Suchergebnisse

An examination of factors associated with whether or not members of the US House of Representatives voted for or against the 1984 Simpson-Mazzoli bill. Congresspersons from more Hispanic districts were more likely to vote no on the bill, & more senior representatives & those from more Republican districts were more likely to vote yes. Being from a "Sunbelt" (especially southwestern) state was also associated with opposition to the legislation. The pattern of voting suggests the operation of factors having little to do with the actual threat of undocumented immigration. 2 Tables, 29 References. HA

STARPVALSTU MIGRĀCIJA EIROPAS SAVIENĪBĀ: EMIGRĀCIJAS NO LATVIJAS UZ LIEBRITĀNIJU ANOTĀCIJA Iedzīvotāju starpvalstu migrācija ir nozīmīgs cilvēku ģeogrāfijas pētījuma objekts. Tas ir komplekss process, kurā iesaistītas daudzveidīgas iedzīvotāju grupas. Latvija kā viena no Eiropas Savienības dalībvalstīm labi raksturo iedzīvotāju pārvietošanos Eiropas iekšējā darba tirgus telpā. Īpaši nozīmīgu lomu migrācijas procesā no Latvijas ieņem emigrācija darba nolūkos. Promocijas darba mērķis ir izvērtēt Latvijas – Lielbritānijas migrācijas plūsmu raksturu, analizējot Latvijas iedzīvotāju grupas Lielbritānijā. Datu apstrādes rezultātā iegūts Lielbritānijā dzīvojošo komunikāciju portāla www.draugiem.lv lietotāju grupas raksturojumsaizbraukšanas iemesli un periods, apmešanās ģeogrāfija Latvijā un Lielbritānijā, pamatnodarbošanās Latvijā un Lielbritānijā, informācijas iegūšanas avots, migrantu sociālais atbalsta tīkls un atpakaļmigrācijas iespējas. Atslēgas vārdi: starpvalstu migrācija, Latvija, Lielbritānijā, migrantu sociālie tīkli, emigrācija. ; INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION IN THE EUROPEAN UNION: EMIGRATION FROM LATVIA TO THE UNITED KINGDOM ANNOTATION International migration is essential research topic in human geography. It is a complex process that involves various groups of population. Latvia as one of the EU membering states is a good example of free inner movements within the EU labour market. The aim of the doctoral thesis is to evaluate the character of migration flows between Latvia and the UK by analysing Latvian migrant groups living in the UK. The result of data analysis is the characteristics of Latvian group residing in the UK who are communication portal www.draugiem.lv users. Results are focusing on emigration period and reasons, settlement geography in Latvia and the UK, occupation in Latvia and the UK, information channels, migration social support networks and return migration probabilities. Keywords: international migration, Latvia, United Kingdom, migrant social networks, emigration.

This book examines the management of migratory flows in the Mediterranean within an international security perspective. The intense migratory flows registered during the year 2015 and the tragedies in the Mediterranean Sea have tested the mechanisms of the Union's immigration and asylum policies and its ability to respond to humanitarian crises. Moreover, these flows of varying intensities and geographies represent a threat to the internal security of the EU and its member states. By using Spain and Italy as case studies, the author theorizes that the EU, given its inability to adopt and implement a common policy to effectively manage migratory flows on its Southern border, uses a deterrence strategy based on minimum common denominators. Susana Ferreira is Researcher at the Portuguese Institute of International Relations (IPRI), NOVA University of Lisbon, Portugal, and the Research Centre on Security and Defense, Portuguese Military University Institute (CISDIUM)

In this article, I examine the decisions of Arizona, Alabama, Georgia, South Carolina, Utah, Indiana, and most recently, Texas to pass restrictive immigration omnibus bills and analyze the factors associated with the decision of a state to pass its own immigration law, sometimes without explicit warrant. I focus on state omnibus legislation for two main reasons. First, this type of legislation has been the focus of much media attention. Second, omnibus legislation mimics comprehensive immigration legislation over which the federal government has sole authority. Additionally, I focus on the regional proliferation of restrictive immigration laws, and then bring my attention to the seven states that passed similar legislation. Individually, I examine the roll call votes by each state's House of Representatives. By looking at immigration politics at a sub-national level, this article provides a more nuanced understanding of the political and ideological work of immigration policies. I argue that contemporary immigration politics at sub-national levels should not only be understood as a story about demographic changes and strictly partisan politics but also a story about the sociohistorical legacies of localities. The historical processes of race, and the differing ways in which places get racialized, influences, beyond partisanship, which representatives voted for and against restrictive immigration legislation. These differences, alongside state-level differences, I argue, continue to affect politics and policy today. Immigration policy has become a vessel through which to contest the politics of race, place, and power.

Analysis ; In Ng Siu Tung and Others v Director of Immigration, the Court of Final Appeal delivered a landmark judgment, holding that several representations made by the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Government in the long-running right of abode saga had created substantive legitimate expectations in certain classes of claimants, and the failure of the Government to honour those representations amounted to an abuse of power. As a result, the removal orders were quashed and cases were directed to the Immigration Department for reconsideration. The decision stands as the first authority approving and applying the doctrine of substantive legitimate expectation at the final appellate court level in any common law jurisdiction. This article critically examines the reasoning of the judgment and the impact of the doctrine on the development of administrative law. ; published_or_final_version

Namera ovog rada je da ispita karakteristike odnosa između političkog aktivizma i planova za emigraciju među učesnicima protesta Protiv diktature. Anketno istraživanje učesnika protesta je sprovedeno u tri grada - Beogradu, Nišu i Subotici (N=175), tokom proleća 2017. godine. U radu se polazi od teorijskog modela "izlazakglas" (exit-voice) koji je razvio ekonomista Albert Hiršman (1970). Primenjen u političkom kontekstu, ovaj model dovodi u vezu politički aktivizam i planove za iseljenje na takav način da je, ukoliko postoji prostor za javno iskazivanje nezadovoljstva, sklonost emigraciji manja. S druge strane, u slučaju visokog stepena nezadovoljstva društvenim prilikama i nemogućnosti da se kroz dostupne mehanizme političke participacije na njih utiče, jedan deo građana će odlučiti da se odseli. Nalazi istraživanja pokazuju da su učesnici protesta Protiv diktature politički aktivniji u odnosu na opštu populaciju. Oni češće potpisuju peticije, protestuju, štrajkuju, kontaktiraju predstavnike vlasti i doniraju novac za različite svrhe. Drugim rečima, učesnici protesta čine samo jezgro aktivnog građanstva u Srbiji. Ipak, ni razmišljanja o emigraciji im nisu strana. Većina ispitanika je tu opciju razmatrala a iseljenju su posebno skloni mladi, studenti i radno aktivni. S obzirom na važnost postojanja aktivnog građanstva za razvoj demokratije, visoka sklonost emigraciji učesnika protesta Protiv diktature je nešto što zabrinjava. Iako se fleksibilniji oblici političkog aktivizma (učešće u protestima, okupaciji javnih prostora, štrajkovima itd.), suprotno očekivanjima, nisu pokazali statistički značajno povezanim sa planovima za emigraciju, aktivni angažman kroz političke organizacije izdvojio se kao činilac koji smanjuje šanse preseljenja u drugu zemlju, što delimično potvrđuje pretpostavke izvedene na osnovu Hiršmanovog modela. ; The aim of this paper is to examine the characteristics of the relationship between political activism and plans for emigration among the participants of the protest Against dictatorship. A survey of the protest participants was conducted in three cities - Belgrade, Nis and Subotica (N = 175), during the spring of 2017. The paper starts from the "exit-voice" theoretical model, developed by economist Albert Hirschman (1970). Applied in a political context, this model links political activism and emigration plans in a way that - if there is a room for publicly expressed dissatisfaction - the propensity for emigration is lower. On the other hand, in the case of high dissatisfaction with social circumstances and the inability to influence them through available mechanisms of political participation, a number of citizens will decide to emigrate. The findings show that the participants of the protest Against dictatorship are more politically active than the overall population. They sign petitions more often, they protest, strike, contact government officials and donate money for different purposes. In other words, the Protest participants represent the core of the active citizenship in Serbia. However, they also take into consideration the possibility of leaving the country. The majority of respondents thought about this option; emigrating is particularly attractive to young people, students and the employed. Considering the importance of the active citizenship for the development of democracy, the high tendency for emigration among the Protest participants is worrisome. Although the more flexible forms of political activism (participation in protests, occupation of public spaces, strikes, etc.) - contrary to expectations - did not show statistically significant relation with emigration plans, the active engagement through political organizations distinguished itself as a factor reducing the chances of moving abroad, which partly confirms the assumptions derived from Hirschman's theoretical model.

The absence of government‐appointed legal counsel in immigration proceedings adversely affects large numbers of children in the United States. Children born in the United States to parents without citizenship status (U.S.‐born children of noncitizen parents or UCNP) are harmed by a parent's detention and removal. Unaccompanied alien children (UAC) who have entered the country without legal status are adversely affected by their own detention and removal. The possibility of obtaining relief from removal is drastically diminished by the lack of legal representation. Currently UAC and immigrant parents are not entitled to court‐appointed attorneys. Any meaningful change in immigration law, such as a federal statutory amendment to provide UAC and immigrant parents with government‐appointed counsel is unlikely due to the present political dissension in Congress regarding this issue. Because UAC and immigrant parents are not entitled to government‐funded legal representation, a pro bono legal service system has developed, but is unable to meet the present need adequately. For immigrant parents, this Note proposes the adoption of a statute to allow the appointment of court liaisons in family court proceedings. The court liaison is a nonattorney who is familiar with the processes of the family court and ensures that immigrant parents are fully informed regarding all pertinent family court proceedings. For UAC, this Note proposes an amendment to the William Wilberforce Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act to mandate the appointment of a child advocate to all UAC. The child advocate is not a lawyer, but works with the UAC's attorney to provide the child with legal representation and advocacy.

Key Points for the Family Court Community:
UCNP confront the loss of parents to detention and removal. Children are condemned to limbo, torn between absent biological parents and placement in foster care.
The recent surge in the number of UAC who enter the United States by crossing the border from Mexico has been described as a humanitarian crisis. These children often remain alone without legal protection, vulnerable to detention and removal.
Ideally, UAC and the immigrant parents would be provided with government‐funded legal representation in immigration proceedings. In the absence of the federal statutory reform necessary to make that a reality, state statutory reform to allow for the provision of court liaison programs for immigrant parents and federal statutory reform to allow the appointment of child advocates for UAC can begin to offer children and families needed legal support and advocacy.