweight, stunted, and wasted using unit-level data from NFHS (2015-16). The study finds that mother's education, particularly higher education, and wealth index (a proxy for standard of living) show a strong association with malnutrition indicators (underweight, stunting and wasting). The other factors such as duration of breastfeeding, nutritional and health care interventions such as antenatal care, taking iron-folic acid (IFA) supplements, place of delivery and caste also have a significant effect on reducing child malnutrition. Using a Cox proportional hazard model for NFHS (2015-16), the study finds that mortality and nutritional security are closely interlinked and several of the multi-sectoral solutions to address child malnutrition such as breastfeeding practices, wealth index and mother's educational status have a significant impact on child mortality. The report also projects the progress of the SDG targets of eradicating extreme poverty, ending all forms of malnutrition and reducing child mortality rates in India until 2030 using business as usual projections. The report finds that India is on track to achieve the SDG targets of ending extreme poverty and reducing neonatal mortality rates and under five mortality rates to 12 per 1000 live births and 25 per 1000 live births respectively by 2030. However, India seems to lag far behind in reducing the proportion of underweight, stunted and wasted children under five years of age by 2030. To achieve nutritional security within the stipulated time, policy makers need to focus on the key determinants of malnutrition and plug gaps in the existing nutrition sensitive programmes for India. The study recommends (1) leveraging agricultural policies and programmes to be more "nutrition sensitive" and reinforcing diet diversification to help focus on both nutrition and child development; (2) ensuring that food-based safety nets such as PDS provide a more diversified food basket, including bio-fortified staples; (3) increasing access to health care and prenatal care facilities along with improving sanitation and drinking water facilities, and (4) providing liberal scholarships for women's education, particularly for higher education in mission mode.
Entrepreneurship education dianggap mempunyai pengaruh terhadap nascent halalpreneurial intention. Penelitian ini menggunakan mahasiswa Muslim di Indonesia yang sedang atau telah menempuh mata kuliah kewirausahaan sebagai obyek penelitian. Selain itu, entrepreneurship education dapat menjadi faktor penting timbulnya commitment to entrepreneurship pada mahasiswa dan menumbuhkan niat berbisnis dikalangan mahasiswa. Hal ini karena entrepreneurship diakui sebagai cara untuk menciptakan lapangan kerja dan mengurangi pengangguran. Menggunakan metode penelitian kuantitatif dan kuesioner yang disebarkan secara online kepada responden mahasiswa Muslim, ditemukan bahwa entrepreneurship education dan commitment to entrepreneurship berkaitan dengan nascent halalpreneurial intention pada mahasiswa Muslim di Surabaya. Kata Kunci: Entrepreneurship, Entrepreneurship education, Commitment to entrepreneurship, Innovativeness, Nascent halalpreneurial intention. ABSTRACT Entrepreneurship education is considered to have an influence on nascent halalpreneurial intention. This study uses Muslim students in Indonesia who are currently taking or have taken entrepreneurship courses as research objects. In addition, entrepreneurship education can be an important factor in generating commitment to entrepreneurship among students and fostering business intentions among students. This is because entrepreneurship is recognized as a way to create jobs and reduce unemployment. Using quantitative research methods and questionnaires distributed online to Muslim student respondents, it was found that entrepreneurship education and commitment to entrepreneurship were related to nascent halalpreneurial intention to Muslim students in Surabaya. Keywords: Entrepreneurship, Entrepreneurship education, Commitment to entrepreneurship, Innovativeness, Nascent halalpreneurial intention. DAFTAR PUSTAKA Adam, A., & Fayolle, A. (2015). 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The public policy is a modern concept of political science which has appeared in the middle of the century and there is in a condition of continuous updating that specifications. In search of the universal definition of public policy authors are guided generally by philosophical and axiological, spatial and functional options of a scientific explanation of this phenomenon.Philosophical and axiological definition of public policy since Renaissance defined key problems which became the subject of the analysis for modern researchers of this direction. Philosophical reflections on a concept of the fact what is "public", "private", "sphere" and so on. have laid the foundation of a meta-analysis of studying of public policy and have defined conceptual borders for further theoretical searches.Functional interpretation of category "public policy" is rather wide and versatile it is provided in works of researchers of many methodological approaches and theories which connect it with the decision-making process and political and managerial processes. Managerial measurement of public policy allows determining intuitional and technological capabilities of actors of the political process in making public decisions.Close connection of a policy and the state conformable with the ideas of representatives of institutional and neoinstitutional approaches that considered a public policy both as dependent and as independent variable at the same time at the center of scientific research permanently there was an analysis of communication of institutes and society. The criticism of neoinstitutionalism led to a defensive line of authors of this direction and, as a result, before the appearance of new theories in 90's of the XX century, which explain a concept of a public policy taking into account the current trends. First of all, it concerned a study of new institutes and a new role of traditional political institutes in formation of a public policy.The system theory has brought adjustments in essence of the characteristic of public policy. According to the logic of system approach, the modern public policy is complete, dynamic system which is independently updates, organizes and develops. It consists of the interconnected and interacting elements which unite in steady unity with the external environment by means of many factors and conditions of interaction with external.Inclusion by scientists of different schools in the analysis of public policy of such actors as groups of interests, civil society, expert-analytical communities, political parties, has allowed to detail the considered concept.Display in a concept of public policy of not hierarchical communications and structures has become possible because of coalition approach and the theory of political networks. The public policy by means of the theory of networks is considered as concrete types of mediation of interests of different actors (state і non-state) and as the specific form of government.Use of reality of public policy by means of a spatial concept gives the chance to analyse different types of interactions of the individual and collective actors both institutionalized, and not institutionalized in the course of implementation of the power and influence on it in specific political environment which is a complicated developing system with it's ow laws and borders. The public space at all levels (global, regional, national) is constantly changeable structure which is formalized and filled with meanings under the influence of actors.As a result of the retrospective analysis of approaches which operationalize public policy was provided the author's vision of this phenomenon. Public policy is understood as the reasonable interaction of the public actors (institutionalized and not institutionalized, formal and informal) which by means of own resources, functional mechanisms, cultural and valuable and precepts of law, have an opportunity to reveal, implement, analyze and control valid socio-political problems.Since 90's of the XX century, scientists adapt conceptual sense of public policy of the national contexts on the basis of that experience of the state and cultural and valuable changes. The main problem, in this case, is that the above-stated categories not always answer the contents, especially in the conditions of transitional systems. For formation of idea of essence of public policy in the transformed countries it is necessary to use such explanations of these categories which would consider absence of full-fledged civil society and communication between all actors of political process. Specification of categories according to political reality can be the way out.So, the concept public policy is permanently transformed because of changeable political reality that puts representatives of different schools of sciences before a problem of fixed search of new explanations of its content. For the objective reasons, the methodology of political science appeared incapable of giving the answer to a question independently: what is public policy? This opportunity appears only on condition of participation of such sciences as economy, sociology, managing sciences, state administration, systemology, etc. ; The public policy is a modern concept of political science which has appeared in the middle of the century and there is in a condition of continuous updating that specifications. In search of the universal definition of public policy authors are guided generally by philosophical and axiological, spatial and functional options of a scientific explanation of this phenomenon.Philosophical and axiological definition of public policy since Renaissance defined key problems which became the subject of the analysis for modern researchers of this direction. Philosophical reflections on a concept of the fact what is "public", "private", "sphere" and so on. have laid the foundation of a meta-analysis of studying of public policy and have defined conceptual borders for further theoretical searches.Functional interpretation of category "public policy" is rather wide and versatile it is provided in works of researchers of many methodological approaches and theories which connect it with the decision-making process and political and managerial processes. Managerial measurement of public policy allows determining intuitional and technological capabilities of actors of the political process in making public decisions.Close connection of a policy and the state conformable with the ideas of representatives of institutional and neoinstitutional approaches that considered a public policy both as dependent and as independent variable at the same time at the center of scientific research permanently there was an analysis of communication of institutes and society. The criticism of neoinstitutionalism led to a defensive line of authors of this direction and, as a result, before the appearance of new theories in 90's of the XX century, which explain a concept of a public policy taking into account the current trends. First of all, it concerned a study of new institutes and a new role of traditional political institutes in formation of a public policy.The system theory has brought adjustments in essence of the characteristic of public policy. According to the logic of system approach, the modern public policy is complete, dynamic system which is independently updates, organizes and develops. It consists of the interconnected and interacting elements which unite in steady unity with the external environment by means of many factors and conditions of interaction with external.Inclusion by scientists of different schools in the analysis of public policy of such actors as groups of interests, civil society, expert-analytical communities, political parties, has allowed to detail the considered concept.Display in a concept of public policy of not hierarchical communications and structures has become possible because of coalition approach and the theory of political networks. The public policy by means of the theory of networks is considered as concrete types of mediation of interests of different actors (state і non-state) and as the specific form of government.Use of reality of public policy by means of a spatial concept gives the chance to analyse different types of interactions of the individual and collective actors both institutionalized, and not institutionalized in the course of implementation of the power and influence on it in specific political environment which is a complicated developing system with it's ow laws and borders. The public space at all levels (global, regional, national) is constantly changeable structure which is formalized and filled with meanings under the influence of actors.As a result of the retrospective analysis of approaches which operationalize public policy was provided the author's vision of this phenomenon. Public policy is understood as the reasonable interaction of the public actors (institutionalized and not institutionalized, formal and informal) which by means of own resources, functional mechanisms, cultural and valuable and precepts of law, have an opportunity to reveal, implement, analyze and control valid socio-political problems.Since 90's of the XX century, scientists adapt conceptual sense of public policy of the national contexts on the basis of that experience of the state and cultural and valuable changes. The main problem, in this case, is that the above-stated categories not always answer the contents, especially in the conditions of transitional systems. For formation of idea of essence of public policy in the transformed countries it is necessary to use such explanations of these categories which would consider absence of full-fledged civil society and communication between all actors of political process. Specification of categories according to political reality can be the way out.So, the concept public policy is permanently transformed because of changeable political reality that puts representatives of different schools of sciences before a problem of fixed search of new explanations of its content. For the objective reasons, the methodology of political science appeared incapable of giving the answer to a question independently: what is public policy? This opportunity appears only on condition of participation of such sciences as economy, sociology, managing sciences, state administration, systemology, etc.
The public policy is a modern concept of political science which has appeared in the middle of the century and there is in a condition of continuous updating that specifications. In search of the universal definition of public policy authors are guided generally by philosophical and axiological, spatial and functional options of a scientific explanation of this phenomenon.Philosophical and axiological definition of public policy since Renaissance defined key problems which became the subject of the analysis for modern researchers of this direction. Philosophical reflections on a concept of the fact what is "public", "private", "sphere" and so on. have laid the foundation of a meta-analysis of studying of public policy and have defined conceptual borders for further theoretical searches.Functional interpretation of category "public policy" is rather wide and versatile it is provided in works of researchers of many methodological approaches and theories which connect it with the decision-making process and political and managerial processes. Managerial measurement of public policy allows determining intuitional and technological capabilities of actors of the political process in making public decisions.Close connection of a policy and the state conformable with the ideas of representatives of institutional and neoinstitutional approaches that considered a public policy both as dependent and as independent variable at the same time at the center of scientific research permanently there was an analysis of communication of institutes and society. The criticism of neoinstitutionalism led to a defensive line of authors of this direction and, as a result, before the appearance of new theories in 90's of the XX century, which explain a concept of a public policy taking into account the current trends. First of all, it concerned a study of new institutes and a new role of traditional political institutes in formation of a public policy.The system theory has brought adjustments in essence of the characteristic of public policy. According to the logic of system approach, the modern public policy is complete, dynamic system which is independently updates, organizes and develops. It consists of the interconnected and interacting elements which unite in steady unity with the external environment by means of many factors and conditions of interaction with external.Inclusion by scientists of different schools in the analysis of public policy of such actors as groups of interests, civil society, expert-analytical communities, political parties, has allowed to detail the considered concept.Display in a concept of public policy of not hierarchical communications and structures has become possible because of coalition approach and the theory of political networks. The public policy by means of the theory of networks is considered as concrete types of mediation of interests of different actors (state і non-state) and as the specific form of government.Use of reality of public policy by means of a spatial concept gives the chance to analyse different types of interactions of the individual and collective actors both institutionalized, and not institutionalized in the course of implementation of the power and influence on it in specific political environment which is a complicated developing system with it's ow laws and borders. The public space at all levels (global, regional, national) is constantly changeable structure which is formalized and filled with meanings under the influence of actors.As a result of the retrospective analysis of approaches which operationalize public policy was provided the author's vision of this phenomenon. Public policy is understood as the reasonable interaction of the public actors (institutionalized and not institutionalized, formal and informal) which by means of own resources, functional mechanisms, cultural and valuable and precepts of law, have an opportunity to reveal, implement, analyze and control valid socio-political problems.Since 90's of the XX century, scientists adapt conceptual sense of public policy of the national contexts on the basis of that experience of the state and cultural and valuable changes. The main problem, in this case, is that the above-stated categories not always answer the contents, especially in the conditions of transitional systems. For formation of idea of essence of public policy in the transformed countries it is necessary to use such explanations of these categories which would consider absence of full-fledged civil society and communication between all actors of political process. Specification of categories according to political reality can be the way out.So, the concept public policy is permanently transformed because of changeable political reality that puts representatives of different schools of sciences before a problem of fixed search of new explanations of its content. For the objective reasons, the methodology of political science appeared incapable of giving the answer to a question independently: what is public policy? This opportunity appears only on condition of participation of such sciences as economy, sociology, managing sciences, state administration, systemology, etc. ; The public policy is a modern concept of political science which has appeared in the middle of the century and there is in a condition of continuous updating that specifications. In search of the universal definition of public policy authors are guided generally by philosophical and axiological, spatial and functional options of a scientific explanation of this phenomenon.Philosophical and axiological definition of public policy since Renaissance defined key problems which became the subject of the analysis for modern researchers of this direction. Philosophical reflections on a concept of the fact what is "public", "private", "sphere" and so on. have laid the foundation of a meta-analysis of studying of public policy and have defined conceptual borders for further theoretical searches.Functional interpretation of category "public policy" is rather wide and versatile it is provided in works of researchers of many methodological approaches and theories which connect it with the decision-making process and political and managerial processes. Managerial measurement of public policy allows determining intuitional and technological capabilities of actors of the political process in making public decisions.Close connection of a policy and the state conformable with the ideas of representatives of institutional and neoinstitutional approaches that considered a public policy both as dependent and as independent variable at the same time at the center of scientific research permanently there was an analysis of communication of institutes and society. The criticism of neoinstitutionalism led to a defensive line of authors of this direction and, as a result, before the appearance of new theories in 90's of the XX century, which explain a concept of a public policy taking into account the current trends. First of all, it concerned a study of new institutes and a new role of traditional political institutes in formation of a public policy.The system theory has brought adjustments in essence of the characteristic of public policy. According to the logic of system approach, the modern public policy is complete, dynamic system which is independently updates, organizes and develops. It consists of the interconnected and interacting elements which unite in steady unity with the external environment by means of many factors and conditions of interaction with external.Inclusion by scientists of different schools in the analysis of public policy of such actors as groups of interests, civil society, expert-analytical communities, political parties, has allowed to detail the considered concept.Display in a concept of public policy of not hierarchical communications and structures has become possible because of coalition approach and the theory of political networks. The public policy by means of the theory of networks is considered as concrete types of mediation of interests of different actors (state і non-state) and as the specific form of government.Use of reality of public policy by means of a spatial concept gives the chance to analyse different types of interactions of the individual and collective actors both institutionalized, and not institutionalized in the course of implementation of the power and influence on it in specific political environment which is a complicated developing system with it's ow laws and borders. The public space at all levels (global, regional, national) is constantly changeable structure which is formalized and filled with meanings under the influence of actors.As a result of the retrospective analysis of approaches which operationalize public policy was provided the author's vision of this phenomenon. Public policy is understood as the reasonable interaction of the public actors (institutionalized and not institutionalized, formal and informal) which by means of own resources, functional mechanisms, cultural and valuable and precepts of law, have an opportunity to reveal, implement, analyze and control valid socio-political problems.Since 90's of the XX century, scientists adapt conceptual sense of public policy of the national contexts on the basis of that experience of the state and cultural and valuable changes. The main problem, in this case, is that the above-stated categories not always answer the contents, especially in the conditions of transitional systems. For formation of idea of essence of public policy in the transformed countries it is necessary to use such explanations of these categories which would consider absence of full-fledged civil society and communication between all actors of political process. Specification of categories according to political reality can be the way out.So, the concept public policy is permanently transformed because of changeable political reality that puts representatives of different schools of sciences before a problem of fixed search of new explanations of its content. For the objective reasons, the methodology of political science appeared incapable of giving the answer to a question independently: what is public policy? This opportunity appears only on condition of participation of such sciences as economy, sociology, managing sciences, state administration, systemology, etc.
Pocs incendis grans i destructius representen els impactes més negatius en els valors socioeconòmics i naturals de les zones mediterrànies. Com a conseqüència de l'augment de l'acumulació de biomassa en els paisatges culturals prèviament elaborats, aquests esdeveniments no característics que es produeixen en condicions meteorològiques extremes són resistents als esforços de supressió a causa de les brases massives de dutxa, les intensitats de foc aclaparadores i les taxes d'expansió molt elevades. D'altra banda, l'augment de les àrees d'interfície de zones silvestres-urbanes representa un factor condicionant que exigeix protecció i augmenta substancialment la complexitat de la gestió d'emergències. Les polítiques de prevenció d'ignició i de supressió d'incendis només resulten ineficaces per mitigar les pèrdues dels focs contemporanis. En aquesta tesi he implementat un marc analític a escala múltiple per informar sobre la presa de decisions d'una estratègia de gestió de riscos d'incendis forestals amb l'objectiu de crear paisatges resistents al foc, restaurar el règim de foc cultural, donar suport a la supressió d'incendis segura i eficient i crear comunitats adaptades al foc. En descompondre el risc d'incendis forestals en els principals factors causals a les escales relacionades amb les capacitats de gestió dels diferents agents, des dels propietaris individuals fins als governs regionals, aquesta tesi intenta proporcionar una solució integral per aconseguir aquests objectius bàsics a mig termini a la Unió Europea del sud regions. Es va implementar un model de simulació contra incendis per obtenir els factors causals de risc requerits o els indicadors d'exposició. La propagació del foc i el comportament en grans àrees es van modelar tenint en compte els règims de bombers variables en termes d'estacionalitat, gran nombre de focs i distribució espacial. Les relacions de susceptibilitat definides per experts o models de mortalitat es van utilitzar per avaluar els efectes de foc com a possibles pèrdues econòmiques en valors de risc. A més, vam utilitzar una anàlisi de transmissió per definir els incendis de la comunitat i avaluar l'intercanvi de foc entre els municipis veïns. La gestió de combustibles és la principal estratègia de mitigació de riscos d'incendis forestals a escala paisatgística i s'han utilitzat models d'optimització espacial per ajudar en el disseny del tractament del paisatge estratègic i explorar les oportunitats de col·locació sota restriccions pressupostàries. Els resultats es van proporcionar a les escales operatives adequades per informar de diferents estratègies de gestió d'incendis forestals. Els perfils d'exposició i l'avaluació de riscos a escales finals per a les estructures d'habitatges individuals i els valors dels boscos de fustes intenten promoure la participació dels propietaris i exigir les bones pràctiques dels gestors forestals amb l'objectiu de mitigar les pèrdues derivades dels incendis en el mateix lloc (unitats de tractament) i les terres veïnes. Els esforços de gestió dins de les àrees de planificació articulats com a projectes de planificació col·laborativa entre diversos agents socioeconòmics inclouen tractaments sobre el combustible del paisatge en llocs estratègics que redueixen la probabilitat general d'incendis forestals i la intensitat del foc, la planificació del paisatge per excloure àrees perilloses per al desenvolupament urbà, la preparació de la comunitat reduint la vulnerabilitat social i les ordenances del municipi a reduir la vulnerabilitat de l'habitatge. La producció conjunta de tractaments representa una oportunitat en ecosistemes forestals mediterranis multifuncionals per organitzar solucions complexes. La formulació de polítiques a escala regional dóna prioritat a nivell municipal a les diferents estratègies de gestió, com ara programes de prevenció d'ignició, pre-posicionament de recursos, assignació de subvencions per a tractaments de combustible i aplicació de la llei per a la gestió de combustibles en comunitats d'interfície de zones silvestres-urbanes amb major risc. Els diferents treballs es van desenvolupar en diverses àrees mediterrànies per ressaltar l'aplicabilitat del marc en altres llocs. ; Pocos incendios grandes y destructivos representan la mayoría de los impactos negativos sobre los valores socioeconómicos y naturales en las áreas mediterráneas. Como resultado de la creciente acumulación de biomasa en los paisajes culturales que antes eran de grano fino, estos eventos no característicos que ocurren en condiciones climáticas extremas son resistentes a los esfuerzos de supresión debidos a las brasas de lluvia masiva, las intensidades de fuego abrumadoras y las tasas de propagación muy altas. Además, el aumento de las áreas de interfaz urbano-forestal representa un factor de condicionamiento que exige protección y aumenta sustancialmente la complejidad de la gestión de emergencias. Las políticas de prevención de ignición y extinción de incendios por sí solas resultan ineficaces para mitigar las pérdidas de incendios contemporáneos. En esta Tesis, implementé un marco analítico de múltiples escalas para informar la toma de decisiones de una estrategia de gestión de riesgos de incendios forestales con el objetivo de crear paisajes resistentes a incendios, restaurar el régimen cultural de incendios, apoyar la supresión segura y eficiente de incendios y crear comunidades adaptadas a incendios. Al disolver el riesgo de incendios forestales en los principales factores causales en escalas relacionadas con las capacidades de gestión de los diferentes agentes, desde los propietarios individuales hasta los gobiernos regionales, esta tesis intenta ofrecer una solución integral para lograr esos objetivos centrales a medio plazo en el sur de la Unión Europea regiones. Se implementó un enfoque de modelado de simulación de incendios para obtener los factores causales de riesgo requeridos o las métricas de exposición. La propagación y el comportamiento de los incendios en grandes áreas se modelaron teniendo en cuenta los regímenes de incendios variables en términos de estacionalidad, gran número de incendios y distribución espacial. Las relaciones de susceptibilidad definidas por los expertos o los modelos de mortalidad se utilizaron para evaluar los efectos del fuego como posibles pérdidas económicas a valores en riesgo. Además, utilizamos un análisis de transmisión para delimitar las cuencas comunitarias y evaluar el intercambio de incendios entre los municipios vecinos. La gestión de combustibles es la principal estrategia de mitigación del riesgo de incendios forestales a escala del paisaje, y se utilizaron modelos de optimización espacial para ayudar en el diseño estratégico del tratamiento del paisaje y explorar oportunidades de colocación bajo restricciones presupuestarias. Los resultados se proporcionaron en escalas operativas apropiadas para informar diferentes estrategias de manejo de incendios forestales. Los perfiles de exposición y la evaluación del riesgo a escalas finas para las estructuras de viviendas individuales y los valores forestales de los bosques de madera intentan promover la participación de los propietarios y demandan las buenas prácticas de los administradores forestales con el objetivo de mitigar las pérdidas por incendios encendidos en el mismo sitio (unidades de tratamiento) y las tierras vecinas. Los esfuerzos de gestión dentro de las áreas de planificación articulados como proyectos de planificación colaborativa entre diversos agentes socioeconómicos incluyen tratamientos de combustible de paisaje en lugares estratégicos que reducen la probabilidad general de incendios forestales y la intensidad de incendios, la planificación del paisaje para excluir áreas peligrosas para el desarrollo urbano, la preparación de la comunidad para reducir la vulnerabilidad social y las ordenanzas municipales para reducir la vulnerabilidad de la vivienda. El tratamiento conjunto de la producción representa una oportunidad en los ecosistemas forestales mediterráneos multifuncionales para organizar soluciones complejas. La formulación de políticas a escala regional prioriza a nivel municipal las diferentes estrategias de manejo, como los programas de prevención de ignición, el posicionamiento previo de recursos de supresión, la asignación de subsidios para tratamientos de combustible y la aplicación de la ley para el manejo de combustibles en comunidades de interfaz urbano-forestal en mayor riesgo. Los diferentes documentos se desarrollaron en varias áreas mediterráneas para resaltar la aplicabilidad del marco en otros lugares. ; Few large and destructive fires account for most negative impacts on socioeconomic and natural values in Mediterranean areas. As a result of an increasing amount of biomass accumulation on the previously fine-grained cultural landscapes, these uncharacteristic events occurring under extreme weather conditions are resistant to suppression efforts due to massive showering embers, overwhelming fire intensities, and very high spread rates. Moreover, increasing wildland-urban interface areas represent a conditioning factor demanding protection and substantially increasing emergency management complexity. Ignition prevention and fire suppression policies alone result ineffective to mitigate losses from contemporary fires. In this Thesis I implemented a multiple-scale analytical framework to inform the decision-making of a wildfire risk management strategy aiming at creating fire resilient landscapes, restoring the cultural fire regime, supporting safe and efficient fire suppression, and creating fire-adapted communities. By decomposing wildfire risk into the main causative factors at scales related to management capabilities for the different agents, from the individual homeowners to Regional Governments, this dissertation attempts to provide a comprehensive solution to achieve those core goals on the mid-term in southern European Union regions. A fire simulation modeling approach was implemented to obtain the required risk causative factors or exposure metrics. Fire spread and behavior in large areas were modeled accounting for variable fire regimes in terms of seasonality, large fire number, and spatial distribution. Expert-defined susceptibility relations or mortality models were then used to assess fire effects as potential economic losses to values at risk. Moreover, we used a transmission analysis to delineate community firesheds and assess fire exchange among neighboring municipalities. Fuels management is the main wildfire risk mitigation strategy at the landscape scale, and spatial optimization models were used to help in strategic landscape treatment design and explore collocation opportunities under budgetary restrictions. Results were provided at appropriate operational scales to inform different wildfire management strategies. Exposure profiles and risk assessment at fine scales for individual housing structures and timber stand forest values attempt to promote homeowners' involvement and demand forest managers' good practices aiming at mitigating losses from fires ignited on the same site (treatment units) and the neighboring lands. Management efforts within Planning Areas articulated as collaborative planning projects among various socioeconomic agents include landscape fuel treatments on strategic locations reducing overall wildfire likelihood and fire intensity, landscape planning to exclude hazardous areas for the urban development, community preparedness reducing social vulnerability, and municipality ordinances to reduce housing vulnerability. Treatment joint-production represents an opportunity in multi-functional Mediterranean forest ecosystems to arrange complex solutions. Regional scale policy-making prioritizes at municipality level the different management strategies such as ignition prevention programs, suppression resource pre-positioning, assignation of subsidies for fuel treatments, and law enforcement for managing fuels in wildland-urban interface communities at highest risk. The different papers were developed in various Mediterranean areas to highlight the applicability of the framework elsewhere.
El presente documento representa un esfuerzo por encontrar alternativas para mejorar la gestión de la diversidad biológica del Perú desde de una perspectiva global, procurando integrar conservación y desarrollo, bajo el enfoque del desarrollo sostenible. El trabajo consta de cuatro partes que se desarrollan en 14 capítulos. La Primera parte aborda aspectos relativos a los objetivos, la metodología de investigación y el marco teórico que sirven de base para la comprensión de la gestión de la biodiversidad y para el desarrollo de propuestas. Conocimientos básicos sobre la diversidad biológica Tomando en consideración que en el país el tema de diversidad biológica todavía es muy poco conocido, esta segunda parte tiene como propósito sintetizar los conocimientos básicos sobre la biodiversidad del Perú. Se abordan aspectos relevantes de los componentes básicos: diversidad de especies, diversidad de ecosistemas, diversidad genética, diversidad cultural, agrodiversidad y Áreas Naturales Protegidas. Destaca la condición privilegiada del país de ocupar el 4° lugar entre los 12 países de mayor megadiversidad en el mundo, que le confieren especial posición geopolítica internacional. Otro aspecto que se aborda es sobre la importancia de la biodiversidad del Perú en los aspectos económico, social y ambiental, destaca su importancia en la seguridad alimentaría y el gran peso en la economía del país, que representa más del 50% del PBI. Sin embargo, a pesar de su importancia la biodiversidad viene destruyéndose y deteriorando en forma acelerada, en el capítulo 6 se identifican los principales factores directos e indirectos que amenazan la conservación de la biodiversidad peruana, entre ellos: La contaminación, sobre extracción de recursos, pérdida de habitat, celeridad del cambio climático, la pobreza, fallas de mercado, falta de conciencia ambiental y la deficiente gestión pública; siendo esta última el tema central del presente trabajo, por ser uno de los factores de mayor influencia. Situación general de la gestión En esta tercera parte se busca responder a la pregunta ¿Cómo se está gestionado la biodiversidad del Perú?. Al respecto a fin de tener una visión general de la situación de la gestión, se realizó el análisis seleccionando los siguientes factores operacionales de gestión: Marco legal, planeación, organización, tecnología, infraestructura, cultura y relación con el ambiente externo. Entre los hallazgos más relevantes destacan: el grave atraso tecnológico, escasa comprensión de la importancia de la biodiversidad en el desarrollo del país, falta de un órgano directriz de la gestión integral de la biodiversidad actualmente sectorizada, falta de una visión sistémica del proceso administrativo y planes de largo plazo, dificultad en la formulación e implementación de planes estratégicos, entre otros. El Convenio sobre Diversidad Biológica (CDB) suscrito por Perú el año 1992 en la reunión de Rió de Janeiro, conjuntamente con 156 naciones, constituye el principal instrumento jurídico para la conservación y uso sostenible de la biodiversidad; desde su puesta en vigor a fines de 1993, Perú ha desarrollado importantes esfuerzos para su implementación, sin embargo el avance todavía es lento, y está más focalizado en la conservación de la biodiversidad. La Comisión Nacional de Diversidad Biológica (CONADIB) es el órgano de coordinación intersectorial, pero su accionar sólo se limita al cumplimiento del CDB. Propuestas para una mejor Gestión de la Diversidad Biológica Sobre la base de los resultados obtenidos en los capítulos anteriores, en esta cuarta parte se presentan las propuestas para una mejor gestión de la biodiversidad, en dos categorías: a) Propuestas generales por factores operacionales, en concordancia con la estructura del análisis de la gestión y b) Propuestas específicas, que desarrolla algunos aspectos prioritarios de las propuestas generales, tales como: Necesidad de un enfoque global y sistémico del proceso administrativo de la biodiversidad, en el que se toma como base el Enfoque Operacional, la planeación estratégica como parte del sistema, integración entre conservación y desarrollo, necesidad de órgano que asuma la dirección integral de la biodiversidad del país, y otros. Frente a la dificultad en la formulación de los planes estratégicos para la gestión de la biodiversidad, en el capítulo 11 se hacen propuestas sobre los aspectos más críticos de la planeación estratégica: integración al proceso administrativo total, atención a las premisas de planeación, análisis FODA, y la identificación de frentes estratégicos básicos para la conservación y aprovechamiento sostenible de la biodiversidad: 1) Conservación, 2) Uso sostenible, 3) Aprovecha-miento sostenible y competitivo, 4) Posicionamiento cultural, 5) Desarrollo Humano, y 6) Excelencia administrativa. Considerando la prioridad del país de encontrar alternativas para el desarrollo económico y la lucha contra pobreza, se desarrolla con especial prioridad el frente estratégico: "Aprovechamiento sostenible y competitivo". A fin contribuir en la implementación de planes estratégicos, en el capitulo 12 se formulan algunas propuestas al respecto: criterios básicos para una administración de excelencia, instrumentos de gestión, prioridades de investigación, capacidades humanas requeridas, y alternativas para el financiamiento de la gestión. Otro aspecto que se aborda en este capítulo, es la propuesta de criterios y lineamientos de políticas para la conservación y aprovechamiento sostenible de la biodiversidad. En la certeza de que la conservación y aprovechamiento sostenible de la biodiversidad no solo compete a unas cuantas instituciones públicas, sino que es una tarea que atañe a todos los peruanos, en él capitulo 13 se hace una propuesta de roles para los principales actores sociales tanto del sector público y privado. Finalmente en el capítulo 14 se formulan las respectivas conclusiones y recomendaciones, entre los aspectos más relevantes se tiene: la prioridad de integrar conservación y desarrollo, reconocer el aprovechamiento sostenible de la biodiversidad como uno de los principales motores para el desarrollo del país, impulsar la educación, investigación y tecnología, priorizando la biotecnología, mayor participación del Estado en el desarrollo de factores clave para la competitividad de las empresas, fortalecer CONADIB como órgano directriz de la gestión integral de la biodiversidad nacional, trascendiendo la sola implementación del CDB. ; This document intends to represent an effort in order to find some alternativas for the improvement of the biologic diversity management in Perú according to a global point of view, but also with a sustamable development approach that looks for the integration of the conservaron and the development itself. This paper has 4 parts and 14 chapters. The first part is about topics related to the objectives, methodology and scientific framework, necessary for the understanding and comprehension of the biodiversity management and development of proposals. Basic knowledge for the biologic diversity Considering that the biologic diversity is a not very well known theme in our country, the second part summarizes the basic knowledge about the biodiversity in Perú. Pertinent aspects about the basic components: species diversity, ecosistems diversity, genetic diversity, cultural diversity, agrodiversity, and protected natural áreas. This part also highlights the features of Perú as the 4* country with the greatest megadiversity in the world, which gives us a very interesting geopolítica! situation in the world. Other aspects about this are related to the importance of the biodiveristy in Perú in terms of economic, social and environmental issues, highlighting the importance on food safety and the relationship with the economy of the country (more than 50% of the GDP). However, despite its great importance biodiversity is being destroyed and deteriorated progressively. In chapter 6, the main factors that threat the conservation of the Peruvian biodiversity, direct or indirect, are presented: pollution, resources overexploitation, loss of habitáis, weather changes, poomess, market failures, lack of environmental conscrousness, and deficient public administration. The last one is the central topic of the paper since it is the factor with the biggest influence. General situation of the management In the third part we intend to answer the question, How is the biodiversity being managed in Perú? In order to have a general overview, an analysis was made by selecting some operational factors: legal framework, planning, organization, technology, infrastructure, culture and relations with the extemal environment. The most important findings were: technological backwardness, poor comprehension of the biodiversity in the development of the country, lack of an institution in charge of the integral management of the biodiversity which at the time is dispersed in sectors, lack of a systemic visión of the administrative processes and long-term plans, difficulty on formulation and implementation of strategic plans, among others. The Biological Diversity Agreement (BDA), signed by Perú in 1992 in Rio de Janeiro along with other 156 nations, is the main legal instrument for the conservation and permanent use of the biodiversity. Since it was set into effect in 1993, Perú has developed important efforts for its implementation, however the results are scarce and the process especially focuses only on the conservation of biodiversity. The National Comité for Biologic Diversity (CONABID) is the coordinating institution but its actions are defined only by the BDA. Proposals for the best management of the Biologic Diversity According to the outcomes presented in the previous chapters, the fourth part presents the proposals in order to improve the management of the biodiversity into two categoríes: a) General proposals for operational factors (analysis of the management); and b) Specific proposals, which develop the most important ítems of the general proposals, such as: need of a global and systemic approach of the administrative process of biodiversity (operational approach), strategic planning as part of the system, conservation and development integration, need of a coordinating institution for the biodiversity in the country, etc. Because of the difficulty on the formulation of strategic plans for the management of the biodiversity, chapter 11 presents proposals about the most crítica! aspects on strategic planning: integration to the general administrative process, planning features, FODA analysis, identification of the strategic sides for the conservation and use of the biodiversity: 1) Conservation; 2) Sustainable use; 3) Competitive and sustainable exploitation; 4) Cultural positioning; 5) Human development; and 6) Excellence in management. According to the necessity of the country on finding altematives for the economic development and the fight against the poorness, the item 3 is developed in a detailed way. In order to make some contribution for the implementation of the strategic plans, chapter 12 presents some proposals: basic entena for a better management, management instruments, research príoríties, required human skills. and altematives for the management financing. Another aspect that is presented in this chapter is the proposal of entena and political guidelines for the conservation and permanent use of the biodiversity. Understanding that this idea is not only a task for some public institutions but for al) the Peruvian people, chapter 13 presents many proposals for the activities that should be made for the public and prívate sector. Finally, Chapter 14 presents the conclusions and recommendations: The importance of the integration of conservation and development, recognition of the sustainable use of biodiversity as one of the main engines for the development of the country, promoting the education, investigation and technology being biotechnology priorized, more participation of the government in the development of key factors for the competitiveness of enterprises, strenghtening of the CONABID as the ruling institution for the integral management of national biodiversity. ; Tesis
