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Critical education has a very strategic role in supporting and accelerating the formation of a civilized democratic society. Its existence is able to change the world, create the culture, carve out the history, engineer the world to be more fair and humane, even to change concepts, ideas, systematics, and strength. Implementation of critical education is based on three dimensions: the pedagogic practical, normative, and cultural ideology dimensions. Critical education process is formulated as a process of cultural dimension. The main function and target of critical education is "self-awareness", or "critical awareness". The concoction of Indonesian nationalism as a reflection of critical education has been clearly being pioneered since revolution era by R.A. Kartini, Budi Utomo, and K. H. Dewantara in the form of the establishment of some schools and the freedom of indigenous children to get the education. More qualified human resources can be cultivated through a critical education.

This article argues for the continued importance of adult education in communities, an approach to adult education which has been maligned and ignored in policy that has, instead, incessantly prioritised employability skills training. The significance of adult education in communities is that it seeks to build the curriculum from the interests, aspirations, and problems that people experience in their everyday lives by providing opportunities for individual and collective change (more below). We draw on data taken from a study by one of the authors, which used a life history approach to explore the outcomes for 14 people from the deindustrialised North East England of participation in either employability skills training or community adult education. We document several themes through these stories: churning, surveillance, precarity, demoralisation, ontological insecurity, and personal renewal.

Major advances and breakthroughs in Medicine and Healthcare are transforming our world. How will we manage to tackle our disease burden to improve our day-to-day well-being especially if in developed countries the global population of people over 80 will more than triple by 2050 and in the less developed ones the youth profile will escalate? Will Europeans as an example, find ways to balance budgets and restrain spending and come up with a sustainable survival strategy for Europe's healthcare systems? This work addresses a number of challenging questions and offers "smart" solutions and a framework on how to develop and sustain new models of care and improve the public services profile with the vision to become globally leading healthcare institutions mainly in Europe and particularly in Greece. The nature of programs in biomedical and healthcare sciences, the kind of educators and healthcare professionals and how to technologically and practically support such programs is considered. How to connect Biomedical programs with Medical Centers and what kind of student internships can be developed is discussed. What it means to have patient-centered medical centers which abide by strict European and international guidelines and certifications and how to provide top quality medical services is also examined. Keywords: Education, Healthcare, Medicine, Biomedical Programs, Smart Solutions, Internships, International Certifications

Following the historicity of the relationship between the idea of social rights, liberty and equality the author shows in this paper how education began to be considered as a right only when civil and political rights aroused; how in the Social State of the XIX century, education became a social right; and how the Neoliberalism advocates deny education its condition of social right.How to reference this article: PUELLES BENíTEZ, Manuel de, "Educación, igualdad, mercados y democracia", Revista de Educación y Pedagogía, Medellín, Universidad de Antioquia, Facultad de Educación, Vol, XVI, Nº 38 (enero-abril), 2004. pp, 29-48.Received: may 2004Accepted: may 2004 ; Siguiendo la historicidad de la idea de los derechos en relación con las ideas de libertad y de igualdad, este texto muestra cómo la educación sólo surge como derecho cuando aparecen los derechos civiles y políticos; como en el estado social de derecho, en el siglo XIX, se constituye en un derecho social, y como en el neoliberalismo se le omite como tal.Cómo citar este artículo: PUELLES BENíTEZ, Manuel de, "Educación, igualdad, mercados y democracia", Revista de Educación y Pedagogía, Medellín, Universidad de Antioquia, Facultad de Educación, Vol, XVI, Nº 38 (enero-abril), 2004. pp, 29-48.Recibido: mayo 2004Aceptado: mayo 2004

Based on social comparison and social identity theory, we argue that average partisans in contemporary U.S. politics view elections as group competitions in which partisan identities are at stake. Using nationally representative survey data, we demonstrate that stronger partisan identities, more than ideological identities or issue preferences, are associated with a greater sense of partisan hostility—specifically, party rivalry and anger. That hostility mediates the impact of partisan identities on political attitudes and actions. As a result, strong partisan identifiers hold the most hostile and uncivil attitudes and are the most likely to participate in elections. Thus, in the context of elections, the behavior of partisans resembles that of sports team members acting to preserve the status of their teams rather than thoughtful citizens participating in the political process for the broader good. We explore the implications of these findings for the current state of American politics.

Proponents of environmentalist views often urge the teaching of such views and the inculcation of 'green' values within the educational curriculum of schools as a key component of achieving their ends. It might seem that modern versions of political morality that refuse to take a stance on controversial questions—religious, ethical, philosophical—or eschew appeal to perfectionist doctrines, such as Rawlsian political liberalism, are beset by a particularly acute difficulty in this regard. To the extent that environmentalist views embody claims about ethical matters such as how individuals should live their lives, they fall foul of this version of political morality. This article evaluates the resources available to political liberalism to respond to the challenge of bringing the teaching of green values and virtues within the national curriculum. It argues that environmental concerns differ in morally important ways from other ethical, philosophical, and religious views that are typically off-limits to political liberalism. Much that passes as green ideals are not simply a conception of the good life in the manner that religious views, for example, are. Rather, many environmental goods are crucial to the realisation of socioeconomic justice and therefore escape the requirement of state neutrality on endorsing the truth or importance of their role. A minimal political liberal education includes teaching about justice-based concerns as part of a compulsory national curriculum.