Suchergebnisse

This article provides insight into Turkey's strategic pursuit of a more active and influential role as a mediator in the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war. Turkey, positioning itself as a middle power, seeks to elevate its global standing. This involves a delicate diplomatic balancing act in its foreign policy approach towards both Russia and Ukraine. The equilibrium thus achieved positions Turkey as a natural mediator, serving as a catalyst for brokering a peace initiative among the conflicting parties. Ankara's diplomatic activism is not just a tactical move but also a manifestation of Turkey's broader global ambitions, underlining its commitment to playing a more significant role in shaping international affairs. These aspirations clash with a rising penchant in Turkey to pursue a more militaristic and coercive foreign policy, which stands in contradiction to the role of a benign power.

The article examines the problems faced during the presidential and parliamentary election campaigns of 2022 by the largest party of the right camp in France – the «Republicans» party. The paper emphasizes that the «Republicans» faced the tasks of both ideological equipment and the search for a recognized leader by all. A study of the actions of the «Republicans» candidate for president V. Pekress allows us to conclude that under the influence of a combination of structural and conjunctural factors, she could not become a figure capable of mobilizing right-wing voters and going beyond her political camp. She lost the battle for the center-right and right electorate to her competitors – President E. Macron and the leader of the right-wing populists M. Le Pen. Analysis of the results of the parliamentary elections showed that although the «Republicans» halved their presence in the National Assembly, thanks to the new alignment of political forces, characterized by the absence of an absolute majority in the pro-presidential bloc, a group of «Republicans»" found themselves in parliament as an arbitrator and gained new opportunities to influence the lawmaking process, which was deprived in the previous legislature. The author comes to the conclusion that the project of the «independent right center» suffered a crushing defeat in these elections, and the «Republicans» in the course of parliamentary practice can follow the path of actually turning into the right wing of the pro-presidential coalition.

Introduction. The article focuses on the reasons for the lack of political subjectivity among the Egyptians in the Byzantine period (4th – first half of the 7th centuries). During this period, the population of Egypt did not demonstrate it at any level: social movements (uprisings) did not offer such agenda; studies on literature and rhetoric show that the Egyptians were under the influence of the Roman statehood (Eastern Roman Empire). The aims of the study are therefore concentrated around the consideration of the causes and terms of the loss of political subjectivity by the Egyptians, and the reasons for the increase of it among the Romans. An additional task was a comparative analysis of the political and religious systems of Ancient Rome and Ancient Egypt and the possible influence of religious features on the configuration of political systems. Methods. The main methods used in the study are factor analysis and the comparative method. Analysis. The ancient Egyptian political system was "introverted" and static in nature. The complete loss of political subjectivity by the Egyptians can be, however, attributed to the Roman period. In the Persian and Ptolemaic ones, its existence is preserved due to two main factors: the practices of the Persians and Ptolemies to present themselves as Egyptian pharaohs and the strong positions of the Egyptian priesthood, who could keep an ancient political subjectivity. Results. The Romans, who refused to continue Ptolemaic practices and took drastic measures to limit the economic independence of the Egyptian priesthood, managed to nullify its authentic political subjectivity. Thanks to an "extroverted" and transformative political model, supported by a "political theology" based on the "Roman myth", the Roman state managed to maintain (or even strengthen) its subjectivity in the period of late Antiquity.

The events of 2020 had a significant impact on all aspects of political and economic cooperation between Germany and Russia. The year began with a constructive political dialogue on a number of different international issues. However, in the second half of the year, when the FRG was the chairman of the Council of the European Union, it found itself in a deep crisis. The main reason is the so-called «The Navalny factor». At the same time, Berlin proposed to build relations with Russia in the field of security from a position of strength. The coronavirus pandemic has prompted Berlin and Moscow to restrict capital and labor mobility. In the spring, there was a sharp drop in world oil prices. This negatively affected the mutual trade flows. The volume of foreign trade has dropped significantly. Against this background, the investment activity of German companies in the Russian regions has been continued. A new area of cooperation has emerged – hydrogen energy. In September 2020, the Year of Germany began in Russia, and in December – the cross Year of Economy and Sustainable Development. In the first part, the author analyzes the political results of 2020 and the beginning of 2021 and assesses the medium-term prospects of German-Russian cooperation in the field of politics. The second part deals with the economic aspects of cooperation

The article is devoted to the impact of populism on democracy. To investigate the impact of populism on democracy, the author explores key approaches to the populism notion: political, socio-cultural and ideological. The article notes that populism studies lack a single definition and emphasizes there are negative, positive and neutral evaluations of the nature of this phenomenon. These conclusions are used for further assumptions about the impact on liberal democratic institutions. After analyzing the works on the populism of such scholars as B. Arditi, H.-G. Betz, M. Canovan, E. Laclau, K. Mudde, S. Mouffe, K. Rovira Kaltwasser, N. Urbinati, and others, the article draws conclusions about the multidimensionality of influence on liberal democracy and, in particular, about the fallacy of solely negative assessments of this impact. The author underlines the presence of both positive aspects (providing the interests of the "silent majority", mobilizing excluded groups and integrating them into the political sphere), and negative aspects (rejection of representative democracy and parliamentarism) of populism.

What we wear signals our membership within groups, be theyorganised by gender, class, ethnicity or religion. Simultaneously our clothing signifies hierarchies and power relations that sustain dominant power structures. How we dress is an expression of our identity. For Veblen, how we dress expresses wealth and social stratification. In imitating the fashion of the wealthy, claims Simmel, we seek social equality. For Barthes, clothing is embedded with systems of meaning. For Hebdige, clothing has modalities of meaning depending on the wearer, as do clothes for gender (Davis) and for the body (Entwistle). For Maynard, "dress is a significant material practice we use to signal our cultural boundaries, social separations, continuities and, for the present purposes, political dissidences" (103). Clothing has played a central role in historical and contemporary forms of political dissent.