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THIS ARTICLE TESTS HYPOTHESES ON THE RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN THE NATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS OF STATE, ECONOMY, AND BUSINESS CULTURE AND THE ORGANIZATIONAL CHARACTER AND POLITICAL ROLE OF BUSINESS ASSOCIATIONS, DRAWN FROM THE INTERNATIONAL LITERATURE ON BUSINESS ASSOCIATIONS, AGAINST NEW EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE FROM AUSTRALIA. AUSTRALIA'S WEAK STATE STRUCTURES, FRAGMENTED ECONOMY, AND FIRM-CENTERED BUSINESS CULTURE PRODUCE THE EXPECTED PATTERN OF FRAGMENTED BUSINESS ASSOCIATIONS ENGAGED IN TRADITIONAL FORMS OF POLICY ADVOCACY, LOBBYING, AND PRESSURE PLURALISM. HOWEVER, THESE FINDINGS NEED TO BE QUALIFIED IN THREE WAYS. NOT ALL ASSOCIATIONS FIT THE HYPOTHESIZED RELATIONSHIPS; THERE HAVE BEEN SIGNIFICANT RECENT ATTEMPTS TO OVERCOME ASSSOCIATIONAL FRAGMENTATION THROUGH AD HOC, ISSUE-BASED COALITIONS; AND EVIDENCE INDICATES A SHIFT FROM LOBBYING FUNCTIONS TOWARD QUASI-GOVERNMENTAL ROLES IN THE PUBLIC POLICY PROCESS. THESE QUALIFICATIONS CALL FOR RETHINKING OF AUSTRALIAN BUSINESS POLITICS AND SPEAK TO WIDER THEORETICAL ISSUES ABOUT THE EXTENT TO WHICH MACRO POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC STRUCTURES SHAPE POLITICAL BEHAVIOR.

Abstract: In the 1990s, history has emerged as an important area of public contest in Australian politics. Both the political right and the political left have expended considerable efforts and resources in attempts to legitimate their policies through reference to their past achievements or the mistakes of their opponents. One such site of this struggle is the history of Australia's relationship with the broad Asian region. Since its election in March 1996, the Howard Government has actively resisted the dominant historical interpretation that has portrayed conservative Australian governments of the past as ambivalent, if not positively hostile, to the Asian region. Much of this effort has focused on the lionization of a conservative foreign minister of the 1950s, Richard Casey, and the creation of a so-called "Casey Tradition" in Australian foreign policy. This article examines the means by which the Australian Government has defended the Asian foreign policy efforts of earlier conservative governments in an effort to legitimate its own policies and capabilities, and challenges many of the assertions the government has made in this regard. It concludes that by actively asserting a lineage between the current government's policies and those of former conservative governments, an image of ambivalence regarding the sincerity of Australian engagement with the broad Asian region is perpetuated.

The toxic environment that is colonized Australia has broken many of the traditional circles of care for Indigenous children and created a service system which waits for Indigenous families to become dysfunctional before there is any response.TheVictorianAboriginal Child CareAgency (VACCA) encourages an approach to Indigenous children and families which is culturally respectful, culturally appropriate and framed according to the need to respect self-determination and human rights. VACCA has developed early childhood and family welfare policies which identify how cultural-strengthening works as a preventative measure to address risk factors for Indigenous children.With the ongoing reforms to Child and Family Welfare arising from the Children, Youth and Families Act, the Victoria State Government in Australia has an historic opportunity to lead the nation in creating an Indigenous-led child and family service system which focuses on issues of prevention and early intervention. The new Act prioritizes cultural and community connection in the best interest principles for Indigenous children, recognizes self-determination and requires generalist children's welfare services to be culturally competent. The only way to ensure that every Indigenous child is effectively cared for is by developing the capacity of Indigenous communities to look after their own by strengthening Indigenous organizations and agencies. It is Indigenous agencies who are best placed to deliver innovative programs which are culturally embedded and carefully targeted to restore the circles of care for Indigenous kids. Aculturally competent service system is what is needed to ensure better outcomes for Indigenous children.

The national Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada has challenged governments and school boards across Canada to acknowledge and address the damaging legacies of residential schooling while ensuring that all students gain an adequate understanding of relations between Indigenous Peoples and non-Indigenous peoples. This article explores the dynamics and prospects for effective change associated with reforms in elementary and secondary education systems since the release of the Commission's Calls to Action, focusing on the policy frameworks employed by provincial and territorial governments to guide these actions. The analysis examines critically the overt and hidden messages conveyed through discourses within policy documents and statements. The key questions we address include: What do current education policy frameworks and actions regarding Indigenous Peoples reveal about government approaches to education and settler–Indigenous relationships in Canada? To what extent is effective reconciliation possible, and how can it be accomplished in the context of institutional structures and discourses within a White settler colonial society? The findings reveal that substantial movement towards greater acknowledgement of Indigenous knowledge systems and incorporation of Indigenous content continues to be subordinated to or embedded within Western assumptions, norms, and standards.

Open Educational Practices (OEP) have played an important role in assisting educational institutions and governments worldwide to meet their current and future educational targets in widening participation, lowering costs, improving the quality of learning and teaching and promoting social inclusion and participatory democracy. There have been some important OEP developments in Australia, but unfortunately the potential of OEP to meet some of the national educational targets has not been fully realised and acknowledged yet, in ways that many countries around the world have. This paper will gather, discuss, and analyse some key national and international policies and documentation available as an attempt to provide a solid foundation for a call to action for OEP in Australia, which will hopefully be an instrument to assist and connect practitioners and policy makers in higher education.

Hybrid economy research in remote Indigenous Australia is what Gibson-Graham [2008. Diverse economies: performative practices for "other worlds". Progress in Human Geography, 32 (5), 613-632] describe as a performative ontological project. This research seeks to address the marginalisation of customary economic activities that contribute to the well-being of Indigenous Australians. It aims to make the customary sector more real, more credible and more viable as an object of policy and activism, challenging the dual dominance of the state and the market as the focus of development (cf. Gibson-Graham 2008). This paper outlines how hybrid economy research has sought to broaden views of the economic landscape in remote Indigenous Australia amid the withdrawal of key policy and programmatic support by the Australian Government. This research draws on Canadian national surveys of Indigenous peoples, harvest studies and programmatic support for customary harvest - hunting, fishing and gathering of bush foods - to identify ways in which the Australian Government might better see and support Indigenous community food economies.

Hybrid economy research in remote Indigenous Australia is what Gibson-Graham [2008. Diverse economies: performative practices for "other worlds". Progress in Human Geography, 32 (5), 613-632] describe as a performative ontological project. This research seeks to address the marginalisation of customary economic activities that contribute to the well-being of Indigenous Australians. It aims to make the customary sector more real, more credible and more viable as an object of policy and activism, challenging the dual dominance of the state and the market as the focus of development (cf. Gibson-Graham 2008). This paper outlines how hybrid economy research has sought to broaden views of the economic landscape in remote Indigenous Australia amid the withdrawal of key policy and programmatic support by the Australian Government. This research draws on Canadian national surveys of Indigenous peoples, harvest studies and programmatic support for customary harvest - hunting, fishing and gathering of bush foods - to identify ways in which the Australian Government might better see and support Indigenous community food economies.

Hybrid economy research in remote Indigenous Australia is what Gibson-Graham [2008. Diverse economies: performative practices for "other worlds". Progress in Human Geography, 32 (5), 613-632] describe as a performative ontological project. This research seeks to address the marginalisation of customary economic activities that contribute to the well-being of Indigenous Australians. It aims to make the customary sector more real, more credible and more viable as an object of policy and activism, challenging the dual dominance of the state and the market as the focus of development (cf. Gibson-Graham 2008). This paper outlines how hybrid economy research has sought to broaden views of the economic landscape in remote Indigenous Australia amid the withdrawal of key policy and programmatic support by the Australian Government. This research draws on Canadian national surveys of Indigenous peoples, harvest studies and programmatic support for customary harvest - hunting, fishing and gathering of bush foods - to identify ways in which the Australian Government might better see and support Indigenous community food economies.

Combining the perspectives of political, social, and cultural history in a coherent narrative, this account is a holistic interpretation of the complex relationship between Indigenous and settler Australians during the middle of the 20th century. As it provides a cogent analysis of how the relationship changed, this record focuses on the quest for Aboriginal inclusion in the Australian nation-a task that dominated the Aboriginal agenda at the time-and challenges existing scholarship and assumptions, particularly around assimilation. Arguing that inclusion was not a function of political lobbyi

This article deals with developments in the Australian economy in the period from the second quarter of 1973 (the quarter for which the latest official estimates of national income and expenditure are available) through to the end of the financial year 1974–75. It was prepared in October and early November 1973.Annual periods shown as 1971–72, 1972–73, etc. refer to years ended 30 June.

This article deals with developments in the Australian economy in the period from the fourth quarter of 1971 (the quarter for which the latest official estimates of national income and expenditure are available) through to the end of the financial year 1972–73. It was prepared in May 1972.Annual periods shown as 1970–71, 1971–72, etc. refer to years ended 30 June.

This article deals with developments in the Australian economy in the period from the second quarter of 1971 (the quarter for which the latest official estimates of national income and expenditure are available through to the end of the financial year 1972‐73. It was prepared in October 1971.Annual periods shown as 1970‐71, 1971‐72, etc. refer to years ended 30 June.