AbstractHistorical research since the opening of the British archives in the late 1960s has brought about a substantial revision of the image of appeasement that had generally been accepted after World War II. Yet the traditional image has scarcely been questioned in contemporary writing on international relations. This article examines some of the central themes in recent studies relating to appeasement: the "structural" approach, which offers a new overall interpretation; the economic, military, and intelligence "dimensions" of British foreign policy in the 1930s; and the breaking down of traditional stereotypes of the roles of Chamberlain and Churchill. This reappraisal has important implications for the discipline of international relations, its view of the origins of World War II, and theories of international structural change.
Dans la conférence prononcée comme récipiendaire de la médaille Symons en 2013, le très honorable Paul Martin, vingt-et-unième premier ministre du Canada, s'appuie sur tout le savoir et le vécu de sa remarquable carrière publique, afin d'expliquer le défi d'obtenir justice pour les peuples Autochtones du Canada. Se penchant sur les racines historiques des enjeux actuels ainsi que les priorités contemporaines, monsieur Martin affirme que le progrès futur des peuples autochtones du Canada dépend de l'atteinte d'une forme de gouvernement Autochtone autonome, accompagné d'un financement adéquat.
"Support for international human rights has become an entrenched part of Canada's national mythology. Despite the gravity of human rights issues and how Canada appears to champion various causes, the role of human rights in Canadian foreign policy has received surprisingly little scrutiny. In Why Canada Cares, Andrew Lui brings clarity to this under-explored part of Canada's identity. Lui provides a chronological and theoretically grounded analysis of human rights in Canadian foreign policy since 1945.
When the U.S. government ended its relationship with dozens of Native American tribes and bands between 1953 and 1966, it was engaging in a massive social experiment. Congress enacted the program, known as termination, in the name of "freeing" the Indians from government restrictions and improving their quality of life. However, removing the federal status of more than nine dozen tribes across the country plunged many of their nearly 13,000 members into deeper levels of poverty and eroded the tribal people's sense of Native identity. Beginning in 1973 and extending over a twenty-year period, t.
Each phrase in the title of this work gives a clue as to its purpose and agenda. "Thepresent politics of the past" refers to the conditions that have arisen in the recent politicsof advanced liberal states with indigenous populations (such as the U.S., Canada, Aotearoa/New Zealand, and Australia) where "the past" is an issue or even at stake incontemporary struggles.
Can we disobey in a democracy? Doesn't such an attitude run the risk of leading to generalized disorder? Why use illegal means of protest when democracy offers disgruntled citizens legal means of expression? There are three ways to answer these questions: a legalistic approach, a moderate approach and a radical approach. The second, defended by John Rawls and Jürgen Habermas, was so successful that it erased the other two. This article therefore proposes to restore in all its complexity and plurality the debate on the democratic legitimacy of civil disobedience. To do this, it is necessary to confront the thought of philosophers with that of the actors of disobedience, whether they are activists or political and judicial authorities. ; Peer reviewed
What about political science research on nonviolent action and civil resistance nowadays ? Initiated by the American Gene Sharp in 1970, then introduced in France by Jacques Sémelin in the nineties, the study of this phenomenon remains behind its practice and its historical impact. This article does not only aim to draw up an inventory of this field of research. It also aims to define the sociological concept of nonviolent action in restoring the many theoretical debates that it feeds, to identify the major issues raised by unarmed resistance against armed enemies, to propose a series of explanatory hypotheses, to develop a consistent methodology for case studies and to present the interests of this work on nonviolent action for political science as a whole. ; Peer reviewed
Przedmiotem analizy są okoliczności i postawa NATO wobec polityki militarnej Rosji na Ukrainie. W artykule omówiono zagadnienia takie jak relacje między NATO i Rosją po zimnej wojnie, relacje między NATO i Ukrainą po zimnej wojnie oraz reakcja Sojuszu na politykę militarną Rosji na Ukrainie. Artykuł ma dać odpowiedź na pytanie czy reakcja NATO była odpowiednia i wystarczająco zdecydowana, żeby zabezpieczyć przed Rosją państwa wschodniej flanki NATO, skutecznie zniechęcić ją do prowokacji wobec członków Sojuszu oraz zmusić do zmiany polityki wobec Ukrainy? Działania podjęte przez NATO w odpowiedzi na politykę militarną Rosji na Ukrainie koncentrują się na wzmocnieniu bezpieczeństwa i potwierdzeniu gotowości do kolektywnej obrony członków Sojuszu. Pomoc Ukrainie ma charakter wtórny i ograniczony, a jej skala jest niewystarczająca, aby zmusić Rosję do zmiany polityki wobec tego państwa. Wydarzenia na Ukrainie doprowadziły do kryzysu w relacjach między Rosją i NATO, jak również zmniejszyły szansę Ukrainy na przyjęcie do Sojuszu. ; The subject of the analysis are the circumstances and attitude of NATO towards the military policy of Russia in Ukraine. The article discusses issues such as relations between NATO and Russia after the Cold War, relations between NATO and Ukraine after the Cold War and the Alliance's response to Russia's military policy in Ukraine. The article is intended to answer the question of whether NATO's response was appropriate and sufficiently determined to protect NATO's eastern flank states from Russia, effectively discourage it from provoking members of the Alliance and force it to change its policy towards Ukraine? Actions taken by NATO in response to Russia's military policy in Ukraine focus on strengthening security and confirming the readiness to collective defense of Alliance members. Assistance to Ukraine is of a secondary and limited nature, and its scale is insufficient to force Russia to change its policy towards that country. The events in Ukraine led to a crisis in relations between Russia and NATO, as well as reduced the chances of Ukraine to join the Alliance.
The subject of the analysis are the circumstances and attitude of NATO towards the military policy of Russia in Ukraine. The article discusses issues such as relations between NATO and Russia after the Cold War, relations between NATO and Ukraine after the Cold War and the Alliance's response to Russia's military policy in Ukraine. The article is intended to answer the question of whether NATO's response was appropriate and sufficiently determined to protect NATO's eastern flank states from Russia, effectively discourage it from provoking members of the Alliance and force it to change its policy towards Ukraine? Actions taken by NATO in response to Russia's military policy in Ukraine focus on strengthening security and confirming the readiness to collective defense of Alliance members. Assistance to Ukraine is of a secondary and limited nature, and its scale is insufficient to force Russia to change its policy towards that country. The events in Ukraine led to a crisis in relations between Russia and NATO, as well as reduced the chances of Ukraine to join the Alliance. ; Przedmiotem analizy są okoliczności i postawa NATO wobec polityki militarnej Rosji na Ukrainie. W artykule omówiono zagadnienia takie jak relacje między NATO i Rosją po zimnej wojnie, relacje między NATO i Ukrainą po zimnej wojnie oraz reakcja Sojuszu na politykę militarną Rosji na Ukrainie. Artykuł ma dać odpowiedź na pytanie czy reakcja NATO była odpowiednia i wystarczająco zdecydowana, żeby zabezpieczyć przed Rosją państwa wschodniej flanki NATO, skutecznie zniechęcić ją do prowokacji wobec członków Sojuszu oraz zmusić do zmiany polityki wobec Ukrainy? Działania podjęte przez NATO w odpowiedzi na politykę militarną Rosji na Ukrainie koncentrują się na wzmocnieniu bezpieczeństwa i potwierdzeniu gotowości do kolektywnej obrony członków Sojuszu. Pomoc Ukrainie ma charakter wtórny i ograniczony, a jej skala jest niewystarczająca, aby zmusić Rosję do zmiany polityki wobec tego państwa. Wydarzenia na Ukrainie doprowadziły do kryzysu w relacjach między Rosją i NATO, jak również zmniejszyły szansę Ukrainy na przyjęcie do Sojuszu.
Recent trends in international situation around Korean peninsula and the policy of main stateactors are being considered. The USA is trying to reinforce its military presence in South Korea. Seoul is seeking to revise its previous agreements with USA in the sphere of nuclear energy. Trilateral interaction (US-Japan-South Corea) on the problem of North Korean nuclear potential is strengthening. US policy towards North Korea is aimed at counteraction to reinforcement of Russian and Chinese influence in the region. At the same time the USA provides support to North-South dialogue while pressurizing North Korea on the issues of human rights and denuclearization.Pyongyang is concerned with military rapprochement between South Korea and USA and is trying to make North Korean nuclear program an object of bargaining for peaceful settlement on Korean peninsula. North-to-South relations should be regarded as military opposition in spite of constant appeals to peaceful reunification, development of economic and cultural ties etc. Current analysis reveals that both North and South Korea are still far from real progress in this respect.Chinese factor is essential though Beijing behavior is cautious. After Kim Rong Un rise to power political and economic relations between North and South weakened. Pyongyang is concerned with regular contacts between China and US on North Korea problems. Aggravation of international situation did not lead to decline in China-South Korea relations, though China is against deployment of missile-defence THAAD complexes. Chinese policy in Korea is aimed at sustaining of status-quo in the peninsula and barring collapse of the North Corea regime.Policy of Russia is invariably based on the principles formulated in 2001. Recently North Korea has revealed intentions to resume political dialogue with Russia, while South Korea is seemingly not interested in broader co-operation with Russia. Up to the author's opinion it is necessary to promote six-sided negotiations process, avoid extremes in approaches to both Korean states, and oppose to US domination in the region.
Венеция всегда была благожелательна к Московии из-за взаимной удаленности их интересы в политике и экономике не противоречили друг другу, причем оба государства имели общего врага Оттоманскую Порту. Однако установление систематических торговых связей и военного союза стало реальностью лишь при Петре I, когда отношения между новой Россией и «Республикой Святого Марка» сделались по-настоящему партнерскими. История этих контактов состоит из двух периодов, которые по своему характеру весьма отличны друг от друга. Если первый этап (1695-1701 гг.) был подчинен внешнеполитической антиосманской тематике и связанным с нею военным вопросам, то второй (1710-1722 гг.) проходил под знаменем коммерческого интереса после создания армии и флота и первых военных успехов государь и его окружение стремились проводить активную политику на внешнем рынке и находили средства для приглашения иностранных специалистов, покупки произведений искусства для устройства своих усадеб и дворцов. И первый, и второй период двусторонних отношений оказались, таким образом, важными и плодотворными для молодого российского государства. ; Venice has always been sympathetic to Muscovy because of their remoteness, their political and economical aspirations did not conflict with each other, besides both countries had a common enemy, the Ottoman Porte. However, the establishment of a trade and military alliance has become a reality only with Peter the Great, when the relations between the new Russia and the Republic of St. Mark became a true partnership. The history of these relations consists of two phases, which are quite different in nature. The first phase (1695-1701) was on a foreign relations anti-Ottoman theme with related military issues, the second phase (1710-1722) on the contrary was under the banner of commercial interest. After the creation of the army and navy and the first military successes, the emperor and his entourage sought to pursue an active policy on the foreign market and raise funds for inviting foreign experts as well as for the purchase of pieces of art for their estates and palaces. Both phases turned out to be important and fruitful for the young Russian state.
Статья посвящена современному состоянию и проблемам Содружества Независимых Государств. Автор отмечает положительные стороны функционирования организации с момента ее возникновения, анализирует «трудности роста» и последствия деятельности. Особое внимание уделено причинам, которые привели к кризису СНГ. Актуальность темы обусловлена тем, что распад СССР изменил жизнь народов и целых стран на огромном геополитическом пространстве Евразии, породив комплекс проблем политического, военного и гуманитарного характера. На первый план вышел вопрос формата отношений между новыми независимыми государствами.Сегодня эти отношения во многом определяются взаимодействием в экономической и военно-политической областях в рамках интеграционных объединений. Самое первое из них Содружества Независимых Государств (СНГ) смягчило, но не смогло ликвидировать негативные последствия «цивилизованного развода» советских республик. Несмотря на то что после создания Евразийского экономического союза СНГ теряет свои позиции как международная организация, пока это единственное объединение на постсоветском пространстве, в котором возможно разнообразное взаимодействие бывших союзных республик: экономическое, военное, политическое, социальное, образовательное и т. д.Article is devoted to current state and problems of such integration association as the Commonwealth of Independent States. The author of article considers both the main positive sides of functioning of the organization from the moment of its existence, and negative consequences of its activity. The special attention is paid to the reasons that generate crisis state of the CIS. Relevance of the problem is caused by the collapse of the USSR that changed people's life on huge geopolitical space of Eurasia, and generated a complex of political, military and humanitarian problems. In the forefront, there is a question of relations between the new independent states. Nowadays these relations are defi by integration interaction in economic and military-political areas within various integration associations. The fi of them the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) alleviated these relations but couldn't liquidate negative consequences of «civilized divorce» of the Soviet republics. In spite of the fact that the CIS loses its positions as the international organization in connection with creation of the Eurasian economic union, the CIS is the only association on the post-soviet state that unites various fi economic, military, political, social, educational, etc.
