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Frontmatter -- Table of Contents -- Editors' Introduction -- The Quest for the "Authentic" Central Europe -- Jewish Demography in the European Union – Virtuous and Vicious Paths -- Renewal or Regression? Jewish Self-Assertion and Re-Orientation in Twenty-first Century Central Europe -- "Russians," "Sephardi", and "Israelis": The Changing Structure of Austrian Jewry -- Jewish Religious-Cultural Traditions and Identity Patterns in Post-Communist Hungary -- The "Missing" and "Missed" Jews in Hungary -- Memories and Hopes: The Zionist Youth Movements and the Communist Regimes in Central Europe, 1944–1950 -- Jews and Jewishness in Cinema and Literature: The Case of the Czech Republic -- Ethno-religious Othering as a Reason Behind the Central European* Jewish Distancing from Israel -- Jews and Muslims in the Czech Republic – Demography, Communal Institutions, Mutual Relations -- Jewish-Roma Relations in the former Czechoslovakia: An Alliance Against Racism -- Holocaust Denial as a Symptom of Unresolved European History -- The Antisemitic Paradox in Europe: Empirical Evidences and Jewish Perceptions. A Comparative Study Between the West and East -- What is Jewish about Contemporary Central European Jewish Culture? -- Preserving Jewish Cemeteries as an Actual Challenge in Contemporary Poland -- Holocaust Memorialization in Poland: A Case Study of Polin Museum -- Thirty Years After. The Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow of the Czech Jewish Community -- About the Authors -- Index of persons

1. The Politics of Domestic Resource Mobilization for Social Development: An Introduction -- Part I: Domestic Resource Mobilization through the Lens of Aid, Taxation and Mineral Rents -- 2. Fiscal Capacity and Aid Allocation: Domestic Resource Mobilization and Foreign Aid in Developing Countries -- 3. Domestic Resource Mobilization for Social Transfers in Sub-Saharan Africa: Can Foreign Aid Act as a Catalyst? -- 4. How Can Governments of Low-Income Countries Collect More Tax Revenue? -- 5. Colonial Legacies and Social Welfare Regimes in Africa: An Empirical Exercise. -- 6. Democratic Deepening and State Capacity: Taxation in Brazil and India -- 7. Power and Politics: Taxation, Social, and Labour Market Policies in Argentina and Chile, 1990-2010 -- 8. Sharing the Wealth: The Politics of Subnational Distribution of Natural Resource Revenues -- Part II: The Politics of Domestic Resource Mobilization: Case Studies -- 9. Domestic Resource Mobilization for Social Development in Bolivia (1985-2014): Protests, Hydrocarbons and a New State Project -- 10. The Political Economy of Domestic Resource Mobilization in Nicaragua: Changing State-Citizen Relations and Social Development -- 11. The Political Economy of Resource Mobilization for Social Development in Uganda -- 12. The Politics of Resource Bargaining, Social Relations and Institutional Development in Zimbabwe Since Independence -- 13. The Politics of Domestic Resource Mobilization for Social Development – Conclusions.

This book is about why and how central and local governments clash over important national policy decisions. Its empirical focus is on the local politics of Japan which has significantly shaped, and been shaped by, larger developments in national politics. The book argues that since the 1990s, changes in the national political arena, fiscal and administrative decentralization, as well as broader socio-economic developments have led to a decoupling of once closely integrated national and local party systems in Japan. Such decoupling has led to a breakdown of symbiotic relations between the centre and regions. In its place are increasing strains between national and local governments leading to greater intra-party conflict, inter-governmental conflicts, and more chief executives with agendas and resources increasingly autonomous of the national ruling party. Although being a book primarily focused on the Japanese case, the study seeks to contribute to a broader understanding of how local partisans shape national policy-making. The book theorizes and investigates how the degree of state centralization, vertical integration for party organizations, and partisan congruence in different levels of government affect inter-governmental relations. Japan's experience is compared with Germany, Canada, and the UK to explore sources of multi-level policy conflict.

This book aims at building a bridge between the social and political aspects of remembering and the cognitive and discourse processes driving such activities. By analyzing these cognitive and discursive processes, Bietti explores practices of individual and collective remembering in institutional and private settings in relation to periods of political violence in Argentina. This books begins to fill the conceptual gap between cognitive oriented approaches to remembering that draw conclusions about how memory functions in the mind without a detailed discourse analysis of the communicative interaction in which this process unfolds, and the discourse and pragmatic oriented approaches that are mainly interested in analyzing the rhetorical features of conversational remembering, in some cases disregarding that there are underlying cognitive mechanisms that drive the construction of discourses about past experiences. The empirical analysis shows that individual and collective remembering in relation to periods of political violence in Argentina vary in pragmatic ways due to the fact that these accounts of the past were constructed with reference to the communicative situation. Thus, this book also aims at shedding new light on the current practices of commemoration and remembrance related to periods of political violence in Argentina, in public and private settings

The recognition of Indigenous rights and the management of land and resources have always been fraught with complex power relations and conflicting expressions of identity. In Indigenous Encounters with Neoliberalism, Isabel Altamirano-Jiménez explores how this issue is playing out in two countries very differently marked by neoliberalism's local expressions - Canada and Mexico. Weaving together four distinct case studies, two from each country - Nunavut, the Nisga'a, the Zapatista Caracoles in Chiapas, and the Zapotec from Juchitán - Altamirano-Jiménez presents insights from Indigenous feminism, critical geography, political economy, and post-colonial studies. These specific examples highlight Indigenous people's responses to neoliberalism in their respective countries, reflecting the tensions that result from how Indigenous identity, gender, and the environment have been connected. Indigenous women's perspectives are particularly illuminating as they articulate diverse aspirations and concerns within a wider political framework. What emerges is a theoretical and empirical discussion of how indigeneity as an act of articulation is embedded in tensions between local needs and global wants. By exploring Indigenous peoples' relations to and in different locations, this study attempts to uncover the complexities of materializing neoliberalism and the fluidity of indigeneity.--Résumé de l'éditeur

FEUTURE Online Paper No. 4 This FEUTURE paper focuses on Turkey's and Europe's perceptions of each other in identity and cultural terms between two periods: 1789-1922 and 1923-1945. It identifies the identity representations developed by both sides in response to key selected political and cultural drivers of these periods by subjecting the writings of prominent Ottoman bureaucrats and intellectuals in the first period as well as newspaper articles and editorials in Europe and Turkey in both periods to Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). Identity representations are then discussed in relation to the pre-identified focal issues in the relationship; namely nationalism, status in international society, civilisation and state-citizen relations. The paper finds that there is no linear pattern to identity representations that are constantly contested in both the Turkish and European contexts. Certain positive and negative events trigger identity representations in novel ways, feeding into a set of relations which can be identified by conflict, convergence or cooperation. ; This project has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 692976. This publication reflects the views only of the authors, and the Commission cannot be held responsible for any use which may be made of the information contained therein.

В статье рассмотрены проблемы регулирования экономических отношений различными отраслями законодательной системы в соответствии с их классификацией. Проанализированы выходные юридические положения каждой систематизационной законодательной системы как комплекса источников экономического права о специфике регулирования экономических отношений. С помощью системного анализа установлено, что каждый отраслевой бизнес-комплекс является единым законодательным механизмом со своей специфической классификацией экономических отношений в данной отрасли ; Ensuring legal regulation of social and economic relations is very topical issue not only current socio-economic, but also social and political life of the state. This is due to qualitatively new phenomena, structural changes in the economy of Ukraine and its development towards the formation in Ukraine a socially oriented market economy and points to the need to study the role of law in regulating economic relations. An important achievement in the analysis of the nature of economic relations, the need for legal support for the implementation of these relations and the role of globalization and integration processes on sources of economic law have made outstanding scientists, business executives such as: V. K. Mamutov, O. M. Vinnyk, D. V. Zadyhaylo,G. L. Znamenskii. Also involved in the analysis of science P. G. Skrypnyck, V. A. Ystimenko and more. But these scientists have not paid sufficient attention is systemic view on forming nature of economic relations and developing strategies to ensure the formation of modern legal relations of the economic system according to the specific nature of the system is economic relations. The article is an analysis of the content of legislative activity in the area of economic rights of different approaches to regulation in Ukraine and foreign countries The regulation of economic relations in a market economy is through the various branches of law and related sources which precisely recognize the specific legal nature and respective relationships. Initial legal provisions separately each set of economic relations as functional for its intended use, and with the industry at the micro and macro levels need to ensure both public interests and private interests. Therefore, individually sectoral business complex is the only legal mechanism with its specific classification of economic relations in accordance with the industry. The structure, a complex nature, different functional orientation of economic relations, as well as providing private and national interests in them, require comprehensive systematic legal terms for their functioning. Developing a single economic globalization policies on the establishment, operation and is systematizing economic and legal sources into a single legal chain, as well as establishing uniform criteria and levels of display on private and public interests, ensure balanced development on all economic industrial complexes both national and international. The issue of economic relations lies in the dynamics of integration processes in both its functional complexes, and in the industry, making it impossible to fully regulate relations only with legislative support, but also other legal regulators legal customs, international treaties, economic and legal doctrine at all. The complexity of the implementation of substantive regulation of certain economic relations branch-only approach caused legal integration processes in the law and the emergence of new inter-industry legal systems, in this context it should be noted that the systematization sources regulating economic relations should unite relevant economic, agricultural, financial, labor, security and social institutions is through this process as unification

Lambros Flitouris, The Suez Crisis and the Greek-French Relations The Suez crisis in 1956 constitutes an important point in the development of the international relations at the period of the cold war. 1956 is a landmark year for the appointment of the Arabic nationalism as a basic constitutive element of the anti-colonialist wave that convulsed the world. During this period, the relations of Greece with the states involved in the crisis were to a large extent precarious. The anti-imperialists tones of Nasser found impression in the Greek common opinion that was exceptionally irritated from the EOKA's fight in Cyprus. In the present article we examine one particular aspect of the crisis: the relations of Greece with France. The agreements of economic collaboration that was achieved by Markezinis in 1953 signalled a new era in the activation of French capital in Greece. In combination with the big cultural tradition that Prance had in the country but also with the crisis in the relations of Greece with the UK because of the Cypriot question, the French factor in Greece acquired a great importance. However, the French diplomacy followed the policy of London and because of this the relations between Greece and France faced their more important post-war crisis. The Greek common opinion also turned against France, while the French diplomacy lost a great opportunity to strengthen her place in Greece. In the sector of economic relations and cultural exchanges befell a period of algidity with extensions in the Greek internal political life. The crisis of the period 1956-1958 constituted a negative parenthesis in the traditionally good relations between Athens and Paris, while it could be characterized as an adjacent negative result of the anti-colonial struggle and the Cypriot affair. ; Lambros Flitouris, The Suez Crisis and the Greek-French RelationsThe Suez crisis in 1956 constitutes an important point in the development of the international relations at the period of the cold war. 1956 is a landmark year for the appointment of the Arabic nationalism as a basic constitutive element of the anti-colonialist wave that convulsed the world. During this period, the relations of Greece with the states involved in the crisis were to a large extent precarious. The anti-imperialists tones of Nasser found impression in the Greek common opinion that was exceptionally irritated from the EOKA's fight in Cyprus. In the present article we examine one particular aspect of the crisis: the relations of Greece with France. The agreements of economic collaboration that was achieved by Markezinis in 1953 signalled a new era in the activation of French capital in Greece. In combination with the big cultural tradition that Prance had in the country but also with the crisis in the relations of Greece with the UK because of the Cypriot question, the French factor in Greece acquired a great importance. However, the French diplomacy followed the policy of London and because of this the relations between Greece and France faced their more important post-war crisis. The Greek common opinion also turned against France, while the French diplomacy lost a great opportunity to strengthen her place in Greece. In the sector of economic relations and cultural exchanges befell a period of algidity with extensions in the Greek internal political life. The crisis of the period 1956-1958 constituted a negative parenthesis in the traditionally good relations between Athens and Paris, while it could be characterized as an adjacent negative result of the anti-colonial struggle and the Cypriot affair.

International audience ; The challenge of developing humane migration and refugee politics in Western states is far from resolved. This ongoing failure is typically attributed to the increased influence of right-wing populism and neo-fascism in Western migration politics. In this article I discuss a more radical explanation: Christoph Menke argues that political liberalism and its framing of migration as an issue of subjective human rights is the deeper root of the problem. While the merit of Menke's approach is its criticism of subjectification through individual rights that blocks politics, I show that his Critique of Rights may lead to an antipluralist and paternalistic 'radical republicanism'. To react to this problem, I propose a 'reflective liberalism' that allows to criticise subjectification without abandoning the form of individual rights. This position, which I develop through a discussion of Foucault's concept of 'freedom as critique', shows that in addition to protecting minorities such as migrants, individual rights turn out to be part of a regime of critical subjectification that constitutes critical subjects. Such critical subjectification by law can help to break through the blockade of politics that prevent the development of humane migration and refugee politics.

"This book investigates rival narratives about the conflict in Syria from 2011 onwards. It examines the starkly different narratives about the Syrian conflict told by mainly Western mainstream and alternative media, and contrasts these narratives with the equally polarized but more nuanced narratives of mainly western scholars and long-form journalists. Differences of narrative concerning the conflict include: what is deemed relevant context in trying to explain the war; whether the war is best seen as a civil conflict or as a proxy war fought among external powers; the degree of emphasis given to the alleged crimes of the Syrian regime as opposed to the alleged violence of Salafist militia; the accuracy of the 'origin' story of the conflict in Daraa; the extent to which the initial protestors were secular campaigners calling for democracy or whether they were Muslim extremists seeking a sectarian society governed by sharia law. Several case studies of propaganda institutions are examined here, including the journalism of Marie Colvin; the role of government-funded NGOs; the controversies surrounding each of three major instances of alleged regime use of chemical weapons, and the politicization of the Organization for Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW). This book will be of much interest to students of media and communication studies, propaganda studies, Middle Eastern politics, and International Relations in general"--

There has been a growing interest around the broader effects of psychopathic traits, particularly in relation to deviant behaviors and the notion of so-called "successful psychopathy". As significant sociocultural touchstones, sporting events are often characterized by competitiveness and a sense of prestige. However, there has been limited attention towards psychopathic traits across recreational, amateur, and elite sports. Accordingly, we conducted a narrative review synthesizing primary observations on this topic, searching keywords in Scopus, APA PsychNet, and PubMed. Twenty-four academic papers were included in our results, which we thematized around demographic groups, namely: athletes and sport-adjacent non-athletes (i.e., coaches and spectators). Based on empirical findings from the reviewed papers, psychopathic traits could have medicolegal and forensic implications in relation to substance use, aggression, and violence. These could intersect with wider issues around doping, cheating, foul play, and have adverse outcomes for fellow participants, team dynamics, and spectators. Interestingly, our review also indicates that psychopathic traits may have correlations with determination and achievement in sport, echoing developing ideas around "successful psychopathy" in other domains. As such, increased awareness from all stakeholders and further multidisciplinary exchanges are vital to better understand the effects of psychopathic traits in sporting frameworks and their wider consequences.

AbstractSocial work professionals in urban contexts struggle to serve different groups equally. Critical social work literature advocates critical reflexivity in social work practices. Focusing on existing support practices, it encourages scrutinising the implicit ways social work practices can maintain and reproduce power imbalances and othering structures. However, it has not examined the tensions connected with phases in which the first contact between clients and professionals occurs and clients' engagement in social work programmes begins. Stimulated by an empirical research into parenting-support in a city in the Netherlands, this article examines theoretically the notion of 'encounter practices' through which professionals reach out to people considered in need of support but not asking for help. We disentangle how encounter practices can be interpreted through different understandings of professional engagement, emerging from either critical or affirmative traditions of social work. The encounter context poses specific challenges for critical reflexivity, but it also offers the possibility of exploring one's social positioning in relation to others through informal micro-interactions preceding the instalment of professional relations between professionals and parents. Drawing on insights from urban studies, we distinguish 'fleeting', 'convivial' and 'engaged encounters' as different levels of encounter that allow unsettling othering structures in outreach practices.

While educators, curriculum authors and policy makers alike are influenced by assumptions about parents' dis/approval of gender and sexuality diversity, both generally, as well as specifically in relation to this topic's appropriateness for K-12 classrooms, little empirical data is available to support these assumptions. What data does exist suggests that parents generally support the implementation of a comprehensive sexuality curriculum, inclusive of same-sex attraction, and view sexuality education as a school-parent partnership. Surveying a sample of Australian parents of children attending a government (public) school (N = 2093), whose responses were weighted to produce nationally representative estimates, this study sought to expand on previous findings by exploring the complexities of parents' attitudes in relation to gender and sexuality diversity and its place within relationships and sexual health education. This paper provides a descriptive overview of parents' ideas about the purpose of relationships and sexual health education and their views on the importance of including gender and sexuality diversity-inclusive content within related curriculum areas. Notably, over 80% of parents supported the inclusion of gender and sexuality diversity-inclusive relationships and sexual health education topics across primary and secondary government schools.