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This article gives a brief overview of the context of ethnic conflicts in the Western Balkans, followed by a classification of mechanims used to settle ethnic conflicts. It then goes on to discuss the general approaches to conflict settlement adopted by UN, EU, CoE and OSCE, and their engagement with the conflicts in the Western balkans. On this basis, it draws some preliminary conclusions about trends and patterns of international organization involvement in conflict settlement in the Western Balkans. (ECMI)

How and under what conditions does the European Union (EU) shape processes of institution building in other regional organizations? This book develops and tests a theory of interorganizational diffusion in international relations that explains how successful pioneer organizations shape institutional choices in other organizations by affecting the institutional preferences and bargaining strategies of national governments. The author argues that Europe's foremost regional organization systematically affects institution building abroad, but that such influence varies across different types of organization. Mixing quantitative and qualitative methods, it shows how the EU institutionally strengthens regional organizations through active engagement and by building its own institutions at home. Yet the contractual nature of other regional organizations bounds this causal influence: EU influence makes an identifiable difference primarily in those organizations that, like the EU itself, rest on an open-ended contract. Evidence for these claims is drawn from the statistical analysis of a dataset on the institutionalization of 35 regional organizations in the period from 1950 to 2017, as well as from detailed single and comparative case studies on institutional creation and (non-)change in the Southern African Development Community, Mercosur, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, and the North American Free Trade Agreement.

Between 2020 and 2021, Israel concluded normalisation agreements with four Arab states. They were celebrated internationally as a breakthrough. Meanwhile, since 2018, and largely unnoticed by the public, Arab states have started repairing their relations with Syria. Finally, in January 2021, Egypt, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) ended their boycott of Qatar during the meeting of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in Al-Ula, Saudi Arabia. Changing assessments of the regional security situation and converging interests have enabled these rap­prochements. However, these developments do not mean that the region is moving towards peace and stability; on the contrary, long-lasting conflicts remain unresolved and the threat perceptions of third actors are being exacerbated. Germany and its partners in the EU should avoid being co-opted by local and regional conflicting par­ties and should instead focus on supporting regional conflict management. (author's abstract)

The article presents a critical view of the two concepts of the resolution of the conflicts on the territory of Southeastern Europe and particularly on the territory of the former Yugoslavia. They are the American initiative SECI and the European Union's regional initiative. The author finds the American initiative of the cooperation between the states on that territory unrealistic. It means linking the unlinkable (similar to the former COMECON) and serves American Eastern interests and plans. The EU regional initiative is more logical since there is nothing hidden behind it, unlike the SECI.The author thinks that both proposals are unacceptable for Croatia. Croatian interests lie with Western Europe - economic as well as others, particularly political, so EU would do better to forge ties with Croatia. (SOI : PM: S. 3)

"In Lissabon wurde am 4. Juli 2007, gleich zu Begin der portugiesischen EU-Ratspräsidentschaft, eine umfassende strategische Partnerschaft zwischen der EU und Brasilien vereinbart. Der südamerikanischen Führungsmacht wird damit ein vergleichbarer Status wie China, Indien und Russland eingeräumt. Eine Woche zuvor hatte der venezolanische Präsident Hugo Chávez Russland, Weißrussland und den Iran bereist, um die politischen und wirtschaftlichen Beziehungen auszubauen sowie erneut Waffenkäufe zu tätigen. Gleichzeitig drohte Chávez, das südamerikanische Integrationsbündnis Mercosur wieder zu verlassen, dem er gerade beigetreten war; während er gleichzeitig für sein eigenes Integrationsprojekt Alternativa Bolivariana para las Americas (ALBA) warb. Während Lateinamerika in der politischen Publizistik teilweise als Verlierer der Globalisierung abgeschrieben wird, gibt es Anzeichen für eine Neuverortung und einen größeren Einfluss Lateinamerikas - oder einzelner Staaten der Region - in der internationalen Politik. Zugleich ist es innerhalb Lateinamerikas zu Machtverschiebungen und neuen politischen Allianzen gekommen. Dabei spielt die Verfügung über Energierohstoffe als Machtressource eine wichtige Rolle. Es ist heute schwieriger geworden, festzustellen, wer verbindlich für Lateinamerika spricht und wer die geeigneten Ansprechpartner für externe Akteure sind. In Lateinamerika zeichnen sich die Konturen einer zukünftigen multipolaren Weltordnung ab. Lateinamerika ist politisch und ökonomisch stärker fragmentiert und gespalten als noch zu Beginn der Dekade. Zugleich hat Lateinamerika an Handlungsspielraum in der internationalen Politik gewonnen. Die internationalen Finanzinstitutionen wie die Weltbank und der Internationale Währungsfonds (IWF), aber auch die USA und die EU haben in den vergangen Jahren an Einfluss in Lateinamerika verloren, demgegenüber haben aufstrebende oder wieder aufstrebende Mächte wie China oder Russland an Einfluss gewonnen. Die EU reagiert nun - wenn auch mit Verzögerungen - auf die Veränderungen Lateinamerika." (Autorenreferat)

"This book addresses the importance of the status dimension of major powers, the potential for status competition between them, and the aspirations of regional powers to become major global powers. The authors propose a new method of assessing the extent to which both major global powers and regional powers are attributed status, whether or not such status attribution results in status underachievement or overachievement (status inconsistency), and through a variety of cases, explore the consequences of status inconsistencies for international politics. The foundational chapters are supplemented with chapters focusing on individual cases that demonstrate the status concerns of both major global powers and key regional powers"--