Part two of an interview with John Clementi. Topics include: The interests of John's children. How John feels about no longer working in litigation. John's thoughts about September 11th. How John feels as an Italian American. ; 1 SPEAKER 1: Um, we've… as I've said before, we've been fortunate in that we've… um, our recruitment and retention, we've just been very successful people coming here and… but I think everybody wants to leave a legacy of-of fairness and opportunity and I hope we do the same. Um, I would be thrilled if they did, um, but, um, honestly I-I really don't… I don't see it happening. I have a daughter who desperately wants to go into publishing. I have another daughter who is… is going to be a music major and so that leaves my son and he's too young to-to tell but, uh, uh, I don't know. SPEAKER 2: In any way or…? SPEAKER 1: [Laughs]. Not really. [Laughs] Not really. Well, I shouldn't say that. I had a daughter who… my-my oldest daughter has worked for us, um, for three years, um, in the summers and my, uh, middle daughter worked here last summer. Her first job, actually. So they've been here and they worked here, um, uh, during the summers. My son, he's getting to the age where pretty soon he's going to be able to work so we'll hopefully get him down here. SPEAKER 2: [Unintelligible – 00:01:10]? SPEAKER 1: Sometimes I-I miss the camaraderie of-of, um, of the people that are involved in the administration of justice but I'm-I'm even told that that has changed, that that is a much more, um, not as collegial in atmosphere as it used to be. But I-I miss, I miss the intellectual aspect of the law more than anything. I can't say that I miss sitting around courtrooms waiting for things to happen but, um, I miss the people more than anything. Both of the partners that I worked for, [Frank Gettins] and [John Longo], have passed away and, uh, they were both very kind to me and they were just real wonderful, brilliant people in the law and I really enjoyed them and miss them. But all in all, I-I think that this business has afforded me to go places and do things that I probably wouldn't have done otherwise, 2 you know, but all in all, I don't think I regret, regret that decision very much. My hardest? SPEAKER 2: Yeah. SPEAKER 1: I don't know. I think those moments when it just doesn't work out with an employee, it must come to mind immediately to me as it is difficult. Because nobody likes to let anybody go and I can think of a couple of instances in my life where it just had to happen. And you know, I was a pretty sad person for a while after that but by and large, we've been fairly fortunate that we haven't had a lot of the crises. Well, I think about it a lot, especially lately with what's going on subsequent to September 11th and the reason I think about it is obviously because the attack was on the United States but also because I'm privy to the Italian press. I get Italian newspapers delivered and also I'm able to watch Italian television from the satellite and it has become readily apparent to me that you know, Italy is not America and vice versa and public opinion and sentiment is not the same. I realize that if I'm Italian, I'm Italian by virtue of perhaps my personality, you know, my background, you know, by blood, if you will. But I honestly, intellectually, psychologically, I am American. My allegiance of 9/11 have, you know, really put that in bold print in my mind. The reaction thereafter has made it even more so. You know, I've come to realize how important the system really is. That you know, all of the clichés about you know, being the worst system of government that man has devised, or the best system, you know, not that great but the best. Well, it is by far the best. The people, I think the spirit that was exhibited in the aftermath of 9/11… I don't envision the same thing happening in Italy. All of the 3 commentators, even the commentators who have never been terribly sympathetic to the United States and the one that comes to mind is Oriana Fallaci, who is you know, a fairly famous journalist who was the 70s version of Christiane Amanpour, happened to be living in Manhattan when it happened and you know, commenting on the aftermath. You know, I just don't think that there's another country in the world where you know, people would stand by the street to thank people leaving the site, you know, to salute police officers. That's American and so to that extent, you know, I'm American. As Italy goes, it's so unique, I'm so proud of what it represents. You know, it's always been, to me at least, sort of the aesthetic of the Western World. It's the filter through which all things aesthetic are somehow passed. You know, I always admired Italian clothes, Italian cars, Italian furniture, Italian modern art, the Italian soul, you know, the affection, the hospitality, respect, you know, all of those things. So it's kind of a balancing act but as I say, the recent events have sort of brought into sharper focus what it means to be American. I never thought I'd say this but it's fairly clear to me it's much more important to feel that than it is to feel the other thing. Maybe in the context of this exercise, maybe that's not what we want to hear but you know, we're able to have this discussion because of that and that doesn't happen in all that many places. That's kind of my take on being Italian American. I'm sorry that Italian Americans, as time goes on, will understand less and less what it means to be Italian. And I am so supportive of this program because I think as time goes on, people who have an Italian surname aren't going to really know and their feelings will be largely clichés and popular media.4 But all in all, it's been important to me to understand Italy and I feel what it is to be Italian and I think I do. But as I said before, recent events have made it clear to me that it's more important… okay, I'm sorry. SPEAKER 2: No, that's all right. Just that very last sentence, being important to be an American. SPEAKER 1: Well, to me it's important to understand what it is to be Italian, especially when your parents are of Italian descent but recent events have made it clear to me that it's more important to understand what it is to be American because going forward for better or for worse I think it's going to define a lot about how we feel about ourselves. SPEAKER 2: Would you like to add anything else? SPEAKER 1: No. I was very supportive of the notion of the oral history of Italian Americans or Italians in this area. I sincerely hope that we're able to find many people who are either immigrants or who have a direct knowledge of what it was like to be an immigrant coming to this country, to really understand, I think in the broader sense, what it means to be an immigrant, period, in this country because it's something that we all share sooner or later in our experience. Thank you. SPEAKER 2: I think you'll be pleasantly surprised at the community presentation. SPEAKER 1: Really? I hope so./AT/pa/cy/mb
The penetration level of the insurance and pension sectors in Malawi is low, but it seems adequate as compared with other countries in similar stages of development. Concentration and costs are high, the regulatory framework is outdated or inexistent and supervision is weak. An innovative pilot experience of weather micro-insurance is a good example of private-public partnership to reduce vulnerability and extend benefits, but the coverage is still low. The project faces several challenges, one of them being the need to invest in weather technology. Cost benefit analysis of public projects in this area should take into consideration the possible positive social benefits of income security for vulnerable rural population. The analysis needs to take into account that possibilities to increase micro-insurance penetration may be affected by the level of education of farmers, as well as their specific knowledge of insurance products and their confidence in insurance companies. Life insurance and private pension plans have an acceptable level of development as substitute of the non-existing mandatory pensions for private sector workers, but they need a stronger supervision and regulation to enhance their benefits. Rules should seek to promote portfolio diversification, higher portability of pensions and old age income security through well defined benefit rules.
Background Improving survival and extending the longevity of life for all populations requires timely, robust evidence on local mortality levels and trends. The Global Burden of Disease 2015 Study (GBD 2015) provides a comprehensive assessment of all-cause and cause-specific mortality for 249 causes in 195 countries and territories from 1980 to 2015. These results informed an in-depth investigation of observed and expected mortality patterns based on sociodemographic measures. Methods We estimated all-cause mortality by age, sex, geography, and year using an improved analytical approach originally developed for GBD 2013 and GBD 2010. Improvements included refinements to the estimation of child and adult mortality and corresponding uncertainty, parameter selection for under-5 mortality synthesis by spatiotemporal Gaussian process regression, and sibling history data processing. We also expanded the database of vital registration, survey, and census data to 14 294 geography–year datapoints. For GBD 2015, eight causes, including Ebola virus disease, were added to the previous GBD cause list for mortality. We used six modelling approaches to assess cause-specific mortality, with the Cause of Death Ensemble Model (CODEm) generating estimates for most causes. We used a series of novel analyses to systematically quantify the drivers of trends in mortality across geographies. First, we assessed observed and expected levels and trends of cause-specific mortality as they relate to the Socio-demographic Index (SDI), a summary indicator derived from measures of income per capita, educational attainment, and fertility. Second, we examined factors affecting total mortality patterns through a series of counterfactual scenarios, testing the magnitude by which population growth, population age structures, and epidemiological changes contributed to shifts in mortality. Finally, we attributed changes in life expectancy to changes in cause of death. We documented each step of the GBD 2015 estimation processes, as well as data sources, in accordance with Guidelines for Accurate and Transparent Health Estimates Reporting (GATHER). Findings Globally, life expectancy from birth increased from 61·7 years (95% uncertainty interval 61·4–61·9) in 1980 to 71·8 years (71·5–72·2) in 2015. Several countries in sub-Saharan Africa had very large gains in life expectancy from 2005 to 2015, rebounding from an era of exceedingly high loss of life due to HIV/AIDS. At the same time, many geographies saw life expectancy stagnate or decline, particularly for men and in countries with rising mortality from war or interpersonal violence. From 2005 to 2015, male life expectancy in Syria dropped by 11·3 years (3·7–17·4), to 62·6 years (56·5–70·2). Total deaths increased by 4·1% (2·6–5·6) from 2005 to 2015, rising to 55·8 million (54·9 million to 56·6 million) in 2015, but age-standardised death rates fell by 17·0% (15·8–18·1) during this time, underscoring changes in population growth and shifts in global age structures. The result was similar for non-communicable diseases (NCDs), with total deaths from these causes increasing by 14·1% (12·6–16·0) to 39·8 million (39·2 million to 40·5 million) in 2015, whereas age-standardised rates decreased by 13·1% (11·9–14·3). Globally, this mortality pattern emerged for several NCDs, including several types of cancer, ischaemic heart disease, cirrhosis, and Alzheimer's disease and other dementias. By contrast, both total deaths and age-standardised death rates due to communicable, maternal, neonatal, and nutritional conditions significantly declined from 2005 to 2015, gains largely attributable to decreases in mortality rates due to HIV/AIDS (42·1%, 39·1–44·6), malaria (43·1%, 34·7–51·8), neonatal preterm birth complications (29·8%, 24·8–34·9), and maternal disorders (29·1%, 19·3–37·1). Progress was slower for several causes, such as lower respiratory infections and nutritional deficiencies, whereas deaths increased for others, including dengue and drug use disorders. Age-standardised death rates due to injuries significantly declined from 2005 to 2015, yet interpersonal violence and war claimed increasingly more lives in some regions, particularly in the Middle East. In 2015, rotaviral enteritis (rotavirus) was the leading cause of under-5 deaths due to diarrhoea (146 000 deaths, 118 000–183 000) and pneumococcal pneumonia was the leading cause of under-5 deaths due to lower respiratory infections (393 000 deaths, 228 000–532 000), although pathogen-specific mortality varied by region. Globally, the effects of population growth, ageing, and changes in age-standardised death rates substantially differed by cause. Our analyses on the expected associations between cause-specific mortality and SDI show the regular shifts in cause of death composition and population age structure with rising SDI. Country patterns of premature mortality (measured as years of life lost [YLLs]) and how they differ from the level expected on the basis of SDI alone revealed distinct but highly heterogeneous patterns by region and country or territory. Ischaemic heart disease, stroke, and diabetes were among the leading causes of YLLs in most regions, but in many cases, intraregional results sharply diverged for ratios of observed and expected YLLs based on SDI. Communicable, maternal, neonatal, and nutritional diseases caused the most YLLs throughout sub-Saharan Africa, with observed YLLs far exceeding expected YLLs for countries in which malaria or HIV/AIDS remained the leading causes of early death. Interpretation At the global scale, age-specific mortality has steadily improved over the past 35 years; this pattern of general progress continued in the past decade. Progress has been faster in most countries than expected on the basis of development measured by the SDI. Against this background of progress, some countries have seen falls in life expectancy, and age-standardised death rates for some causes are increasing. Despite progress in reducing age-standardised death rates, population growth and ageing mean that the number of deaths from most non-communicable causes are increasing in most countries, putting increased demands on health systems. Funding Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation. ; We thank the countless individuals who have contributed to the Global Burden of Disease Study 2015 in various capacities. The data reported here have been supplied by the United States Renal Data System (USRDS). Data for this research was provided by MEASURE Evaluation, funded by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). Collection of these data was made possible by USAID under the terms of cooperative agreement GPO-A-00-08-000_D3-00. Views expressed do not necessarily reflect those of USAID, the US Government, or MEASURE Evaluation. Parts of this material are based on data and information provided by the Canadian institute for Health Information. However, the analyses, conclusions, opinions and statements expressed herein are those of the author and not those of the Canadian Institute for Health information. The Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics granted the researchers access to relevant data in accordance with licence number SLN2014-3-170, after subjecting data to processing aiming to preserve the confidentiality of individual data in accordance with the General Statistics Law–2000. The researchers are solely responsible for the conclusions and inferences drawn upon available data. The following individuals acknowledge various forms of institutional support. Simon I Hay is funded by a Senior Research Fellowship from the Wellcome Trust (#095066), and grants from the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation (OPP1119467, OPP1093011, OPP1106023 and OPP1132415). Panniyammakal Jeemon is supported by a Clinical and Public Health Intermediate Fellowship from the Wellcome Trust-DBT India Alliance (2015–20). Luciano A Sposato is partly supported by the Edward and Alma Saraydar Neurosciences Fund, London Health Sciences Foundation, London, ON, Canada. George A Mensah notes that the views expressed in this Article are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute, National Institutes of Health, or the United States Department of Health and Human Services. Boris Bikbov acknowledges that work related to this paper has been done on the behalf of the GBD Genitourinary Disease Expert Group supported by the International Society of Nephrology (ISN). Ana Maria Nogales Vasconcelos acknowledges that her team in Brazil received funding from Ministry of Health (process number 25000192049/2014-14). Rodrigo Sarmiento-Suarez receives institutional support from Universidad de Ciencias Aplicadas y Ambientales, UDCA, Bogotá, Colombia. Ulrich O Mueller and Andrea Werdecker gratefully acknowledge funding by the German National Cohort BMBF (grant number OIER 1301/22). Peter James was supported by the National Cancer Institute of the National Institutes of Health (Award K99CA201542). Brett M Kissela would like to acknowledge NIH/NINDS R-01 30678. Louisa Degenhardt is supported by an Australian National Health and Medical Research Council Principal Research fellowship. Daisy M X Abreu received institutional support from the Brazilian Ministry of Health (Proc number 25000192049/2014-14). Jennifer H MacLachlan receives funding support from the Australian Government Department of Health and Royal Melbourne Hospital Research Funding Program. Miriam Levi acknowledges institutional support received from CeRIMP, Regional Centre for Occupational Diseases and Injuries, Tuscany Region, Florence, Italy. Tea Lallukka reports funding from The Academy of Finland (grant 287488). No individuals acknowledged received additional compensation for their efforts. ; Peer-reviewed ; Publisher Version
A new coalition government was formed in September 2012 following the collapse of the previous government at the end of August 2012. The Kyrgyz economy experienced a significant decline during the first half of 2012 caused by disrupted operations at the Kumtor gold mine. A decline in gold exports combined with a higher level of imports has increased the current account deficit. Expansionary fiscal policy during the first half of the year along with revenue weakness during the remainder of the year will widen the fiscal deficit to 6.1 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) in 2012 from 4.8 percent of GDP a year ago. The medium-term growth outlook is favorable although there are significant downside risks. There are also exogenous shocks that will need to be mitigated, including rising food prices, spillover effects from the Euro zone sovereign debt crisis, and a weak global economy.
This thesis contributes to the field of political ecology by presenting an empirically driven analysis of the power dynamics between the state and Sámi reindeer herders and the knowledge systems that inform the governance of reindeer husbandry. The phenomenon studied consists of the actors' competing accounts of what reindeer husbandry is and what it ought to be. This phenomenon is addressed through four research questions: 1. What values and knowledge systems inform the actors' presentations about reindeer husbandry? 2. What are the actors' presentations of the 'proper' management of reindeer, herders and land? 3. How do the actors influence and claim authority in decision-making concerning reindeer husbandry? 4. How does the state's governance of reindeer husbandry affect power relations among the actors? The research was qualitative. The core data have been collected from in-depth interviews and informal conversations with herders and government officials in the 2012–2015 period. One of the case studies of the thesis was based on participatory research. The study has also been informed by direct observations of meetings between the actors and written sources such as government documents, letters between the actors and scientific publications. The study used a grounded theory approach to conceptualise the information that was collected. It engages the concepts of governmentality, weapons of the weak, politics of belonging and political ontology – concepts that were useful in the analysis of how policies meet practice, and how state regulations affect power relations between the state and herders, as well as within the herding community. The geographical scope of the study is West Finnmark, in the far north of Norway. This is the largest reindeer-herding region in terms of numbers of reindeer and herders. For more than a century, the Norwegian state has been concerned that there are 'too many reindeer' and 'too many herders' in West Finnmark. The state has therefore used regulations and incentives since the late 1970s to rationalise reindeer husbandry to make it economically efficient. Since 1992, sustainability has been an added objective. To make decision-making more effective, new policies were introduced in 2007 to strengthen the aspect of self-governance within reindeer husbandry. At the same time, it also increased the state's capacity for sanctioning unwanted herding practices. Although the rationalisation policies have been in place for 40 years, government officials state that this objective has not been met. West Finnmark has specifically been identified as a region where herding practices continue to be irrational. At the same time, the region faces an increasing number of land-use conflicts between reindeer herders and other interests such as mining, wind power and hydropower installations, and roads and other types of urban development. The state's destocking efforts and the land-use conflicts form the backdrop of the study. The thesis is built on four separate, but interrelated papers. They explore the actors' narratives about decision-making related to reindeer husbandry, techniques for governing and being governed. The papers also report on the conflicting knowledge systems and competing worldviews that inform the actors' presentations about 'proper' management of reindeer, herders and the land on which reindeer husbandry depends. Further, the papers explore the power structures that affect the actors' ability to present their accounts and their ability to be understood by society at large. They examine how the actors describe the decision-making processes, explain their own actions, and claim authority. The study shows that the herders and government officials hold different and competing narratives about destocking and land-use decisions. However, one collective actor – the government officials – holds more economic and discursive power to legitimise its presentation. Thus, their narrative is perceived as objective and rational, while the herders' counternarratives are labelled subjective and opportunistic. Further, the actors have unequal access to arenas for promoting their stories. The government officials' narratives are repeated in Parliament and by the media and society; the counternarratives are almost invisible in the public debate. Moreover, the persistent dominant narratives have established an undisputed truth about Sámi reindeer herders – that the herders are overstocking the range to maximise their personal benefits and that reindeer husbandry is a bottleneck for the economic development of Finnmark. The thesis identifies four 'techniques of power' – discipline, neoliberal rationality, sovereign power and truth – used by the state to stimulate 'rational' herding practices, together with the techniques of resistance used by the herders to hamper the implementation of the rationalisation policies in West Finnmark. The analysis reveals the forms of resistance that the herders use daily to maintain control of their own livelihoods and practices. A common strategy is to partly adopt and partly avoid state regulations. Individual responses to the rationalisation are determined by personal desires and capacity, as well as relationships with and the behaviour of fellow herders. The thesis argues that the state governance of reindeer husbandry promotes herding practices that are primarily based on Western knowledge and the Western way of understanding the world. The governance regime is in conflict with traditional Sámi reindeer-herding knowledge and worldviews. Despite 40 years of attempting to transform reindeer husbandry by means of policies, the Sámi worldview continues to influence the herders' understanding of the relationship between humans, reindeer and nature and how this relationship should be governed. The conflicting knowledge systems and competing worldviews about what reindeer husbandry is and ought to be undermine the identity and rights of the herders. The state's attempts to control the Sámi reindeer husbandry skews the power relations between the state and the herders to the benefit of the state, and it creates winners and losers within the Sámi herding community. The Sámi herders' ability to engage in reindeer husbandry and claim the right to land has become dependent on their success in adapting to a Norwegianised form of reindeer husbandry. ; Denne avhandlingen bidrar til feltet politisk økologi ved å presentere en empirisk drevet analyse av maktforhold mellom staten og samiske reineiere, og av kunnskapssystemene som ligger til grunn for reindriftsforvaltning. Fenomenet som undersøkes består av aktørenes (reineierne og staten) motstridende narrativer (fortellinger) om hva reindrift er og hva det burde være. Fenomenet utforskes gjennom fire forskningsspørsmål: 1. Hvilke verdier og kunnskapssystemer ligger til grunn for aktørenes narrativer om reindrift? 2. Hvordan forstår aktørene 'god' forvaltning av rein, reineiere og beiteland? 3. Hvordan påvirker aktørene beslutningsprosesser for reindrift, og hvordan styrker de sin egen legitimitet i prosessene? 4. Hvordan påvirker den statlige styringen av samisk reindrift maktforholdet mellom aktørene? Forskningen var kvalitativ. Dataene kom i hovedsak fra dybdeintervjuer og uformelle samtaler med reineiere og myndigheter i årene 2012–2015. En av casene i avhandlingen var basert på deltakende forskning. Studien bygget også på observasjoner av møter mellom aktørene og skriftlige kilder som offentlige dokumenter, brevkorrespondanse mellom reineiere og myndighetene og vitenskapelige artikler. Studien brukte grounded theory (empiribasert teoriutvikling) som tilnærming for å konseptualisere dataene som ble samlet inn. Forskningen dro veksler på begreper som governmentality (styringsmentalitet), resistence (motstand), politics of belonging (tilhørighet) og political ontology (politisk ontologi) – konsepter som var nyttige i analysen av hvordan politikk møter praksis, og hvordan statlig forvaltning påvirker maktforholdet mellom staten og reineiere, samt maktforholdet innad i reindriften. Det geografiske fokuset for avhandlingen er Vest-Finnmark. Dette er den største reindriftsregionen i Norge i antall rein og reineiere. I mer enn et århundre har den norske staten vært bekymret for at det er 'for mange rein' og 'for mange reineiere' i Vest-Finnmark. Og siden slutten av 1970-tallet har staten brukt ulike forskrifter og subsidieordninger for å rasjonalisere reindriften og gjøre den økonomisk effektivt. Siden 1992 har også bærekraft vært et uttalt politisk mål. For å gjøre beslutninger mer effektive, la reindriftsloven av 2007 til rette for internt selvstyre i reindriften, samtidig som den også innførte nye sanksjonsbestemmelser for å håndtere uønsket praksis blant reineierne. Rasjonaliseringspolitikken har eksistert i 40 år, men ifølge myndighetene har målet om rasjonell reindrift ikke blitt oppfylt. Spesielt Vest-Finnmark blir presentert som en region som forsetter å ha et for høyt reintall. Samtidig står denne regionen overfor et økende antall arealbrukskonflikter mellom reindrift og annen type arealbruk som gruvedrift, vindkraft og vannkraft, veier og andre typer infrastruktur. Statens tiltak for å redusere antall rein og arealkonflikter utgjør bakteppe for denne avhandlingen. Avhandlingen er basert på fire individuelle, men relaterte forskningsartikler. Disse undersøker aktørenes narrativer om beslutningsprosesser knyttet til reindrift, styringsteknikker og teknikker som brukes for å motstå å bli styrt. Artiklene beskriver også de motstridende kunnskapsformene og konkurrerende verdensbildene som ligger til grunn for aktørenes narrativer om 'god' forvaltning av rein, reineiere og beiter. Videre ser artiklene på maktstrukturer som påvirker aktørens evne til å kommunisere sine narrativer og til å bli forstått av storsamfunnet. De undersøker hvordan aktørene beskriver beslutningsprosesser, forklarer sine egne handlinger og hvordan de styrker sin egen legitimitet i prosessene. Studien viser at reineiere og myndighetene har ulike og motstridende narrativer om reintallsreduksjonen og beslutninger om arealbruk. Men én av aktørene – myndighetene – har mer økonomisk og diskursiv makt til å fremme og legitimere sine historier. Således blir deres framstillinger oppfattet som objektive og rasjonelle, mens reineiernes narrativer blir oppfattet som subjektive og opportunistiske. Aktørene har også ulik tilgang til arenaer for å fremme sine historier. Myndighetenes narrativer blir gjentatt i Stortinget, i media og blant folk flest, mens reineiernes narrativer er bortimot usynlig i den offentlige debatten. Seiglivetheten til de dominerende narrativene er med på å etablere disse som ubestridte sannheter om samisk reindrift – nemlig at reineiere bygger opp reinflokken for å maksimere egen profitt og dermed nedbeiter vidda, og at reindriften er en flaskehals for Finnmarks økonomiske utvikling. Denne avhandlingen identifiserer fire 'maktteknikker' – disiplin, økonomiske insentiver, suveren makt og sannhet – som staten bruker for å stimulere til en 'rasjonell' reindrift, samt reineierne motstand mot rasjonaliseringspolitikken i Vest- Finnmark. Analysen viser hvordan reineierne bruker ulike former for motstand for å opprettholde kontroll over sin egen reindriftsutøvelse og levevei. En vanlig strategi er å delvis oppta og delvis unngå statlige beslutninger. Reineieres individuelle respons på rasjonaliseringen er imidlertid avhengig av egne ønsker og behov, samt forhold til andre reineiere og responsen deres. Avhandlingen viser at statens styring av reindriften fremmer en reindriftspraksis basert på vestlig kunnskap og et vestlig verdensbilde. Dette styringsregime er i konflikt med tradisjonell samisk reindriftskunnskap og verdensbilde. Til tross for 40 år med politikk for å endre reindriften, fortsetter likevel et samisk verdensbilde å påvirke reineiernes forståelse av forholdet mellom mennesker, rein og natur, samt hvordan dette forholdet bør styres. Men de motstridende kunnskapssystemene og konkurrerende verdensbildene på hva reindrift er og burde være undergraver reineiernes identitet og rettigheter. Den statlige styringen av samisk reindrift forskyver maktforholdet mellom staten og reineierne til fordel for staten, og den skaper vinnere og tapere i den samiske reindriften. Samiske reineieres mulighet for å drive med rein og hevde en rett til beitearealene er betinget av deres evne til å tilpasse seg en 'fornorsket' reindrift. ; Dát dutkkus lea buvtta politihkalaš ekologiijasuorgái dan bokte ahte ovdanbuktá empiralaš analiisa fápmodilis gaskal stáhta ja sámi boazoeaiggádiid, ja máhttovuogádagain, mat leat vuođđun boazodoallohálddašeamis. Fenomena mii guorahallojuvvo leat gilvaleaddji muitalusat maid aktevrrat (boazoeaiggádat ja stáhta) geavahit go čilgejit mii boazoealáhus lea ja mii dat galggašii leat. Fenomena guorahallojuvvo njeallje dutkangažaldaga bokte: 1. Makkár árvvut ja máhttovuogádagat leat vuođđun aktevrraid muitalusaide boazoealáhusa birra? 2. Movt aktevrrat oidnet mii lea "buorre" hálddašeapmi das mii guoská bohccuide, boazoeaiggádiidda ja guohtuneatnamiidda? 3. Mo váikkuhit aktevrrat mearridanproseassaide boazoealáhusa dáfus ja mo nannejit sii autoritehtaset? 4. Mo váikkuha stáhtalaš boazoealáhusa stivrejupmi fápmodillái aktevrraid gaskka? Dutkan lea kvalitatiivvalaš. Dieđut leat čohkkejuvvon vuosttažettiin čiekŋalis jearahallamiid ja eahpeformálalaš sagastallamiid bokte boazoeaiggádiiguin ja eiseválddiiguin 2012-2015 áigodagas. Okta oassi dutkamis lea vuođđuduvvon oassálasti dutkamuša ala. Dutkosis geavahuvvojit maid observeremet aktevrraid deaivvademiin, almmolaš dokumeanttat, reivvet ja čálašeamit boazoeaiggádiid ja eiseválddiid gaskka, dieđalaš artihkkalat ja eará čálalaš gáldut. Dutkkus geavaha grounded theory (vásáhusvuđot teoriijaovdáneami) lahkonanvuohkin ásahan dihte doahpagiid čohkkejuvvon dieđuin. Dutkan ávkkástallá doahpagiid nugo governmentality (stivrenmentalitehta), resistence (vuosteháhku), politics of belonging (gullevašvuohta) ja political ontology (politihkalaš ontologiija) – doahpagat mat ledje ávkkálačča analyseremis das mo politihkka deaivvada práksisiin, ja mo stáhta hálddašeapmi váikkuha fápmodillái stáhta ja boazoeaiggádiid gaskkas, ja maid boazoealáhusa siskkildas fápmodillái. Dutkosa geográfalaš fokus lea Oarje-Finnmárku. Dát lea stuorámus boazodoalloguovlu boazo- ja boazoeaiggádiid loguid dáfus. Badjel 100 jagi lea norgga stáhta fuolastuvvan ahte Oarje-Finnmárkkus leat "beare ollu bohccot" ja "beare ollu boazoeaiggáda". Ja loahpageahčen 1970-logu rájes lea stáhta geavahan iešguđetlágan láhkaásahusaid ja movttiidandoaimmaid rationaliseret boazoealáhusa ja dahkat dan ekonomalaččat beaktileabbon ja – 1992 rájes – maiddái dahkat ealáhusa bistevažžan. Dahkan dihte politihkalaš mearrádusaid beaktileabbon, heivehuvvui 2007 boazodoallolágas siskkáldas iešmearrideapmi boazoealáhussii, seammás go ásahuvvui ođđa ráŋggáštanmearrádus, mii gieđahallá sávakeahtes práksisiid boazoeaiggádiid gaskka. Rationaliserenpolitihkka lea guston 40 jagi, muhto eiseválddiid mielde eai leat joksan mihttu oažžut rašuvnnalaš boazoealáhusa. Earenoamážit ovdanbukto Oarje- Finnmárku guovlun gos ain leat "beare ollu bohccot". Seammás lassánit dán guovllus eanet ja eanet areálariiddut boazoealáhusa ja eará areálageavaheami gaskka, nugo ruvkedoaimmat, bieggamillot ja čáhcefápmu, luottat ja earálágan infrastruktuvra. Stáhta doaimmat unnidit boazologu ja areálariidduid leatge dutkamuša duogážin. Dutkkus lea vuođđuduvvon njeallje individuála, muhto dutkanguoski artihkkaliid ala, mat dutket aktevrraid muitalusaid mearridanproseassaid birra mat leat čadnon boazoealáhussii, stáhta stivrenvugiid ja boazoeaiggádiid práksisiid birra vuostálastit ahte stáhta sin stivre, vuostálasti máhtuid ja gilvaleaddji máilmmigovaid birra, mat leat vuođđun aktevrraid muitalusaide dasa mii lea "buorre" hálddašeapmi bohccuid, boazoeaiggádiid ja guohtoneatnamiid dáfus. Viidáset guorahallá dutkan fápmovuogádagaid, mat váikkuhit aktevrraid návccaide ovdanbuktit muitalusaideaset, ja návccaide oažžut stuoraservodaga sin ipmirdit. Dutkan guorahallá mo aktevrrat govvidit mearridanproseassaid, čilgejit doaimmaideaset ja mo sii nannejit iežaset autoritehta. Dutkan čájeha ahte boazoeaiggádiin ja eiseválddiin leat goabbatlágan ja gilvaleaddji muitalusat boazologu unnideami ja areálageavaheami mearrádusaid birra. Nuppi aktevrras – eiseválddiin – lea eanet ekonomalaš fápmu ja stuorat vejolašvuohta ovddidit ja duođaštit muitalusaideaset. Dainna lágiin ipmirduvvojit sin muitalusat objektiivvalažžan ja ulbmillažžan, dan ektui go boazoeaiggádiid muitalusat ipmirduvvojit subjektiivvalažžan ja opportunisttalažžan. Aktevrrain leat maiddái goabbatlágan vejolašvuohta beassat arenaide gos sáhttet ovddidit muitalusaideaset. Eiseválddiid muitalusat geardduhuvvojit Stuoradikkis, medias ja eanas olbmuid gaskka, dan ektui go boazoeaiggádiid molssaevttolaš muitalusat eai bálljo oidno almmolaš digaštallamiin. Ráđđedeaddji muitalusat, maid lea váttis jávkadit, leat mielde ásaheamen dáid biehttalkeahtes duohtavuohtan sámi boazoealáhusa birra – namalassii ahte boazoeaiggádat stuoridit ealuideaset oažžun dihte alcces eanemus dietnasa ja danin guorbbadit duoddariid, ja ahte boazoealáhus lea hehttehussan Finnmárkku ekonomalaš ovdáneapmái. Dát dutkkus identifisere njeallje "fápmovuogi" – disipliidna, ekonomalaš movttiidandoaimmat, ollisválddálaš fápmu ja duohtavuohta – maid stáhta geavaha stimuleret "rašuvnnalaš" boazoealáhussii, ja mállet maid boazoeaiggádat geavahit eastadit stáda beaktilis rationaliserenpolitihka čađaheami Oarje-Finnmárkkus. Analiisa čájeha mo boazoeaiggádat geavahit iešguđet vuosttaldanvugiid beassat doalahit kontrolla iežaset boazoealáhuslágis ja eallinvuogis. Dábálaš strategiija lea belohahkii čuovvolit ja belohahkii garvit stáhta mearrádusaid. Boazoeaiggádiid individuála responsa rationaliseremii lea dattege čadnon sin iežaset sávaldagaide ja dárbbuide ja maiddái oktavuođaide eará boazoeaiggádiiguin ja sin responssaide. Dutkkus čájeha ahte stáhta boazodoallostivrejupmi ovddida práksisa man vuođđun lea oarjemáilmmi máhttu ja máilmmigovva. Stáhta stivren- ja ráđđenvuogis lea vuostálasvuohta sámi árbevirolaš boazoealáhusmáhttui ja máilmmigovvii. Vaikko 40 jagi lea leamaš politihkka mii lea geahččalan rievdadit boazoealáhusa, de sámi máilmmigovva joatká váikkuhit boazoeaiggádiid ipmárdusa olbmuid, bohcco ja luonddu gaskavuhtii ja mo dát gaskavuohta berrešii stivrejuvvot. Muhto vuostálasti máhttovuogádagat ja gilvaleaddji máilmmigovat das mii boazoealáhus lea ja galggašii leat, goarida boazoeaiggádiid identitehta ja vuoigatvuođaid. Nu movt stáhta stivre sámi boazoealáhusa, de sirddiha dat fápmogaskavuođa stáhta ja boazoeaiggádiid gaskka ovdamunnin stáhtii, ja dat dagaha sámi boazoealáhussii vuitiid ja vuoittuhálliid. Sámi boazoeaiggádiid vejolašvuođat bargat bohccuiguin ja gáibidit vuoigatvuođaid guohtuneatnamiidda eaktuduvvo dasa movt sii nagodit heivehit iežaset "dáruiduvvan" boazodollui.
The Arctic is experiencing rapidly warming conditions, increasing predator abundance, and diminishing population cycles of keystone species such as lemmings. However, it is still not known how many Arctic animals will respond to a changing climate with altered trophic interactions. We studied clutch size, incubation duration and nest survival of 17 taxa of Arctic-breeding shorebirds at 16 field sites over 7years. We predicted that physiological benefits of higher temperatures and earlier snowmelt would increase reproductive effort and nest survival, and we expected increasing predator abundance and decreasing abundance of alternative prey (arvicoline rodents) to have a negative effect on reproduction. Although we observed wide ranges of conditions during our study, we found no effects of covariates on reproductive traits in 12 of 17 taxa. In the remaining taxa, most relationships agreed with our predictions. Earlier snowmelt increased the probability of laying a full clutch from 0.61 to 0.91 for Western Sandpipers, and shortened incubation by 1.42days for arcticola Dunlin and 0.77days for Red Phalaropes. Higher temperatures increased the probability of a full clutch from 0.60 to 0.93 for Western Sandpipers and from 0.76 to 0.97 for Red-necked Phalaropes, and increased daily nest survival rates from 0.9634 to 0.9890 for Semipalmated Sandpipers and 0.9546 to 0.9880 for Western Sandpipers. Higher abundance of predators (foxes) reduced daily nest survival rates only in Western Sandpipers (0.9821-0.9031). In contrast to our predictions, the probability of a full clutch was lowest (0.83) for Semipalmated Sandpipers at moderate abundance of alternative prey, rather than low abundance (0.90). Our findings suggest that in the short-term, climate warming may have neutral or positive effects on the nesting cycle of most Arctic-breeding shorebirds. ; National Fish and Wildlife Foundation [2010-0061-015, 2011-0032-014, 0801.12.032731, 0801.13.041129]; Neotropical Migratory Bird Conservation Act [F11AP01040, F12AP00734, F13APO535, 4073]; Arctic Goose Joint Venture; Arctic National Wildlife Refuge; BP Exploration (Alaska) Inc.; Bureau of Land Management; Canada Fund for InnovationCanada Foundation for Innovation; Canada Research ChairsCanada Research Chairs; Cape Krusenstern National Monument grant; Centre for Wildlife Ecology at Simon Fraser University; Churchill Northern Studies Centre; Cornell University Graduate School Mellon Grant; Ducks Unlimited Canada; Environment and Climate Change Canada; FQRNT (Quebec)FQRNT; Government of Nunavut; Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada; Kansas State University; Kresge Foundation; Liz Claiborne and Art Ortenberg Foundation; Manomet Center for Conservation Sciences; Mississippi Flyway Council; Murie Science and Learning Center grants; National Fish and Wildlife Foundation; National Park Service; National Science Foundation (Office of Polar Programs Grant) [ARC-1023396]; National Science Foundation (Doctoral Dissertation Improvement Grant)National Science Foundation (NSF) [1110444]; Natural Resources Canada (Polar Continental Shelf Program); Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of CanadaNatural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada; Northern Studies Training Program; Selawik National Wildlife Refuge; Trust for Mutual Understanding; Universite du Quebec a Rimouski; University of Alaska Fairbanks; University of Colorado Denver; University of Missouri Columbia; University of Moncton; US Fish and Wildlife Service (Migratory Bird Management Division, Survey, Monitoring and Assessment Program); US Fish and Wildlife Service (Alaska National Wildlife Refuge System's Challenge Cost Share Program); US Fish and Wildlife Service (Avian Influenza Health and Influenza programmes); US Geological Survey (USGS) (Changing Arctic Ecosystem Initiative, Wildlife Program of the USGS Ecosystem Mission Area); W. Garfield Weston Foundation; Alaska Department of Fish and Game ; E.L.W compiled the field data, designed and performed the statistical analyses and wrote the manuscript. B.K.S. assisted with design of analyses and preparation of the manuscript. R.B.L., S.C.B. and H.R.G. led development of standardized field protocols and coordinated field work. B.K.S., R.B.L., S.C.B., H.R.G. and all other authors, who are listed in alphabetical order, designed and conducted the field studies, contributed to interpreting the results and assisted with editing the manuscript. Major support for the ASDN was provided by the National Fish and Wildlife Foundation (grants 2010-0061-015, 2011-0032-014, 0801.12.032731 and 0801.13.041129), the Neotropical Migratory Bird Conservation Act (grants F11AP01040, F12AP00734 and F13APO535) and the Arctic Landscape Conservation Cooperative. Additional funding for participating field sites was provided by: Alaska Department of Fish and Game, Arctic Goose Joint Venture, Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, BP Exploration (Alaska) Inc., Bureau of Land Management, Canada Fund for Innovation, Canada Research Chairs, Cape Krusenstern National Monument grant, Centre for Wildlife Ecology at Simon Fraser University, Churchill Northern Studies Centre, Cornell University Graduate School Mellon Grant, Ducks Unlimited Canada, Environment and Climate Change Canada, FQRNT (Quebec), Government of Nunavut, Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada, Kansas State University, Kresge Foundation, Liz Claiborne and Art Ortenberg Foundation, Manomet Center for Conservation Sciences, Mississippi Flyway Council, Murie Science and Learning Center grants, National Fish and Wildlife Foundation, National Park Service, National Science Foundation (Office of Polar Programs Grant ARC-1023396 and Doctoral Dissertation Improvement Grant 1110444), Natural Resources Canada (Polar Continental Shelf Program), Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada (Discovery Grant and Northern Supplement), Neotropical Migratory Bird Conservation Act (grant 4073), Northern Studies Training Program, Selawik National Wildlife Refuge, Trust for Mutual Understanding, Universite du Quebec a Rimouski, University of Alaska Fairbanks, University of Colorado Denver, University of Missouri Columbia, University of Moncton, US Fish and Wildlife Service (Migratory Bird Management Division, Survey, Monitoring and Assessment Program, Alaska National Wildlife Refuge System's Challenge Cost Share Program and Avian Influenza Health and Influenza programmes), US Geological Survey (USGS) (Changing Arctic Ecosystem Initiative, Wildlife Program of the USGS Ecosystem Mission Area), and the W. Garfield Weston Foundation. Logistical support was provided by Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, Barrow Arctic Science Consortium, BP Exploration (Alaska) Inc., Kinross Gold Corporation, Umiaq LLC, Selawik National Wildlife Refuge (USFWS), ConocoPhillips Alaska Inc., Cape Krusenstern National Monument (National Park Service) and Sirmilik National Park (Parks Canada). We thank local communities and landowners, including the Ukpeagvik Inupiat Corporation, the people of the Inuvialuit Settlement Region, Sitnasuak Native Corporation, the Kuukpik Corporation and the North Slope Borough for permitting us to conduct research on their lands.; Animal handling, marking and monitoring procedures were approved by Environment and Climate Change Canada, Government of Nunavut, Kansas State University, National Park Service, Ontario Ministry of Natural Resources and Forestry, University of Alaska Fairbanks, University of Moncton, US Fish & Wildlife Service and US Geological Survey. All applicable international, national and institutional guidelines for the care and use of animals were followed. We thank A. Tygart for assistance in compiling JAGS for use on the Beocat supercomputer at Kansas State University, D. Payer and S. Freeman for their work at Canning River, and H. Meltofte, P. Battley, B. Ross, J. Sutton, L. Martin and the Sandercock lab for comments on earlier drafts of the manuscript. We thank the many field assistants who were involved in data collection, especially field crew leaders K. Bennet, M. Burrell, J. Cunningham, E. D'Astous, S. Carvey, A. Doll, L. Pirie Dominix, K. Gold, A. Gottesman, K. Grond, P. Herzog, B. Hill, D. Hodgkinson, A. J. Johnson, D. Pavlik, M. Peck, L. Pollock, S. Sapora, B. Schwarz, F. Smith, H. M. Specht, M. VanderHeyden, B. M. Walker and B. Wilkinson. The findings and conclusions in this article are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of the US Fish and Wildlife Service. Any use of trade names is for descriptive purposes only and does not imply endorsement by the US Government. ; Public domain authored by a U.S. government employee
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Vladimir Putin extended his rule over Russia after claiming a fifth term as president over the weekend in a predetermined election in which he faced little opposition. Leaders of middle powers who have maintained neutral stances during the war in Ukraine used congratulatory phone calls with Putin to stress the importance of bringing the conflict to an end and signal their willingness to help play a constructive role in future negotiations. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan "expressed Turkey's readiness to play any facilitating role in returning to the negotiation table for Ukraine," according to a statement released by his office. Ankara has pursued a balancing act throughout the war, providing military support to Ukraine but refusing to join the Western sanctions effort targeting Moscow. Turkey also played a key role in the now-defunct Black Sea grain deal, one of the few diplomatic breakthroughs through the first two years of conflict, and earlier this month offered to host a summit between Putin and his Ukrainian counterpart Volodymyr Zelensky. Indian President Narendra Modi made a similar push in the aftermath of Russia's elections, as he spoke to both Putin and Zelensky, emphasizing the necessity of "dialogue and diplomacy," between the two nations, reported the Times of India. "Unlike China, India has not drawn up any peace plan, or made any specific offer to mediate, but has long maintained it will be happy to facilitate any international peace effort," according to the report. "Zelenskyy expressed gratitude for India's support for Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity, humanitarian aid and 'active' participation in Peace Formula meetings, as he invited Modi to Ukraine and hoped India will attend the inaugural Global Peace Summit in Switzerland." Following its role as G20 host in 2023, world leaders and analysts expressed optimism that New Delhi could emerge as a peacemaker in the war. Zelensky has been working to win over these middle powers and the rest of the Global South to sign on to his vision of a peace formula and participate in the planned summit in Switzerland that Russia has not been invited to. As outlined in Diplomacy Watch earlier this month, Kyiv has offered tepidly to welcome China's role in this effort, seeing Beijing as having leverage over parts of the rest of the world. But Politico reported on Monday that Chinese President Xi Jinping will travel to France in May, looking to convince European leaders to invite Putin to future peace talks. If Moscow is not included, Beijing may boycott any upcoming summits. "That message was amplified, [officials] say, during Chinese special envoy Li Hui's European tour earlier this month to discuss the future of Ukraine," according to Politico. Kyiv has signaled some openness to having Russia at later talks, after the summit in Switzerland that it hopes will take place this summer. "There can be a situation in which we together invite representatives of the Russian Federation, where they will be presented with the plan in case whoever is representing the aggressor country at that time will want to genuinely end this war and return to a just peace," Andriy Yermak, the Ukrainian president's chief of staff, said in late February. In other diplomatic news related to the war in Ukraine: — While the next tranche of Ukraine aid continues to get held up in the U.S. House of Representatives, two Biden administration officials traveled to Europe this week to express their optimism that Washington will eventually provide Kyiv with more funding. Speaking ahead of a meeting of the Ukraine Defense Contact Group, Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin said "The message today is clear: The U.S. won't let Ukraine fail. This coalition will not let Ukraine fail and the free world won't let Ukraine fail." Meanwhile, national security adviser Jake Sullivan made a secret visit to Kyiv, "in a trip aimed at reaffirming U.S. support for the beleaguered ally," according to The Washington Post. "You should believe in the United States," Sullivan told reporters during this trip. "We are confident we will get this done. We will get this aid to Ukraine." — Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) was also in Kyiv on Monday, and he urged Ukrainian lawmakers to pass a mobilization law that would lower the age of eligibility to the draft from 27 to 25. "I would hope that those eligible to serve in the Ukrainian military would join. I can't believe it's at 27," Graham said. "You're in a fight for your life, so you should be serving — not at 25 or 27." As Jack Hunter noted in Responsible Statecraft this week, Graham notably voted against the aid package that passed the Senate last month. "So it shouldn't be surprising that despite encouraging Ukraine's young men to fight in a war many of them don't believe in and don't want to die in, Graham actually voted against the last Ukraine aid package because it did not include funding U.S. border security," writes Hunter. "So he was comfortable withholding money for a war over politics — a war he proclaims to believe in deeply — while urging citizens of a foreign country to march into oblivion." — Russia fired more than 30 missiles into Kyiv on Thursday, the first such attack against the Ukrainian capital in six weeks, according to AP. "Air defenses shot down all 31 of the missiles, though the falling wreckage still damaged apartment buildings and injured 13 people, including a child, officials said," reported Reuters. "The heavy attack on Kyiv came a day after Russian President Vladimir Putin threatened to 'respond in kind' to recent Ukrainian aerial attacks on the Russian border region of Belgorod, which have embarrassed the Kremlin and which Russian officials say have killed civilians." U.S. State Department news: In response to a question about the Polish foreign minister's claim that whether or not Ukraine succeeds in its defense against Russia is a question of U.S. credibility, State Department spokesman Vedant Patel defended Washington's response to the war."I think that when it comes to our credibility, you needn't look any further than the immense support that the United States and its allies and partners have provided to our Ukrainian partners since February of 2022, and that work is going to continue and we're going to continue to do so in close coordination with our allies and partners," Patel said. " It is because, of course, the courageousness and the heroism of the Ukrainian people, but also the convergence with our partners in Europe and others around the country that we have been able to continue to support Ukraine in the way that we have and it has been able to defend itself so fiercely."
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Last week's edition of Diplomacy Watch focused on how politics in Poland and Slovakia were threatening Western unity over Ukraine. A spat between Warsaw and Kyiv over grain imports led Polish President Andrzej Duda to compare Ukraine to a "drowning person … capable of pulling you down to the depths ," while upcoming elections in Slovakia could bring to power a new leader who has pledged to halt weapons sales to Ukraine. As Connor Echols wrote last week, "the West will soon face far greater challenges in maintaining unity on Ukraine than at any time since the war began." A piece in Politico this week outlining the challenges facing the incoming Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff C.Q. Brown as he prepares to take over from Gen. Mark Milley suggests that the divisions may be even more widespread. "As Ukrainian forces push for a breakthrough before winter sets in, there is a growing sense in Washington and Europe that the West may be weary of the fight," wrote Lara Seligman. "On Capitol Hill, hardline Republicans oppose sending additional aid; across the Atlantic, Poland recently said it could not send any more weapons to Ukraine in the short term, and French officials recently hinted the country would soon reach that point as well." Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky has been busy trying to win over skeptics around the world, but there is not much evidence that his audience in the Global South or the GOP caucus in Washington has been particularly receptive to his message. In the U.S. Congress, future funding for the war in Ukraine has taken an outsized role in the ongoing battle for government funding, and little progress has been made this week. A small but growing (and increasingly vocal) group of Republicans in both the House and Senate have vowed to hold up government spending legislation if it includes more aid for Ukraine. The Wall Street Journal indicated that others are watching these fights closely. "Intertwined with those contentious negotiations in Washington are rising concerns in European capitals about the war, particularly if Washington's support shows signs of flagging," the Journal reported. "While European backing for Ukraine generally remains solid, cracks are starting to surface as weapons stockpiles from some allies dwindle and others hesitate to fill the gaps." This infighting in various capitals around the world comes at what Mark Cancian of the Center for Strategic and International Studies described to Politico as a turning point in the war. "If the counteroffensive fails, or if the counteroffensive does not get through the Russian defensive zone in a major way, I think that fears of a forever war will get stronger," said Cancian. From the perspective of the incoming U.S. Joint Chiefs chairman, it will likely become increasingly difficult to navigate both the domestic political and battlefield realities. "Milley was in the enviable position of having a lot of stuff and a lot of political support so that makes it easy," Cancian told Politico. "Brown is in the position of having less stuff and less political support." In other diplomatic news related to the war in Ukraine: —Some Western politicians are pushing the government in Kyiv to hold elections, despite the ongoing war and the imposition of martial law. Visiting Ukraine's capital last month, Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) said that it was"time for Ukraine to take the next step" in the "development of democracy, namely to hold elections in 2024." But Ukrainian officials have expressed serious skepticism that new elections would be prudent, or even possible. "Ukrainian officials say that in order to hold a major vote during wartime, considerable financial, logistical and legal hurdles must be overcome," the Washington Post reported. "In private, some say that the prospect is outright impossible, and could provide Moscow's security forces with a means to infiltrate and weaken Ukraine from within." The Biden administration has maintained that the timing for a new election will be Ukraine's decision. —Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelensky met with defense ministers from France and Britain, as well as NATO secretary general Jens Stoltenberg ahead of an arms production forum in Kyiv. The forum, according to Ukraine's foreign minister, will bring together representatives of 165 military contractors from 26 nations. "It will be an important opportunity for Ukrainian companies to forge new partnerships with the industry across the alliance and beyond," Stoltenberg said at a news conference with Zelensky on Thursday. "The stronger Ukraine becomes, the closer we come to ending Russia's aggression." —Significant territorial gains have been hard to come by for either side this year, according to a new study by the New York Times. "Despite nine months of bloody fighting, less than 500 square miles of territory have changed hands since the start of the year. A prolonged stalemate could weaken Western support for Ukraine," the Times reported. The Times' analysis of data from the Institute for the Study of War showed that August 2023 was the month in which the least territory changed hands since the invasion last year. —Ukraine is continuing to search for safe alternatives for its grain exports following Russia's withdrawal from the Black Sea grain initiative in July. Last week, Ukraine successfully tested a new route, and a second ship made it through this week. Three more vessels have safely entered Ukrainian waters in recent days, officials told the New York Times. In the past week, the Times reported, "it appears that Russia has made no public attempt to impede the progress of commercial vessels along the new route." U.S. State Department news: In a press briefing on Tuesday, State Department spokesman Mattew Miller spoke about the state of Ukraine support amid the ongoing disputes on Capitol Hill."We have been encouraged by the bipartisan support that we have gotten from Congress since the beginning of this war. I think it is quite clear, if you look at the debate in Congress, that there are bipartisan majorities in both houses of Congress that support continued aid to Ukraine," Miller said. "Now, look, there's a process that we have to go through in working with Congress. I think it was important that President Zelenskyy was able to travel to the Hill last week and communicate directly with members of Congress about what is happening on the ground. We have been able to talk to Congress about accountability mechanisms that we have in place for the aid that we've provided. We've heard them say we want to hear accountability; we've made clear we have accountability mechanisms and we're happy to talk to you more about what those look like."
[spa] La tesis analiza la arquitectura y el urbanismo turísticos proyectados en las Islas Baleares entre 1939 y 2005. El objetivo principal es estudiar la evolución histórico-artística de la edificación y la planificación urbana, localizando las obras más destacadas y profundizando en ellas y en sus arquitectos. Asimismo se investiga el papel de la fotografía como herramienta de trabajo en el despacho del arquitecto y como difusora de la arquitectura. A partir del establecimiento de la definición de arquitectura turística y de las tipologías que la conforman, agrupadas en tres usos –transporte, alojamiento y ocio-, se hace un recorrido por la historia de la construcción turística en ámbito internacional y español para centrarse a continuación en el análisis específico de la situación en las Baleares. Se establece una división cronológica en cinco períodos delimitados por proyectos y acontecimientos históricos que marcan un cambio de rumbo y en cada uno de ellos se incide en el contexto, marco legislativo, promotores, arquitectos, planes urbanos, equipamientos y difusión fotográfica. En el primero (1939-1952) se ponen las bases para el regreso del turismo después de la Guerra Civil, con unas obras enraizadas todavía en modelos tradicionales. En el segundo (1953-1962) se plasma cómo la modernidad arquitectónica llega a las Islas de la mano de promotores y arquitectos foráneos y rápidamente se expande entre los profesionales locales, y se difunde en prensa especializada y generalista. En el tercero (1963-1973) se estudia el auge del primer boom turístico y las políticas desarrollistas que espolean la construcción, y que se intensifica con unos modelos cada vez más repetitivos reproducidos en medios como la tarjeta postal. En el cuarto (1974-1981) se observa que la crisis del petróleo detiene la construcción y con el fin de la dictadura franquista y el despertar de la conciencia medioambiental la ciudadanía entra en el debate urbanístico, sucediéndose las manifestaciones en contra de la depredación del territorio. En el quinto (1982-2005), al reactivarse la economía, aumenta nuevamente la expansión urbanística y la arquitectura turística asume los postulados relativistas de la posmodernidad, rehuyendo las tendencias más vanguardistas y con una deriva hacia lo kitsch. ; [cat] La tesi analitza l'arquitectura i l'urbanisme turístics projectats a les Illes Balears entre 1939 i 2005. L'objectiu principal és estudiar l'evolució històrico-artística de l'edificació i la planificació urbana, localitzant les obres més destacades i aprofundint en elles i els seus arquitectes. Així mateix s'investiga el paper de la fotografia com a eina de treball al despatx de l'arquitecte i com a difusora de l'arquitectura. A partir de l'establiment de la definició d'arquitectura turística i de les tipologies que la conformen, agrupades en tres usos –transport, allotjament i oci-, es fa un recorregut per la història de la construcció turística en àmbit internacional i espanyol per centrar-se a continuació en l'anàlisi específic de la situació a les Balears. S'estableix una divisió cronològica en cinc períodes delimitats per projectes i esdeveniments històrics que marquen un canvi de rumb i a cada un d'ells s'incideix en el context, marc legislatiu, promotor, arquitectes, plans urbans, equipaments i difusió fotogràfica. En el primer (1939-1952) es posen les bases pel retorn del turisme després de la Guerra Civil, amb unes obres arrelades encara en models tradicionals. En el segon (1953-1962) es plasma com la modernitat arquitectònica arriba a les Illes de la mà de promotors i arquitectes forans i ràpidament s'expandeix entre els professionals locals, i es difon en premsa especialitzada i generalista. En el tercer (1963-1973) s'estudia l'auge del primer boom turístic i les polítiques desenvolupistes que esperonen la construcció, que s'intensifica amb uns models cada cop més repetitius reproduïts en mitjans com la targeta postal. En el quart (1974-1981) s'observa que la crisi del petroli atura la construcció i amb la fi de la dictadura franquista i el despertar de la consciència mediambiental la ciutadania entra en el debat urbanístic, amb una successió de manifestacions en contra de la depredació del territori. En el cinquè (1982-2005), en reactivar-se l'economia, augmenta novament l'expansió urbanística i l'arquitectura turística assumeix els postulats relativistes de la postmodernitat, defugint les tendències més avantguardistes i amb una deriva cap al kitsch. ; [eng] The thesis analyses tourist architecture and urbanism designed in the Balearic Islands between 1939 and 2005. The main objective is to study the historical artistic evolution of construction and urban planning, locating and surveying the most prominent buildings and its architects. It also examines the role of photography in the architect's office and in the diffusion of architecture. The research begins by establishing the definition of tourist architecture and the typologies included in it, divided into three categories related to their use –transport, lodgement and leisure-. It is followed by a recapitulation of the history of tourist architecture both in the international and Spanish context. Then it focuses on the specific analysis of the case of the Balearic Islands, divided into five chronological periods delimitated by projects and historical events that alter the course of architecture. In the first one (1939-1952) the foundations are laid for the return of tourism after Spanish Civil War, with works still based on traditional schemes. The second one (1953-1962) shows how architectural modernity arrives to the Islands due to foreign developers and architects, it quickly spreads among local professionals and it is diffused in specialised and non-specialised press. The third one (1963- 1973) focuses on the peak of the first tourist boom and the policies of the so-called desarrollismo which spurs the building industry, heightened with increasingly repetitive types that are reproduced in media such as postcard. During the fourth one (1974-1981) oil crisis stops the building sector and, with the end of Franco's dictatorship and the awakening of environmental consciousness, citizens become involved into urban planning debates against territory exploitation. In the fifth one (1982-2005) economy reactivates, urban expansion increases again and tourist architecture assumes postmodern relativist postulates, avoiding the most avant-garde trends and coming close to kitsch.
[spa] La tesis analiza la arquitectura y el urbanismo turísticos proyectados en las Islas Baleares entre 1939 y 2005. El objetivo principal es estudiar la evolución histórico-artística de la edificación y la planificación urbana, localizando las obras más destacadas y profundizando en ellas y en sus arquitectos. Asimismo se investiga el papel de la fotografía como herramienta de trabajo en el despacho del arquitecto y como difusora de la arquitectura. A partir del establecimiento de la definición de arquitectura turística y de las tipologías que la conforman, agrupadas en tres usos –transporte, alojamiento y ocio-, se hace un recorrido por la historia de la construcción turística en ámbito internacional y español para centrarse a continuación en el análisis específico de la situación en las Baleares. Se establece una división cronológica en cinco períodos delimitados por proyectos y acontecimientos históricos que marcan un cambio de rumbo y en cada uno de ellos se incide en el contexto, marco legislativo, promotores, arquitectos, planes urbanos, equipamientos y difusión fotográfica. En el primero (1939-1952) se ponen las bases para el regreso del turismo después de la Guerra Civil, con unas obras enraizadas todavía en modelos tradicionales. En el segundo (1953-1962) se plasma cómo la modernidad arquitectónica llega a las Islas de la mano de promotores y arquitectos foráneos y rápidamente se expande entre los profesionales locales, y se difunde en prensa especializada y generalista. En el tercero (1963-1973) se estudia el auge del primer boom turístico y las políticas desarrollistas que espolean la construcción, y que se intensifica con unos modelos cada vez más repetitivos reproducidos en medios como la tarjeta postal. En el cuarto (1974-1981) se observa que la crisis del petróleo detiene la construcción y con el fin de la dictadura franquista y el despertar de la conciencia medioambiental la ciudadanía entra en el debate urbanístico, sucediéndose las manifestaciones en contra de la depredación del territorio. En el quinto (1982-2005), al reactivarse la economía, aumenta nuevamente la expansión urbanística y la arquitectura turística asume los postulados relativistas de la posmodernidad, rehuyendo las tendencias más vanguardistas y con una deriva hacia lo kitsch. ; [cat] La tesi analitza l'arquitectura i l'urbanisme turístics projectats a les Illes Balears entre 1939 i 2005. L'objectiu principal és estudiar l'evolució històrico-artística de l'edificació i la planificació urbana, localitzant les obres més destacades i aprofundint en elles i els seus arquitectes. Així mateix s'investiga el paper de la fotografia com a eina de treball al despatx de l'arquitecte i com a difusora de l'arquitectura. A partir de l'establiment de la definició d'arquitectura turística i de les tipologies que la conformen, agrupades en tres usos –transport, allotjament i oci-, es fa un recorregut per la història de la construcció turística en àmbit internacional i espanyol per centrar-se a continuació en l'anàlisi específic de la situació a les Balears. S'estableix una divisió cronològica en cinc períodes delimitats per projectes i esdeveniments històrics que marquen un canvi de rumb i a cada un d'ells s'incideix en el context, marc legislatiu, promotor, arquitectes, plans urbans, equipaments i difusió fotogràfica. En el primer (1939-1952) es posen les bases pel retorn del turisme després de la Guerra Civil, amb unes obres arrelades encara en models tradicionals. En el segon (1953-1962) es plasma com la modernitat arquitectònica arriba a les Illes de la mà de promotors i arquitectes forans i ràpidament s'expandeix entre els professionals locals, i es difon en premsa especialitzada i generalista. En el tercer (1963-1973) s'estudia l'auge del primer boom turístic i les polítiques desenvolupistes que esperonen la construcció, que s'intensifica amb uns models cada cop més repetitius reproduïts en mitjans com la targeta postal. En el quart (1974-1981) s'observa que la crisi del petroli atura la construcció i amb la fi de la dictadura franquista i el despertar de la consciència mediambiental la ciutadania entra en el debat urbanístic, amb una successió de manifestacions en contra de la depredació del territori. En el cinquè (1982-2005), en reactivar-se l'economia, augmenta novament l'expansió urbanística i l'arquitectura turística assumeix els postulats relativistes de la postmodernitat, defugint les tendències més avantguardistes i amb una deriva cap al kitsch. ; [eng] The thesis analyses tourist architecture and urbanism designed in the Balearic Islands between 1939 and 2005. The main objective is to study the historical artistic evolution of construction and urban planning, locating and surveying the most prominent buildings and its architects. It also examines the role of photography in the architect's office and in the diffusion of architecture. The research begins by establishing the definition of tourist architecture and the typologies included in it, divided into three categories related to their use –transport, lodgement and leisure-. It is followed by a recapitulation of the history of tourist architecture both in the international and Spanish context. Then it focuses on the specific analysis of the case of the Balearic Islands, divided into five chronological periods delimitated by projects and historical events that alter the course of architecture. In the first one (1939-1952) the foundations are laid for the return of tourism after Spanish Civil War, with works still based on traditional schemes. The second one (1953-1962) shows how architectural modernity arrives to the Islands due to foreign developers and architects, it quickly spreads among local professionals and it is diffused in specialised and non-specialised press. The third one (1963- 1973) focuses on the peak of the first tourist boom and the policies of the so-called desarrollismo which spurs the building industry, heightened with increasingly repetitive types that are reproduced in media such as postcard. During the fourth one (1974-1981) oil crisis stops the building sector and, with the end of Franco's dictatorship and the awakening of environmental consciousness, citizens become involved into urban planning debates against territory exploitation. In the fifth one (1982-2005) economy reactivates, urban expansion increases again and tourist architecture assumes postmodern relativist postulates, avoiding the most avant-garde trends and coming close to kitsch.
Innovation is a core topic for the social and administrative sciences concerned with organizations management. Hence the name of our journal: INNOVAR, depicted as action and reflection. Insights about innovation are diverse, ranging from the importance of change in production techniques pointed out by Marx, to the structural vision by Schumpeter and the Neo-Schumpeterians about creative destruction as one of the drivers of capitalist development (Chang, 2016). In recent decades, innovation has been gaining an increasingly prominent role in economic and organizational processes due to the emergence and consolidation of the so-called "knowledge-based society" (Drucker, 1994; Castells, 1996; Dubina, Carayannis & Campbell, 2012).Innovation demands the confluence of multiple factors and dimensions, such as creativity, science and technology, the interactions between University, business and society, as well as competition, the role of the State and innovation financing, among others. Precisely, the intersection between the role of the State and innovation financing has been one of the research interests of the Italian economist Mariana Mazzucato. In her book The Entrepreneurial State - Debunking Public vs. Private Sector Myths, Mazzucato (2016) advocates for a change in the understanding of the role of the State within innovation processes. Using empirical evidence from the sectors of communications technology (exemplifying companies like Apple), renewable energies and the pharmaceutical sector, Mazzucato points out to the active and paramount role of the State in contemporary innovation, considering that states have been investors and executors of projects in the base of innovations such as the touch screen, the cps, the Internet or Siri, which were later exploited by private companies. Whether in the field of military defense, aeronautics or the energy sector, investments by the State and the resulting projects have been vital for the conception and subsequent diffusion of innovations. The characteristics of high-risk investments that can be undertaken by the State added to the way it brings together and articulates multiple capacities and institutions, constitute transmission chains that are essential for innovation.Mazzucato's contribution is questioning a series of myths around innovation that suggest this phenomenon arises only by the activities of private entrepreneurs and investors. This perspective, now dominant, demands a downsized State focused on encouraging private forces, so that the invisible hand and competition promote the emergence of new knowledge leading to innovations. Mazzucato's book (2016) opens wide paths for research since it does not deny the relevance of companies and innovative entrepreneurs, but it calls to recognize, characterize and assess the importance of public organizations and projects in the dynamics of innovation. All of this encourages the academic research interests of INNOVAR, to which we summon Ibero-American academic community of the Management Sciences.Our current issue is made up by four of our traditional sections: Strategy and Organizations, Marketing, Human Factor, and Business Ethics. These gather ten papers by Colombian and international partners.Three research papers are published in Strategy and Organizations section.As a results of an international cooperation, Professors Julio César Acosta, from Externado de Colombia University, Mónica Longo-Somoza, from the Council of Education of the Community of Madrid - Spain, and María Belén Lozano, from the University of Salamanca - Spain, introduce their work "Does Family Ownership Affect Innovation Activity? A Focus on the Biotechnological Industry". This work tried to identify the profile of innovative firms in order to analyze whether family ownership is a feature related to innovation initiatives and processes. For that purpose, a hierarchical cluster analysis is performed in a sample of 243 Spanish companies within the biotechnology sector. It is concluded from the study that innovative Spanish firms belonging to this sector are non-family-owned firms. The negative relationship between innovation and family ownership could be explained by the conservative behavior of family-owned companies, which avoid taking the risks demanded by innovation.Professors Valentin Azofra, from the University of Valladolid - Spain, Magda Lizet Ochoa, from the Autonomous University of Tamaulipas - Mexico, and Begoha Prieto and Alicia Santidrian, from the University of Burgos - Spain, present the paper "Creating Value through the Application of Intellectual Capital Models". This research aims to link both the adoption level and the use of intellectual capital models with the creation of value in companies under a long-term perspective. Empirical work involved the selection of companies showing commitment towards the use of information systems on intellectual capital. Based on information from 79 Spanish companies a model was developed and then applied in order to relate the variables of growth in sales, productivity per employee and intellectual capital index, among others, to the adoption level and use of indicators on intellectual capital. Results show that companies with higher levels of intellectual capital models report better indexes related to aforementioned variables, which represent, in turn, greater creation of value.Additionally, independent researcher Giuseppe Vanoni and Professor Carlos Rodriguez from the National University of Colombia authored the paper "Growth Strategies Implemented by Economic Groups in Ecuador (2007-2016)", a study intended to identify growth strategies of 132 economic groups in Ecuador during the time frame previously stated. After a complete literature review and the introduction of the conceptual notions of "economic group" and "growth strategy", empirical work shows that a specialization-based concentration strategy prevails among the studied groups. Furthermore, this work allowed concluding that Ecuadorian economic groups belong to some specific families, and that the economic stability experienced by this country over the course of the period under study had a direct influence on the concentration strategy by specialization adopted by economic groups.Marketing section in this issue of INNOVAR introduces four papers.Brazilian researchers Celso Ximenes and Josemeire Alves, and Professors Gabriel Aguiar, from the Faculdade Mauricio de Nassau, and Danielle Miranda de Oliveira, from the Uni-versidade Estadual do Ceará in the city of Fortaleza - Brazil, take part in this issue with the work "You Solved my Problem, but I Won't Buy from You Anymore! Why Don't Consumers Want to Go Back Doing Business in Online Stores?". This study set as its main goal to understand the motives driving online consumers not to make new purchases when experiencing troubles with purchase processes, even when inconveniences were solved. Following a qualitative approach and based on a sample of 200 complaints over four e-commerce enterprises, a descriptive focus allowed classifying the possible problems and solutions deployed by companies. Results point that consumers manifest their wish of not making further purchases with the same company due to problems with logistics as well as delays with problemsolving and handling complaints.From the University of Seville in Spain, Professors Carlos Javier Rodríguez and Encarnación Ramos add to this current issue the paper "Influence of Religiosity and Spirituality on Consumer Ethical Behavior", whose objective is to analyze consumers' ethical behavior. For this reason, a model of structural equations relating the scales of religiosity and spirituality and contrasting the results of 286 surveys to Spanish citizens is developed. The study implied resizing the Consumer Ethics Scale based on the results found in the literature in order to fit the purposes of this work. The paper concludes by presenting evidence on the existence of a relationship between religiosity-spirituality and the ethical behavior shown by consumers.Professors Alejandro Tapia, associated to the University Loyola Andalucía, and Elena Martín Guerra, from the University of Valladolid, both institutions in Spain, are the authors of "Neuroscience and Advertising. An Experiment on Attention and Emotion in Television Advertising". This paper presents the results of a neuroscience experiment applied to advertising, whose purpose was to study how attention and the generation of emotional responses influence the recall of w spots. The experiment was carried out in a group of 30 students aged 18-22, who were exposed to advertising spots of the University of Valladolid. Results from this exercise show important aspects influencing attention and emotion towards the spots, both positively and negatively, among them: comic content, language, loudness or negative and sad contents, and some others.From the Center of Economic and Management Sciences at the University of Guadalajara - Mexico, Professors José Sánchez, Guillermo Vázquez and Juan Mejía sign the work "Marketing and Elements Influencing the Competitiveness of Commercial Micro, Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises in Guadalajara, Mexico". This study seeks to state the correlation between different key marketing elements that impact micro, small and medium-sized enterprises of clothing items in Guadalajara, Mexico. Based on structural equation modelling, strategies, knowledge and planning in marketing were identified as determinants for the competitiveness of this type of companies. Empirical work used a sample of 380 companies of the retail-clothing sector. The results confirm a positive and significant correlation between key marketing factors and competitiveness, where marketing factors are decisive for companies within the sector, which have been regarded as the weakest link in Mexican economy.Our Human Factor section gathers two studies derived from research processes.We include the paper titled "Subjectivity and Power in Business Organizations: A Case Study", authored by Adriana Valencia Espinosa, Professor at the University of Valle -Colombia. This work was praised as one of the best lectures presented during the First International Congress on Organizations Management that was venued at the National University of Colombia. The objective of this research was to understand the impact of business organizations on the subjectivity of employees, emphasizing the implications of labor breakdown (the termination of a contract). The case study is carried out at a renowned company in Valle del Cauca - Colombia, whose core business, among other lines, is mass printing and editorial processes. This paper addresses testimonies by key participants, that is, workers who experienced labor ruptures with the company. The article also identifies some mechanisms deployed by the organization in the process of sensemaking and the creation of meaning for subjectivity mobilization.Professors Matias Ginieis, María Victoria Sánchez and Fernando Campa from the Rovira i Virgili University, in Spain, present in this issue the paper "How much is the Staff According to the Type of Airline and its Geographical Location in Europe? A Comparative Analysis". This research study was aimed at determining the link between the costs per employee, the types of airlines (traditional or low cost) and the different geographical locations of the headquarters of the studied airlines (Western Europe, Eastern Europe, the United Kingdom and the Nordic countries). A total of 152 airlines were analyzed during the period 2008-2013. Based on statistical correlation tests it was possible to determine there is no relationship between the type of airline and staff-related costs.Last but not least, our Business Ethics section presents a research paper for this issue of INNOVAR.At the University of Zaragoza in Spain, Professors Francisco José López and Ana Bellosta contribute to this issue with the work titled "Corporate Social Responsibility and Good Corporate Governance practices in Spanish Ethical Mutual Funds: Analysis of Investee Companies". This paper studies the type of firms composing the portfolio of Spanish ethical mutual funds, characterizing such companies on the basis of the Corporate Governance model they follow, their organizational structure and some of their economic and financial variables. Different models of Corporate Governance by investee companies and their relationship with financial variables are presented and then evaluated. Results show that companies under the German corporate governance model are preferred by ethical mutual funds, followed by those companies with Anglo-Saxon corporate governance models, which means that, for allocating resources, ethical mutual funds take an interest in companies that involve different stakeholders in their governance processes.We are sure these contributions will be of great interest for the academic community of the Social and Management Sciences both in Colombia and abroad. ; La innovación es un tópico medular para las ciencias sociales y administrativas preocupadas por la gestión de las organizaciones. De allí el nombre de nuestra publicación: INNOVAR, expresado como acción y reflexión. Las concepciones sobre la innovación son diversas y van desde la importancia del cambio en las técnicas de producción, señalado por Marx, hasta la visión estructural de Schumpeter y de los neoschumpeterianos, según la cual la destrucción creativa es uno de los motores del desarrollo capitalista (Chang, 2016). En las últimas décadas, la innovación ha venido ganando un lugar cada vez más protagónico en los procesos económicos y organizacionales, por el surgimiento y consolidación de la llamada "sociedad del conocimiento" (Drucker, 1994; Castells, 1996; Dubina, Carayannis y Campbell, 2012).La innovación requiere la confluencia de múltiples factores y dimensiones, como la creatividad; la ciencia y la tecnología; las relaciones entre universidad, empresa y sociedad; la competencia; el papel del Estado, y la financiación de la innovación, entre otros. Precisamente, la intersección entre el papel del Estado y la financiación de la innovación ha sido uno de los temas de investigación de la economista italiana Mariana Mazzucato. En su libro El Estado emprendedor. Mitos del sector público frente al privado, Mazzucato (2016) aboga por un cambio en la comprensión del papel del Estado en los procesos de innovación. Con evidencia empírica de los sectores de tecnología de las comunicaciones (ejemplarizando con empresas como Apple), las energías renovables y del sector farmacéutico, Mazzucato señala que el Estado ha tenido un papel activo y determinante en la innovación contemporánea, debido a que ha sido inversor y ejecutor de proyectos que están en la base de innovaciones como la pantalla táctil, el CPS, Internet o Siri, que luego son aprovechadas por empresas privadas. Bien sea en el campo del sector defensa, el aeronáutico o el energético, las inversiones del Estado y los proyectos que ejecuta han sido vitales para la gestación y posterior difusión de las innovaciones. Las características de las inversiones de riesgo, que puede ejecutar el Estado, y la forma como congrega y articula múltiples capacidades e instituciones se constituyen realmente en cadenas de transmisión vitales para la innovación.La aportación de Mazzucato (2016) consiste en cuestionar una serie de mitos sobre la innovación, que plantean que tal proceso emerge solo en virtud del actuar de emprededores e inversores privados. Desde esa mirada, hoy dominante, se reclama un Estado mínimo, concentrado en incentivar las fuerzas privadas, para que la mano invisible y la competencia promuevan el surgimiento de nuevos conocimientos que desemboquen en innovaciones. El libro de Mazzucato (2016) abre un sinfín de oportunidades de investigación, puesto que no niega la relevancia de la empresa y los emprendedores innovadores, sino que nos convoca a reconocer, caracterizar y evaluar la importancia de las organizaciones y los proyectos públicos en la dinámica de la innovación. Todo ello alienta la investigación académica que interesa a INNOVAR, y a la que convocamos a la comunidad académica de las ciencias de la gestión en Iberoamérica.La presente edición está organizada en cuatro de nuestras tradicionales secciones: Estrategia y Organizaciones, Marketing, Factor Humano y Ética Empresarial, en las que publicamos diez artículos de nuestros colaboradores nacionales e internacionales.En la sección de Estrategia y Organizaciones, se publican tres trabajos, resultado de investigación.Fruto de una colaboración internacional, los profesores Julio César Acosta, de la Universidad Externado de Colombia; Mónica Longo-Somoza, de la Consejería de Educación de la Comunidad de Madrid, España, y María Belén Lozano, de la Universidad de Salamanca, España, aportan el trabajo titulado "Does family ownership affect innovation activity? A focus on the biotechnological industry". Este trabajo buscó identificar el perfil de las empresas innovadoras, para analizar si la propiedad familiar es una característica que se relaciona con las iniciativas y procesos de innovación. En la investigación se realiza un análisis clúster jerárquico con una muestra de 243 empresas españolas del sector de la biotecnología. Se concluye que las empresas españolas que innovan en este sector no son empresas de propiedad familiar. La relación negativa que se encuentra entre innovación y propiedad familiar, puede ser explicada porque las empresas familiares en tal industria son conservadoras y evitan tomar riesgos como los que la innovación reclama.Los profesores Valentín Azofra, de la Universidad de Valladolid, España; Magda Lizet Ochoa, de la Universidad Autónoma de Tamaulipas, México, y Begoña Prieto y Alicia Santidrián, de la Universidad de Burgos, España, aportan el artículo "Creando valor mediante la aplicación de modelos de capital intelectual". La investigación pretende vincular el nivel de implantación y uso de modelos de capital intelectual con la creación de valor en la empresa, desde una perspectiva de largo plazo. Para el trabajo empírico se seleccionaron empresas que muestran compromiso hacia la utilización de sistemas de información sobre el capital intelectual. Con base en información de 79 empresas españolas, se realizó y aplicó un modelo para relacionar las variables de crecimiento en ventas, productividad por empleado, índice de capital intelectual, entre otras, con el nivel de uso e implantación de indicadores sobre capital intelectual. Los resultados evidencian que las empresas con mayores niveles de implantación de modelos de capital intelectual presentan mejores índices de productividad, crecimiento en ventas y eficiencia del capital intelectual, es decir, mayor creación de valor.Por otra parte, en una colaboración interinstitucional, el investigador independiente Giuseppe Vanoni, y el profesor Carlos Rodríguez, de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia, suscriben el artículo titulado "Estrategias de crecimiento implementadas por los grupos económicos del Ecuador (2007-2016)", con la que se pretende identificar las estrategias de crecimiento de 132 grupos económicos en el Ecuador, durante el periodo señalado. Luego de una importante revisión de la literatura y de la definición conceptual de "grupo económico" y de "estrategia de crecimiento", el trabajo empírico muestra que prevalece una estrategia de concentración, basada en la especialización. Se concluye que los grupos económicos en Ecuador son pertenecientes a familias concretas. La estabilidad que vivió el país en los años del estudio influyó en la estrategia de concentración por especialización de los grupos económicos.La sección de Marketing del presente número de INNOVAR está conformada por cuatro artículos.Los investigadores brasileños Celso Ximenes y Josemeire Alves, y los profesores Gabriel Aguiar, Facultade Mauricio de Nassau, y Danielle Miranda de Oliveira, de la Universi-dade Estadual do Ceará, en Fortaleza-Brasil, participan con el trabajo "Resolveram meu problema, porém nao compro mais! Por que os consumidores nao desejam voltar a fazer negócios com Lojas Virtuais? El trabajo se planteó como objetivo comprender los motivos que llevan a los consumidores online a no realizar nuevas compras, cuando tuvieron problemas en el proceso, pese a que tales problemas hubiesen sido resueltos. Desde un enfoque cualitativo, con base en 200 quejas de cuatro empresas que venden sus productos en Internet, se realizó un trabajo descriptivo y cualitativo que permitió categorizar los posibles problemas y las soluciones desplegadas por las empresas. Los consumidores expresan su voluntad de no realizar otra compra con la misma empresa por problemas logísticos, demora en resolución del problema y demora en la atención de la queja.De la Universidad de Sevilla, España, los profesores Carlos Javier Rodríguez y Encarnación Ramos aportan a esta edición el artículo titulado "Influencia de la religiosidad y la espiritualidad en el comportamiento ético del consumidor". El objetivo de la investigación es analizar el comportamiento ético del consumidor, para lo que realiza un modelo de ecuaciones estructurales que relaciona las escalas de religiosidad y espiritualidad, y que contrasta los resultados de 286 encuestas realizadas a ciudadanos españoles. La investigación implicó redimensionar la Consumer Ethics Scale, con base en los resultados encontrados en la literatura y con el propósito de ajuste perseguido en el trabajo. Se concluye el artículo presentando evidencia de la existencia de una relación entre la religiosidad-espiritualidad y el comportamiento ético del consumidor.Los profesores Alejandro Tapia, vinculado a la Universidad Loyola de Andalucía, y Elena Martín Guerra, de la Universidad de Valladolid, ambas instituciones en España, son los autores de "Neurociencia y publicidad. Un experimento sobre atención y emoción en publicidad televisiva". El artículo presenta los resultados de un experimento en neuro-ciencia, aplicado a la publicidad. El propósito era estudiar cómo la atención y la generación de respuesta emocional influyen en el recuerdo de una cuña publicitaria (spot) en televisión. El experimento se desarrolló con un grupo de 30 estudiantes de entre 18 y 22 años, que fueron expuestos a cuñas publicitarias de la Universidad de Valladolid. Los resultados muestran que existen condiciones importantes que impactan en la atención y la emoción hacia los spots, tanto positiva como negativamente, entre ellos, el contenido cómico, el idioma, la fuerza del sonido, la presencia de contenidos negativos y tristes, entre otros.Desde el Centro Universitario de Ciencias Económico-Administrativas, de la Universidad de Guadalajara, México, los profesores José Sánchez, Guillermo Vázquez y Juan Me-jía suscriben el trabajo "La mercadotecnia y los elementos que influyen en la competitividad de las mipymes comerciales en Guadalajara, México". El artículo busca establecer la correlación que existe entre los diferentes factores clave de mercadotecnia que impactan en las micro, medianas y pequeñas empresas de prendas de vestir en Guadalajara, México. A partir de un modelo de ecuaciones estructurales, se establecieron como factores clave las estrategias, el conocimiento y la planeación, todos de mercadotecnia, como variables determinantes de la competitividad de la mipyme. Para el trabajo empírico, se usa una muestra de 380 empresas del sector de prendas de vestir al menudeo. Los resultados verifican que existe una correlación positiva y significativa entre los factores clave de marketing y la competitividad, por lo que resultan determinantes para estas empresas, consideradas por muchos como el eslabón más débil de la economía mexicana.La sección de Factor Humano recoge dos trabajos, resultado de procesos de investigación.Publicamos el artículo titulado "Subjetividad y poder en la organización empresarial: un estudio de caso", de la profesora de la Universidad del Valle, Colombia, Adriana Valencia Espinosa, y que fue una de las mejores ponencias presentadas en el Primer Congreso Internacional de Gestión de las Organizaciones, realizado en la Universidad Nacional de Colombia. El objetivo del trabajo de investigación fue comprender la incidencia de la organización empresarial en la subjetividad de los empleados, enfatizando en las implicaciones de la ruptura laboral (la finalización del contrato). El estudio de caso se realiza en una reconocida empresa del Valle del Cauca, dedicada, entre otros negocios, a la impresión masiva y los procesos editoriales. Se abordan relatos de participantes clave, trabajadores que vivieron rupturas laborales con la empresa. El artículo identifica algunos dispositivos desplegados por la organización en el proceso de creación de sentido y producción de significado que moviliza la subjetividad.De los profesores Matias Ginieis, María Victoria Sánchez y Fernando Campa, de la Universitat Rovira i Virgili, España, en esta edición se publica el artículo "¿Cuánto cuesta el personal según el tipo de aerolínea y su ubicación geográfica en Europa? Un análisis comparativo". La investigación se planteó establecer la relación existente entre los costos por empleado, los tipos de aerolíneas (tradicionales y de bajo costo) y las diferentes zonas geográficas de ubicación en Europa en que están domiciliadas las aerolíneas (Europa occidental, Europa del este, Reino Unido y países nórdicos). Se estudiaron 152 compañías áreas, en el periodo comprendido entre el 2008 y el 2013. A partir de pruebas estadísticas de correlación, se estableció que no hay una relación entre el tipo de aerolínea y el costo del personal.Finalmente, la sección de Ética Empresarial para este número de INNOVAR recoge un artículo de investigación.Desde la Universidad de Zaragoza, España, los profesores Francisco José López y Ana Bellosta aportan el trabajo "Corporate Social Responsibility and Good Corporate Governance Practices in Spanish Ethical Mutual Funds: Analysis of Investee Companies". El artículo analiza los tipos de compañías que conforman el portafolio de los fondos mutuos de inversión ética españoles, caracterizando tales empresas desde el modelo de Gobierno corporativo que siguen, su estructura organizacional y algunas de sus variables económicas y financieras. Se presentan y evalúan diferentes modelos de Gobierno corporativo de las empresas en que se invierte y su relación con variables financieras. Los resultados muestran que las empresas que siguen un modelo de gobierno corporativo alemán son las preferidas por los fondos mutuos de inversión ética, seguidas de las empresas con modelos de Gobierno corporativo anglosajones. Es decir, a los fondos mutuos de inversión ética les interesa que las empresas en que invierten incluyan diferentes grupos de interés en sus procesos de gobernanza.Confiamos en que estos trabajos resulten de interés para la comunidad académica en ciencias sociales y administrativas a nivel nacional e internacional.
D'après l'étude du mobilier archéologique, une datation radiocarbone et les textes, la ferme médiévale « en dur » de Laquenexy est occupée du XIIIe s au XVe s. Son implantation, sur un terroir occupé en continu depuis le Néolithique, témoigne d'une qualité certaine des terres exploitées (terre fertile, bonne exposition, proximité de deux cours d'eau…). Ce type d'exploitation agricole est encore peu connu tant au niveau régional qu'au niveau national. La particularité de la ferme de Laquenexy est d'avoir été appréhendée dans son intégralité, ce qui permet d'avoir une vision globale de son organisation (agencement et équipements des bâtiments) et de la vie quotidienne de ses occupants à travers le mobilier archéologique (céramique, métal, faune). ; This type of isolated agricultural farm, which was occupied during the 13th–15th centuries, is still little known both regionally and nationally. The distinctive quality of the farm at Laquenexy is that it was discovered entire, giving an overall understanding of its structure (the fittings and amenities of the buildings) and the daily life of its occupants through study of the archaeological goods (crockery, metal objects, fauna and vegetable macro-remains).If we accept that it is indeed the excavated farm that is described in text sources, it is mentioned in archives from the 13th till the end of the 17th century. It would have gone under the name Loixy or Loixey and was first cited in 1234 in the cartulary of Abbey Saint-Vincent in Metz. In 1518 the nearby fortified manor-house of Villers and the farm of Loixy belonged to seigneur François de Gournais. The last mention of the seigneurial farm is made in a deed of acknowledgement and census written in 1681. The farm must have originally been used by the owner before being transformed at an unknown date to a system of mise à ferme.The excavation data have enabled other deductions to be made and show that we are dealing with an agropastoral farm.The various phases of construction and reconstruction of the seigneurial farm are demonstrated by different types of masonry and mortar, wall trenches, and posts embedded or cut in two by the walls.The pottery at Laquenexy is distinguished by technical (turned pots, glazing) and morphological characteristics (pots, jugs, pitchers, terrines, casks) typical of production during the 13th and 14th centuries. Four technical groups have been identified. In order of quantity they are : pottery with conchiferous limestone inclusions, glazed pottery, stoneware and grey fluted pottery. The two principal facies have forms similar to those that came out of the pottery workshops in Metz Pontiffroy, dated 13th–15th century, notably the identical highly decorated pitchers, jugs and a cask found on the two sites. The crockery on Laquenexy farm is similar to those from rural sites in Lorraine from the same period, notably the sites of Vitry-sur-Orne ZAC de la plaine and VR 52 in Moselle.The growing of cereals and grapes are well represented by metal goods: a fragment of a sickle, a small anvil for beating scythes, a billhook and pruning knives. The discovery of a lead guarantee seal engraved with the word Metz crowned by a fleur de lys is indicative of trade between the farm and the town of Metz.The overall corpus of carpological remains, featuring 1403 macro-remains, represents the agriculture of a farm in the period between the 13th and 15th centuries : 1344 macro-remains are cereals, or 95.8 % of the total assemblage during the Late Middle Ages. The most common cereal is common wheat (Triticum aestivum s.l./durum/turgidum, the grains all very probably belonging to wheat or bread wheat Triticum aestivum s.l. The second most common types are equally oats (Avena spec.) and wild barley Hordeum vulgare fo. vulgare. The leguminous plants cultivated total 27 carbonised seeds, just 1.9 % of the total assemblage during the Late Middle Ages, including vetch Vicia sativa agg., peas Pisum sativum, lentils Lens culinaris and horse beans. The fruits cultivated are rare : a fragment of wild plum or damson Prunus domestica, and the shell of a common walnut Juglans regia. Picking plants are only represented by a fragment of a hazelnut Corylus avellana.The study of the fauna shows a predominance of cattle (37.5 % of MNI) followed by goats and/or sheep (25.01 %), pigs or boar (21.88 %), horses (9.38 %), domestic chickens (3.13 %), greylag geese (1.56 %) and dogs (1.56 %).Indications of violence were found in and around the farm. Traces of redness on many walls are evidence of one or several fires. The discovery of a sword and the bolt from a crossbow might possibly be evidence of an attack against the farm and might be linked to one of several known historic events: for example, on 14 September 1404 comte Philippe de Nassau-Sarrebruck and his allies burned and destroyed a number of Messin villages in the Nied Valley, notably Villers-Laquenexy, during manoeuvres carried out against influential financiers of the Messin territory. Other acts of violence are mentioned in the late 15th and early 16th centuries. These belligerent acts took place against a background of economic recession, which began in the second half of the 14th century. The political and economic crisis sounded the knell for the isolated farm of Laquenexy. ; Dieser Typ eines isolierten vom 13. bis 15. Jh. bewirtschafteten landwirtschaftlichen Betriebs ist sowohl auf regionalem als auch auf internationalem Niveau noch wenig bekannt. Das Besondere an der Studie des Hofs von Laquenexy ist, dass er in seiner Gesamtheit untersucht wurde. Die Funde und Befunde vermitteln uns eine globale Vorstellung seiner Organisation (Anordnung und Ausstattung der Gebäude) und des Alltags seiner Bewohner (Geschirr, Metallgegenstände, Fauna und Makroreste von Pflanzen).In den Textquellen, den Archiven vom 13. Jh. bis ans Ende des 17. Jh., wird der landwirtschaftliche Betrieb eingehend beschrieben. Er taucht unter dem Namen Loixy oder Loixey auf und wird zum ersten Mal 1234 in den Chartularia der Abtei Saint-Vincent de Metz erwähnt. 1518 befinden sich das nahe Feste Haus von Villers und der Pachthof von Loixy im Besitz von François de Gournais. Zum letzten Mal findet der Ritterhof in einem Gerichtsakt und einer Aufzählung aus dem Jahr 1681 Erwähnung. Der landwirtschaftliche Betrieb muss zunächst vom Eigentümer selbst genutzt worden sein, bevor er ab einem unbestimmten Zeitpunkt verpachtet wurde.Die Grabungsergebnisse ergänzen diese Informationen und zeigen, dass wir es mit einem Hof zu tun haben, auf dem Ackerbau und Viehzucht betrieben wurden.Unterschiedliche Mauerwerke und Mörtel, Mauergräben, eingemauerte oder von Mauern überlagerte Pfosten zeugen von mehreren Bau- oder Wiederaufbauphasen des Ritterhofs.Die technischen (scheibengedrehte Keramik, Glasur) und morphologischen (Töpfe, Krüge, Terrinen, Tönnchen) Eigenschaften der Keramik von Laquenexy weisen auf eine typische Produktion des 13.-15. Jh. Folgenden vier technische Gruppen wurden unterschieden ; die Aufzählung erfolgt in absteigender Reihenfolge : Keramik mit Einschlüssen von Muschelkalk, glasierte Keramik, Steinzeug sowie kannelierte graue Irdenware. Die beiden wichtigsten Fazies weisen Formen auf, die denen der Produktion der Werkstätten von Metz Pontiffroy im 13.-15. Jh. nahestehen, insbesondere auf beiden Fundstätten identische "reich verzierte" Krüge, Krüge und ein Tönnchen. Das Geschirr des Hofes von Laquenexy ähnelt dem der ländlichen Fundplätze derselben Periode, insbesondere der Fundplätze der Mosel Vitry-sur-Orne ZAC de la plaine und VR 52.Mehrere Metallobjekte können dem Getreide- und Weinanbau zugewiesen werden : ein Sichelfragment, ein kleiner Amboss für die Bearbeitung von Sensen, eine Hippe sowie Rebmesser. Die Entdeckung eines bleiernen, mit einer Lilie bekrönten Gütesiegels der Stadt Metz zeugt von den Handelsbeziehungen zwischen dem Hof und Metz.Der karpologische Korpus mit seinen 1403 Makroresten ist bezeichnend für die Landwirtschaft eines Hofes des 13.-15. Jh. 1344 Makroreste stammen von Getreide, d.h. 95,8 % der gesamten hoch-und spätmittelalterlichen Samenreste. Das häufigste Getreide ist der Triticum aestivum s.l./durum/turgidum, die Körner gehören wahrscheinlich alle zu Weizen oder Weichweizen Triticum aestivum s.l. Den zweiten Platz teilen sich der Hafer Avena spec. und Gerste Hordeum vulgare fo. vulgare. Die Hülsenfrüchte vereinigen 27 verkohlte Samen, d.h. nur 1,9 % des gesamten hoch- und spätmittelalterlichen Samenbestandes mit Futterwicke Vicia sativa agg., Erbse Pisum sativum, Linse Lens culinaris und Ackerbohne. Obstanbau ist selten, es wurden nur der Rest einer Pflaume oder Zwetschge Prunus domestica und der Schale einer Walnuss Juglans regia geborgen. Gesammelte Pflanzen sind nur durch das Fragment einer Haselnussschale Corylus avellana vertreten.Die Untersuchung der Fauna zeigt, dass das Rind im Viehbestand überwiegt (37,5 % de NMI), auf ihn folgen Ziege und/oder Schaf (25,01 %), Schwein/Wildschwein (21,88 %), Pferd (9,38 %), Haushuhn (3,13 %), Graugans (1,56 %) und Hund (1,56 %).In und um den landwirtschaftlichen Betrieb wurden Anzeichen von Gewaltanwendung verzeichnet. Zahlreiche Mauern weisen Spuren auf, die von einem oder mehreren Bränden zeugen. Die Entdeckung insbesondere eines Schwertes und eines Armbrustbolzen mag von einem bewaffneten Überfall auf den Hof zeugen. Diese Indizien können mit historischen Ereignissen dieser Zeit in Verbindung gebracht werden, ohne dass eines namentlich identifiziert worden wäre. Zum Beispiel haben der Graf Philipp von Nassau-Saarbrücken und seine Verbündeten während einer Expedition gegen die Familien der großen Metzer Finanziers eine gewisse Anzahl von Metzer Dörfern im Niedtal und insbesondere Villers-Laquenexy zerstört und niedergebrannt. Doch Ende des 15. Jh. und zu Beginn des 16. Jh. werden weitere Überfälle erwähnt. Zu diesem Kriegskontext kommt seit der zweiten Hälfte des 14. Jh. eine wirtschaftliche Rezession. Diese politische und wirtschaftliche Krisensituation läutet das Ende des isolierten Hofes von Laquenexy ein.
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Draft Translation: Not for CitationWhat follows is another attempt at a translation of an important text by André Tosel on the Marx/Spinoza relation. It is not a finished, or polished translation, but a rough sketch put forward to help people get a sense of this overlooked articulation of the relation between Marx and Spinoza.For a Systematic Study of the Relation of Marx to Spinoza: Remarks and Hypotheses
André Tosel Published in 2008 in the book Spinoza au XIXe Siècle The question of relation of the thought of Marx to that of Spinoza has up until now been the subject of more of a hermeneutic investigation than a philology. It is easier to construct a history of the different interpretations of Spinoza at the center of different Marxisms then to have determined the precise function of the reference to Spinoza in the work of Marx and to define the use Marx made of the spinozist problematic and the elaboration of his thought. More or less the Marxists that were first developed a relation to Spinoza were an important milestone on the way to developing what could be called a historical and materialist dialectic. The relation begins in the midst of the Second International. The singularity of Spinoza's thought has often been reduced to a stepping stone on the way to "monist" immanentism, which is supposed to be its philosophical structure at least in the reception of two thinkers, as Plekhanov has asserted in some preliminary texts working from some notes of Engels in manuscripts published in the USSR under the title of the Dialectic of Nature. In the dogmatic frame of the struggle between idealism and materialism, Spinoza anticipates materialism by his thesis of the unity of nature and by his doctrine of the equal dignity of the attribute of extension in relation to the attribute of thought. The doctrine of mode and substance causality, coupled with the critique of final causality and the illusions of superstition, signifies at the same time an overcoming of mechanistic thinking and the first form of the dialectic. Rare were those who, like Antonio Labriola, were careful not to oppose two conceptions of the world head-on and maintained a certain distance with polemical opposition, preferring instead to indicate that Marx did for mode of production what Spinoza had done for the world of the passions—a geometry of their production. In the Soviet Union before the Stalinist freeze, this interpretive tension is reproduced: Spinoza becomes the terrain through which the clarification of the dialectic takes place opposing mechanists and anti-mechanists, and original articulation of the thesis of liberty as the comprehension of necessity. These problems have been clarified somewhat. (Zapata, 1983; Seidel, 1984; Tosel, 1995)One would have to wait for the deconstructive enterprise of Louis Althusser for this movement to be reversed. Spinoza is no longer a moment in the teleology which is integrated and surpassed on the way to Marxism-Leninism. His work is the means of theoretical production for reformulating the philosophical and scientific revolution of Marx without recourse to only the Hegelian dialectic. Spinoza is the first to have elaborated a model of structural causality that makes it possible to think the efficacy of the structure as an absent cause over its effects. The theory of knowledge is not one that authorizes absolute knowledge, but it announces this infinite exigency of a break with ideology without the hope of arriving at transparent knowledge. It obliges one to renounce any idea of communism as a state of a final reconciliation in social relations which would be deprived of any contradictions. "We have always been spinozists,' Althusser announces in the Elements of Self-Criticism, and then proceed to the Treatise on the Emendation of the Intellect from the Hegelian dialectic. It is then only an epistemological obstacle which prevents Marx from realizing the full power of his critique of political economy and to explore the continent of history that he discovered. Spinoza for clarifying Marx himself. Everything has been clarified. (Cotten 1992; Raymond, Moreau, 1997). In terms of historical research, the spinozist studies that have been made after the end of the nineteen sixties in France and Italy have often been made by researchers who have rubbed shoulders with Marxism. We find the same oscillation between a tendency to read Spinoza according to a pre-marxist perspective, in the sense of a dialectic of emancipation, or liberation from a theological political complex and disalienation, even constituent power, and another tendency insisting on the infinity of the struggle against all illusions, even those of total liberation, affirming the unsurpassable dimension of the imagination in the constitution of the conatus and in the production of the power of the multitude. This oscillation is manifest often in the same commentators, often itself a function of the change of the historical conjuncture. However, up until now, there has never been an attempt to study from Marx's works themselves the structural function of the spinozist reference in the constitution of Marxist theory, one which would permit us to better understand the understanding that Marx made of Spinozist work. The interpretations have anyway have developed from a certain exteriority to the letter of Marxists texts. Several years ago, a German researcher, Fred E. Schrader, in a short text dedicated to the thematic of "substance and concept" chez Marx (Substanz und Funktion: zur Marxsrezeption Spinoza's) drew attention to this situation (1984). He rightly noted that it was necessary to distinguish two moments in the research to avoid any merely external confrontation: a) first, obviously, document the explicit and implicit mentions of Spinoza in Marx's text; 1) then, reconstruct the position of the reference to Spinoza in the process of the constitution of the critique of political economy which is the central Marxist work, alongside of the references to "Hegel" which one knows were constitutive in the years of 1857-1858. Only this philological and philosophical work can permit us to renew the state of the question. Schrader's study must be considered. We propose to develop it and comment on it because up until now it has not received the attention that it merits. Before everything else, it is necessary to be precise. The work envisioned must be considerable, it includes taking into account the texts published by Marx, those published posthumously by Engels and by Kautsky, and all of those—collections of notes and thematic notebooks—which make up the incomplete nature of Capital, including Marx's correspondence. The MEGA 2, Marx-Engels Gesamtausgabe, still incomplete, has not finished being scrutinized. This work could begin from the hypothesis that we can conceptualize two periods in Marx's work from which it is possible to reassemble occurrences that conceptualize the reference to Spinoza in order to determine their structural function. The first period corresponds to the years of his formation and the interlinking of the critique of politics and the early critique of political economy, it begins with the concept of history underlying the German Ideology and culminates in the Poverty of Philosophy and the Communist Manifesto. The second period begins with the research operating under the title of the critique of political economy beginning in 1857, interrupted provisionally in January of 1859 and beginning again in 1861. The reference to Spinoza is more explicit in the first period where it is a matter of an specifically political practice, articulating a materialism of practice. It is less explicit in the second period, it functions nonetheless as a fundamental operator in the essential theory of the substance of value in capital. The Philosophical Intensifier of Spinoza of the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus. Destruction of the Theologico-Political Complex and Democratic Radicalism. Marx encounters Spinoza in the beginning of his theoretical and political journey. In 1841 we know from the preface by Alexandre Matheron (Cahiers Spinoza), Marx, after his doctorate, reproduced the extracts he copied from the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus (MEGA 2 VI/I Berlin, 1977). He is curiously presented as the author of these texts and moreover they are reorganized in their own order which is not that of the Tractatus itself. The chapters containing the critique of the supernatural, of the miracle, and all of all forms of superstition are brought forward as essential and open on the properly political chapters dedicated to the freedom of thought (XX) and the foundation of the republic (XVI). The Ethics is not ignored but it is not reproduced, Letter XII takes the place of a speculative text and is accompanied with Letter LXXVI to Burgh. Everything takes place as if Marx considered as the most important question to be that of theological politics and is concentrated on the question of human freedom in its radical ethico-political dimension. What is important is that the revolutionary democratic state is realized according to this concept. One could also consider that Spinoza is utilized here as one of the figures that a Doctorate of Philosophy considers along with Aristotle, Kant, Fichte, and Hegel as provocations, of that which puts knowledge in the service of a life liberated from the fear of authorities, which reappropriates humanity's power of thinking and acting confiscated in the service of gods and fetishes. In a certain manner Epicurus is the paradoxically the first of the thinkers who claims that "it is a misfortune to live in necessity, but it is not necessary to live under necessity." This truth finds a new application, after the French Revolution, in the age of a new ethics, where free individuals recognize themselves in a free state. 2. The explicit reference to Spinoza is displaced in the texts of the years 1841-1843—the Kreuznach manuscript dedicated to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right, followed by the introduction and the Jewish Question. These constitute the Feuerbachian moment of Marx, at the heart of his theory of the alienation of the human essence. One must not make this critique of politics a simple transition towards the discovery of the alienation of social powers, nor understand it as an end of a politics understood as primarily statist. It is the ethico-political liberation which requires a transformation of social relations and which is a transvaluation or emancipation of social powers. Spinoza is not named, but certain passages from the TTP are repeated almost to the letter: Spinoza figures as the index of a new task , that is lacking in Hegel which is that of thinking beyond the dualism of civil society and the state. The name of this passage is democracy or true democracy. Marx returns to the letter of the Spinozist thesis according to which democracy is not only the name of a constituted political regime, but the essence of politics, the most natural regime, constituting the power of the people. The intensive force of Spinoza is that of democracy not as a mystical act or utopian ecstasy, but as a process of constitution that replaces actual void of the Hegelian state where the people lack themselves, in which the state becomes something separate, still theologico-political. Democracy is the active process by which the people is refigured as the negative instance of any separate political form and gives a political form to its social power. "Democracy is the truth of monarchy, monarchy is not the truth of democracy. Monarchy is necessarily democracy in contradiction with itself, whereas the monarchial moment is no contradiction within democracy. Monarchy cannot, while democracy can be understood in terms of itself In democracy none of the moments obtains a significance other than what befits it. Each is really only a moment of the whole Demos. In monarchy one part determines the character of the whole; the entire constitution must be modified according to the immutable head. Democracy is the generic constitution; monarchy is a species, and indeed a poor one. Democracy is content and form; monarchy should be only form, but it adulterates the content. In monarchy the whole, the people, is subsumed under one of its modes of existence,. the political constitution; in democracy the constitution itself appears only as one determination, and indeed as the self-determination of the people. In monarchy we have the people of the constitution, in democracy the constitution of the people. Democracy is the resolved mystery of all constitutions. Here the constitution not only in itself, according to essence, but according to existence and actuality is returned to its real ground, actual man, the actual people, and established as its own work. The constitution appears as what it is, the free product of men." It is possible to remark that this constituent power of the demos tends to be presented as a sort of causa sui in the order of world of social relations. The naturalist dimension thematized in the Ethics is not posited here with the insistence of humanity as part of nature, with the thematization of the relations between internal and external causality. Necessity seems to have disappeared for an instant. It is notable that this in the same moment that Feuerbach defends Spinoza's naturalism against Hegelian idealism and makes the author of the Ethics the Moses of modern thought who has destroyed theology by his pantheism, while reproaching him, for not having arrived at a radical humanist affirmation, since he maintained an equivocal equivalence between the naturalization of god and the divinization of nature. The Marxist reference is primarily to the ethico-political Spinoza, one of the "intellectual heroes of morality" as he says in a text contemporary with it, "Comments on the Latest Russian Censorship—" along with Kant and Fichte he is one of the heroes that found and defend the principal of moral autonomy. Spinoza makes it possible to undertake a philosophical political of Hegel, the people would be the only ontological instance that constitutes the political constitution, which is to say democracy, of civil society. Spinoza makes it possible to introduce a new dialectic within the incomplete dialectic of The Principles of the Philosophy of Right. This dialectic is simultaneously a critique. The object of this critical dialectic is the self-constitution of political activity in the struggle to overcome the domination of abstract entities erected into speculative abstractions defining the latest avatars of the theological-political complex. Schrader does not say more in the exposition of the reference to Spinoza in this first period. We could take a step beyond his analysis. A unpublished path seems to be presented. We could in fact explore it as Yovel has done (Spinoza and Other Heretics); also the first book of Matheron, Individu et communauté chez Spinoza (1968) examines the double relation of the human conatus to other conatuses and objects that suit them or do not suit them the rudiments of a theory of objectification of the human essence that Marx elaborates in the texts of 1844 where he analyzes the people under the figure of the proletariat subject and object of alienated labor. The reading can shed light on Spinoza, but Marx has for his interlocuters Hegel, Adam Smith, and Feuerbach. Spinoza does not intervene here explicitly. It is preferable to follow the letter of his texts. 3. The text which follows, The Holy Family of 1845, indicates an unexamined reversal of perspective. Far from finding in Spinoza a radical thinker of liberty through the radicalization of the democratic process and developing Feuerbach's theses of the virtues of Spinoza's naturalization, far from continuing the anti-idealist elements of Spinoza, Marx for the first time distances himself from Spinoza placing him on the side of Descartes, of Malebranche, of Leibniz, of abstract rationalist metaphysics, in a paragraph before celebrating the materialists in which he inscribes himself. These are the materialists of the French Enlightenment, La Mettrie, Holbach, Helvétius, which are lauded for having operated outside of metaphysics. These are the authors that Plekhanov reinscribes as a defenders of monistic materialism in the thought of nature and in the theory of history. Certainly as Olivier Bloch in an important contribution has demonstrated ("Materialism, genesis of Marxism, 1981, reprinted in Matières à penser, Vrin, 1997), this chapter of the history of philosophy is a plagiarism by Marx who literally takes it from the Manuel d'histoire de la philosophie moderne by Charles Renouvier (1844). The soviet Diamat has been founded by a French critic… But the fact remains that Marx endorses this reconstruction which prefers Bacon, Hobbes and Locke to Spinoza, lauding them for the empiricism and nominalism: the English thinkers critique metaphysic speculation and open directly the way to materialism. Pierre Bayler in France can be considered the only fellow traveler of British empiricism by his scepticism he dissolves the metaphysics of Spinoza and Leibniz (The Holy Family, 171). The Spinoza criticized here is that of the Ethics understood as a dogmatic treatise of metaphysics which has a "profane content" but it has lost its historical condition. This is no longer the antitheological political Spinoza but the speculative philosopher. Is it necessary to conclude that this is a contradiction on the part of Marx and to forget his previous theses? It is a surprising oversight because that which Marx and Renouvier give credit to Bacon, Hobbes, and Locke can be imputed to Spinoza as well. Everything takes place as if Marx, put off by the metaphysics of the Ethics forgets what he had found in the TTP—and this seems to be a permanent transformation. In fact the contradiction is not only apparent, or, more to the point, it concerns Spinoza himself. Marx does not have as his object an analysis of Spinozism. He uses the latter by breaking it down according to the needs of his task which is at this moment is to study the activity of real man and the possibility of his transformation by bringing together the theoretical humanism of Feuerbach, the French communism and socialism, and the English thinkers who represent this humanism in the domain of practice. "[Metaphysics] will be defeated for forever by materialism which has now been perfected by the work of speculation itself and coincides with humanism. As Feuerbach represented materialism in the theoretical domain, French and English socialism and communism represent materialism in the practical field which now coincides with humanism." (The Holy Family, pg. 168) One can detect in this passage the presence of a schematic of the history of modern philosophy which has echoes of Moses Hess and Ludwig Feuerbach, the two have confronted the problem of the critical comprehension of Hegel and have begun to present a reinterpretation of the grand moments of the history of philosophy after their master. Marx deviates from the interpretation of Hess given in a text which had a particular impact: The Sacred History of Mankind by a Young Disciple of Spinoza (1838). Hess appropriates Spinoza's theory of knowledge and exploits his theory of the imagination to develop a positive sense of social utopia, and overall makes Spinoza the true alternative to Hegel's Christian philosophy. Far from being an acosmism, the theory of substance is the perfect incarnation of the Hebraic idea of the unconditional unity of all. It is paradoxical, the other part, of the interpretation by Renouvier followed by Marx recovers and conceals that of Feuerbach that one can find in the same period in Preliminary Theses for the Reform of Philosophy (1842) and Principles of the Philosophy of the Future (1843). Marx brushes up against these theses of Feuerbach on Spinoza without reproducing them in their entirety. They make Spinoza an important moment in modern philosophy: at the heart of this movement they make this philosophy an important realization of the humanization of God, Spinoza remains still a speculative philosopher who is at once produces the realization and negation of God. Speculative metaphysics realizes with him its ultimate phase which is determined contradictorily as theism and atheism in the form of pantheism. "Spinoza is the originator of speculative philosophy, Schelling its restorer, Hegel its perfecter."(Thesis 102) Pantheism becomes the only consequential theology in that it anticipates the end of theology in atheism. The Spinozist substance transforms all independent beings into predicates, into attributes of a unique and independent being. God is no longer only a thing thought, it is equally an extended thing (Thesis 3). Spinoza does not make the self-activity of self-consciousness the attribute that unifies and transforms substance into subject. This was Hegel's tour de force but he paid for it with an absolute idealism of spirit since once again spirit prevails over extension and concrete man is subject to abstraction separated from reality of self-consciousness. This inscription of Spinoza in metaphysics is all the more paradoxical because Marx finds in empiricism and British materialism the theses that Feuerbach attributes to Spinoza, and Marx accepts a definition in which materialism coincides with communism. As can be seen in this passage from Principles of the Philosophy of the Future Pantheism is theological atheism or theological materialism; it is the negation of theology while itself confined to the standpoint of theology, for it turns matter, the negation of God, into a predicate or an attribute of the Divine Being. But he who turns matter into an attribute of God, declares matter to be a divine being. The realisation of God must in principle presuppose godliness, that is, the truth and essentiality of the real. The deification of the real, of that which exists materially – materialism, empiricism, realism, and humanism – or the negation of theology, is the essence of the modern era. Pantheism is therefore nothing more than the essence of the modern era elevated into the divine essence, into a religio-philosophical principle. Empiricism or realism – meaning thereby the so-called sciences of the real, but in particular the natural science – negates theology, albeit not theoretically but only practically, namely, through the actual deed in so far as the realist makes the negation of God, or at least that which is not God, into the essential business of his life and the essential object of his activity. However, he who devotes his mind and heart exclusively to that which is material and sensuous actually denies the trans-sensuous its reality; for only that which constitutes an object of the real and concrete activity is real, at least for man. "What I don't know doesn't affect me." To say that it is not possible to know anything of the supersensuous is only an excuse. One ceases to know anything about God and divine things only when one does not want to know anything about them. How much did one know about God, about the devils or angels as long as these supersensuous beings were still objects of a real faith? To be interested in something is to have the talent for it. The medieval mystics and scholastics had no talent and aptitude for natural science only because they had no interest in nature. Where the sense for something is not lacking, there also the senses and organs do not lack. If the heart is open to something, the mind will not be closed to it. Thus, the reason why mankind in the modern era lost the organs for the supersensuous world and its secrets is because it also lost the sense for them together with the belief in them; because its essential tendency was anti-Christian and anti-theological; that is, anthropological, cosmic, realistic, and materialistic. [In the context of the present work, the differences between materialism, empiricism, realism, and humanism are, of course, irrelevant.] Spinoza hit the nail on the head with his paradoxical proposition: God is an extended, that is, material being. He found, at least for his time, the true philosophical expression for the materialistic tendency of the modern era; he legitimated and sanctioned it: God himself is a materialist. Spinoza's philosophy was religion; he himself was an amazing man. Unlike so many others, Spinoza's materialism did not stand in contradiction to the notion of a non-material and anti-materialistic God who also quite consistently imposes on man the duty to give himself up only to anti-materialistic, heavenly tendencies and concerns, for God is nothing other than the archetypal and ideal image of man; what God is and how he is, is what man ought to be or wants to be, or at least hopes to be in the future. But only where theory does not belie practice, and practice theory, is there character, truth, and religion. Spinoza is the Moses of modern free-thinkers and materialists. 4. The anti-metaphysical fury of Marx, the blind submission to Renouvier, limits him in developing an interpretation of the Ethics more nuanced and sensitive to the historical contradictions. This situation is even more strange because it is in The Holy Family that Marx interprets materialist philosophers such that they are a Feuerbachian Spinoza. On can find then three theses that Marx distributes to different representatives of materialism and that can also be imputed to Spinoza. --Thesis 1. Nature is a primary reality, it can be explained by itself without recourse to the principle of a creator. Nothing comes from nothing. One can then have recourse to Bacon for who "the primitive forms of matter are essentially living forms, individuals, and it is they that produce specific differences." He follows, as does Hobbes, in adding that "one cannot separate thought from the matter which thinks." Thought cannot be separated from matter capable of thought. --Thesis 2. The human order is inscribed in a specific manner in nature. This specificity does not specify anything extra-worldly of human activity. Hobbes has demonstrated the sensible nature of activity. "Man is subordinate to the same laws that nature. Power and liberty are identical." The Holy Family) This order is known to promote the art of forming ideas, the human species is fundamentally educatable. ---Thesis 3. What is important is to think the constitution of this human order according to radical possibilities of the ways of transforming these necessary conditions of experience of liberty-power. "If man is unfree in the materialist sense, i.e., is free not through the negative power to avoid this or that, but through the positive power to assert his true individuality, crime must not be punished in the individual, but the anti-social source of crime must be destroyed, and each man must be given social scope for the vital manifestation of his being. If man is shaped by his surroundings, his surroundings must be made human. If man is social by nature, he will develop his true nature only in society, and the power of his nature must be measured not by the power of separate individuals but by the power of society." (The Holy Family 176). It is not necessary to give the history of philosophy presented in The Holy Family a structural importance. It acts as a provisionally constructed polemical text where Marx has given the means for his own philosophical conception in broad strokes in order to better understand the intersection of humanism, materialism, and communism. The incongruence of the treatment of Spinoza, reinterpreted to be behind Feuerbach's position, was not overlooked by Marx's comrades in combat since H. Krieg (himself denounces by Marx in a virulent circular as a confused partisan of religious socialism), he wrote in a letter of June 6, 1845 in order to restore Spinoza's battle against metaphysics overlooked by Marx, "you're probably right about what it says in the English Hobbes and Locke [i.e. that they vacillate contradictorily between materialism and theism], the same for Voltaire and his direct partisans; but Holbach is practically Spinozist, and it is with and Diderot that the Enlightenment reaches its summit and becomes revolutionary." (cited by Maximilien Rubel and his edition of the philosophical texts of Marx titled Philosophie) 5. The instrumental and fluctuating character of the reference to Spinoza as a metaphysician is confirmed precisely by The German Ideology. Marx returns in passing to the place of Spinoza in modern philosophy. Spinoza has developed the principle of substantial immanence but he has not integrated the principle with self-consciousness. Hegel would be the unity of Spinoza and Fichte (The German Ideology, 107). But for Marx this representation consigns him to a partial aspect of the Hegelian synthesis. Self-consciousness is at once a hypostasis of the real activity of human beings in the process of their self-production and the "the real consciousness of the social relations in which they appear to exists and to which they appear to be autonomous." In a similar manner substance is "an ideal hypostatized expression of the world as it exists" that is take as the foundation of the world "existing for itself." Marx returns to Feuerbach for clarification of substance and it anthropological resolution. We do not know much more, but the text seems to distinguish the Hegelian critique of substance and its possible materialist significance as "the existing world." We would have expected considerations on the immanence of modes in natura naturans and of their dynamic interdetermination. In any case, Marx refuses the young Hegelain opposition between self-consciousness and substance, and proposes to maintain the category of substance as an inseparable unity of the existing mode and the beings which constitute the world in the play of their relations. Marx's criticism has as its target the mystification of self-consciousness and its anti-substantial phobia. Everything takes place as if the ontological categories of Spinoza up until now rejected as conservative metaphysics have an intensive force irreducible to the critique of the young Hegelians. However, it remains that in this complex itinerary the use value of the reference to Spinoza is concentrated in the theological political constellation and the political constitution of the political force of social force. This reference becomes the presupposition of the materialist conception of history, but it does not intervene in the texture of these concepts. The Spinoza Reference in the Critique of Political Economy, Substance and Concept Returning to Schrader and his propositions for the study of the second moment of the reference to Spinoza, that of the Marxist use of Spinozist concepts from the Ethics in the development of the critique of political economy in the development of Capital. Schrader pays particular attention to the reappearance in the margins of the reference to Spinoza in the period of the creation and exposition of the critique of political economy which is developed from 1851 to 1863. An important letter from Marx to Lassale from May 31, 1858 which was published in an obscure book on Heraclitus, gives to Spinoza's metaphysics the same status that he gave to Hegel in a famous letter to Engels a few months before. Even among philosophers who give a systematic form to the works, as for example Spinoza, the true inner structure of the system is quite unlike the form in which it was consciously presented. The true system is only present in itself. (Marx MEW, 29, Berlin, 1963, 561).
What was of great use to me as regards method of treatment was Hegel's Logic at which I had taken another look by mere accident... If ever the time comes when such work is again possible, I should very much like to write 2 or 3 sheets making accessible to the common reader the rational aspect of the method which Hegel not only discovered but also mystified. (Correspondence Marx-Engels) Marx makes it clear that the elaboration of the critique passes through the utilization of elements of philosophical works which others appear to have completely bypassed. The presence of Hegel is the center of the interpretation of Capital. It would appear certain to this period that Marx no longer takes inspiration from the Feuerbachian critique of abstract speculation. In this case, the Idea separated from its contents generates the latter in a mystified way by legitimizing the crudest aspects, losing the benefit of seizing the real as a contradictory process, as is explained in The Holy Family or The Poverty of Philosophy. Hegel is from now on solicited for his dialectical discoveries: he elaborates the dialectic as an immanent process of thought and his discoveries serve Marx in developing his proper critique. The presence of Hegel in the period up to the publication of the first volume of Capital in 1867, in passing through diverse manuscripts of 1857-1858 (The Grundrisse) and the manuscripts from 1861-1863, has been attested to and demonstrated by works, either to reaffirm the heretical Hegelianism of Marx, (Rosdolsky, Reichelt, Zelenyi, all dedicated to research the logic of Capital, all following one of the most famous injunctions of all times, Lenin in the Notes on Dialectics) or to combat it in order to argue that Marx was Hegelian or anti-Hegelian (Althusser, and Bidet in his famous study, The Making of Marx's Capital). This usage of Hegel consists essentially in using the categories of logic to expose the theoretical structure of the passages which operate from the commodity to value, from money as the measure of value to money as the means of exchange and as the universal means of payment, from money to capital. Schrader proposes the following recovery of the Marxist exposition of Hegelian categories: --Exchange value and the form of value correspond to the pure quantity of Hegel: this value and its measure is realized as money. The Marxist measure of value adopts the Hegelian determinations of the quantitative relations and their measure. --The circulation of commodities and money is described by the concepts of an infinite qualitative and quantitative process. --Finally the passage from money to capital transposes the passage from being to essence. Marx has thus read and reused these conceptual determinations for the diverse functions of commodity, value, money and circulation. And what about Spinoza? According to Schrader, he intervenes to resolve a logical problem that is at this point unresolved, that of the determination of the concept of capital supposed to integrate the logically preceding determinations. In good Hegelianism, Marx has made the movement of capital that of the essence of the concept. When Marx maintains that exchange value is realized in the circulation of other substances, in an indefinite totality, without losing the determination of its form, always remaining money and commodities, he makes capital the totality of substances. However, it thus impossible to maintain the internal connection between capital and labor, and more precisely abstract labor. Spinoza intervenes to make possible another use of the category of substance: that would not have its function to subsume the plurality of all substances, but to determine the quality of the fluent quantity that defines abstract labor. One can see this in the text of Volume One of Capital, revised by Marx in 1873 for the French translation of J. Roy. The category of substance is introduce in the passage from the commodity to its determination as the contradictory unity of use value and exchange value. The exchange of commodities is only possible if the their values are "expressed in terms of something common to them all, of which thing they represent a greater or less quantities." This something is a substance specific to all commodities. "This common "something" cannot be either a geometrical, a chemical, or any other natural property of commodities…[] it is evident that one makes an abstraction from use value when one exchanges, and that the relation of exchange is characterized by this abstraction (Capital). Exchange and the production process which supports it operate this real abstraction from the useful qualities of the objects to be exchanged. This utility, although necessary, does not render possible the exchange of objects of value insofar as they products of labor. Exchange concerns the objects considered as products of labor. If then we leave out of consideration the use value of commodities, they have only one common property left, that of being products of labour. But even the product of labour itself has undergone a change in our hands. If we make abstraction from its use value, we make abstraction at the same time from the material elements and shapes that make the product a use value; we see in it no longer a table, a house, yarn, or any other useful thing. Its existence as a material thing is put out of sight. Neither can it any longer be regarded as the product of the labour of the joiner, the mason, the spinner, or of any other definite kind of productive labour. Along with the useful qualities of the products themselves, we put out of sight both the useful character of the various kinds of labour embodied in them, and the concrete forms of that labour; there is nothing left but what is common to them all; all are reduced to one and the same sort of labour, human labour in the abstract. Capitalism cannot be grasped as a subject enveloping the totality of the process of the development. It is no longer a simple quantity in indefinite expansion. It is thought as the "social substance of as exchange values." This substance can be determined as capital, but it goes beyond this process of determination by constituting a remainder, a "residue" that constantly reappears. "Let us now consider the residue of each of these products; it consists of the same unsubstantial reality in each, a mere congelation of homogeneous human labour, of labour power expended without regard to the mode of its expenditure. All that these things now tell us is, that human labour power has been expended in their production, that human labour is embodied in them. When looked at as crystals of this social substance, common to them all, they are – Values." The concept of Capital is not that of the concept of substance becoming subject., it returns to the concept of social substance defined as abstract labor creator of value, substance of value, and substance which increases value: purely progressive quantity reduced to its infinity which is a true infinity irreducible to the logic of bad infinity, that of capital which nonetheless subsumes it. However it is said that this reconstruction does not rest on an explicit reference to Spinoza. The objection is well founded. Schrader responds that it is Marx who reread Hegel and saw that the formal system of Spinoza could be used against Hegel critique of the concept of substance in the Logic. It is a matter of the problem of determination. Omnis determination negatio, Marx keeps reminding everyone of this. If it is Hegel who validates Spinoza's judgement by demonstrating its insufficiency which for Marx transforms into a sufficient truth to permit him to avoid identifying capital with the Hegelian concept. Capital can increase its reality only by determining this social substance of abstract labor, by negating it. The tendency of capital, its ideal, is the absolute negation of this substance. Marx makes the insufficiency of Spinoza's substance according to Hegel into a virtue. In the Logic the principle according to which determination is negation is recognized as essential. But Spinoza, according to Hegel, remains with determination as limit which is founded on an other being. The mode is in another from which it derives its being but this other is in itself. It is the integral concept of all realities. But its immanence is only apparent. Each mode negates each other, determination of each is the result of the determined negation of all of the others. Far from determining itself in these negations, substance is negated in its absolute indifference. It does not reflect itself in these negations no more than they reflect it. The Spinozist principle does not arrive at absolute negation that it anticipates contradictorily. The substance is posed by an external reflection which compromises the otherwise affirmed subsistence of the determinations which become an effervescent moment (attributes and modes). This can be read in the texts from The Science of Logic dedicated to Spinoza. "Of this proposition that determinateness is negation, the unity of Spinoza's substance — or that there is only one substance — is the necessary consequence. Thought and being or extension, the two attributes, namely, which Spinoza had before him, he had of necessity to posit as one in this unity; for as determinate realities they are negations whose infinity is their unity. According to Spinoza's definition, of which we say more more subsequently, the infinity of anything is its affirmation. He grasped them therefore as attributes, that is, as not having a separate existence, a self-subsistent being of their own, but only as sublated, as moments; or rather, since substance in its own self lacks any determination whatever, they are for him not even moments, and the attributes like the modes are distinctions made by an external intellect. Similarly, the substantiality of individuals cannot persist in the face of that proposition."Hegel, Science of Logic "Since absolute indifference may seem to be the fundamental determination of Spinoza's substance, we may add that this is indeed the case in so far as in both every determination of being, like every further concrete differentiation of thought and extension and so forth, is posited as vanished. If we stop short at the abstraction [of substance] then it is a matter of complete indifference what something looked like in reality before it was swallowed up in this abyss. But when substance is conceived as indifference, it is tied up with the need for determining it and for taking this determination into consideration; it is not to remain Spinoza's substance, the sole determination of which is the negative one that everything is absorbed in it. With Spinoza, the moment of difference — attributes, thought and extension, then the modes too, the affections, and every other determination — is introduced empirically; it is intellect, itself a mode, which is the source of the differentiation." Hegel, Science of Logic 3. It is capital which fails to realize its ideal determinations of essence and which falls back into the residue of the social substance, of the abstract labor which it masks. Capital as a mode of production is ruled by the real abstractions of exchange value which are not comprehended by social agents. Value is a social abstraction that is produced from the base of multiple dispersed evaluations, that the understanding of the economist produces only after the fact, but can be known as a real abstraction operated by society and which is determined as a social substance of abstract time. The determination of the common substance as abstract labor makes it possible to dissipate the mystification produced by the appearance of capital as the self moving essence of value. All of the people, who are modes of this substance, cannot immediately represent to themselves the internal determinations of this substance in which they appear other than as representation of theological-political complex, the same as the agents of capital who cannot represent to themselves the determinations of capital (commodity-value-money-forms of capital) without fetishizing them as autonomous movements of the value form. Theoretical knowledge, the Wissenschaft, does not dissolve this fetishism because the mechanisms of its social reproduction are founded on the constitution of these forms of representation and their real efficacy. Capital cannot arrive at self-identity in terms of an absolute reflection. The determination that Hegel imputes to Spinoza negatively of substance as exterior reflection can better convey the determinations of moments of its critique. This places within the development of initial economic forms this sort of equivalent of the attribute of extension that is human labor, this common social substance comprising the forms of modal representations which capture it, that is to say that the forms of consciousness and their functional relations in the material process of reproduction. It is therefore the relationship between the substances of abstract human labor and mystified or adequate forms of social representations of this substance that Marx finds in in the hidden Spinozian system and that he utilizes in order to escape the limits of Hegel's categories, which tend to sublimate substance into the concept and therefore annul the contradictions of capital in the passage from substance to the essence and the concept. From this point of view, Hegel and Spinoza would both be utilized without reservations by Marx as the complimentary and constitutive means of production of the critique of political economy. Spinoza would thus be primarily critical to the extent that the process of the development of the determination of capital cannot be ruled by the teleological order of being-essence-concept. The theory of the substance of abstract labor interrupts the movement of the idealization of capital from the mimesis of the Hegelian order that has been opposed. Spinoza is a moment of the emendation of the intellect internal to the Marxist critique, not an external instance that would be opposed in the confrontation with exteriority. On an Incomplete Analysis 1. Schrader goes no further. The outline of his work remains open. In particular this analysis Postulates as evidence a substantial theory of abstract labor, one that has come under criticism from multiple non-marxist thinkers (Croce, Pareto, Menger) and also, more recently, by Marxists (Althusser and Bidet). In this case the relation to Spinoza would lose its fecundity. But if one leaves to the side the labor theory of value and its supposed foundational role, on the internal level the analysis still remains allusive, because it would have been necessary to exceed the level of Volume One of Capital in order to demonstrate the decisive character of Spinoza's conceptuality in the Marxist conception. Despite these uncertainties, the perspective opened by Schrader is stimulating in that can necessitate a more rigorous study, tempering the contradictory interpretations by the rigors of philology. 2. Schrader's final remarks seem to us be more provocative. Starting from the idea that Spinoza and Marx begin from two different historical moments—that of manufacturing capital limited by the desire of hoarding and that of capitalism fully developed—the logical and ethico-political thesis of the submission of needs to absolute monetary enrichment, and that therefore the refusal of money as an end in itself, he begins to construct a shocking analogy between the third type of knowledge in Spinoza and the knowledge of the capitalist which exposes its money to circulation in order to multiply it. The determination of particular things sub specie aeternitas, as deepening the knowledge of their essence would symbolize with the effort of capitalists to insert money to measure things in their circulation sub specie capitalis. The reference to Marx attests to the irony of Marx: if the movement of true knowledge is infinite, this infinity cannot be confused with that of monetary accumulation which becomes a bad infinity because the means of accumulation are reversed and perverted to be posited as an end in itself. 3. It is more correct, as Schrader makes apparent, to find a space more effective for the forma mentis common to Marx and Spinoza: the two both diagnosis the pathology of the understanding and that of a form of life proper to a given historical world. Both understand the irreversible character of modern passions and set to understand and eventually cure these pathologies. Spinoza, son of a merchant enriched by international trade and a merchant himself in his youth, does not have contempt for money and the new wealth of nations promoted by capitalist economy. He does not dream of a return to oikos of finite needs in a household setting, he is not an aristoltean who condemns bad infinity of the circulation of merchandise which has as its object money and not the use value of merchandise. He registers the emergence of exchange value, he sees, as Aristotle did, that it is the subordination of true value. Remember the famous text from Ethics IV Appendix, consecrated to the function of money. XXVIII. Now to achieve these things the powers of each man would hardly be sufficient if men did not help one another. But money has provided a convenient instrument for acquiring all these aids. That is why its image usually occupies the mind of the multitude more than anything else. For they can imagine hardly any species of joy without the accompanying idea of money as its cause. XXlX. But this is a vice only in those who seek money neither from need nor on account of necessities, but because they have learned the art of making money and pride themselves on it very much. As for the body, they feed it according to custom, but sparingly, because they believe they lose as much of their goods as they devote to the preservation of their body. Those, however, who know the true use of money, and set bounds to their wealth according to need, live contentedly with little. The realization of money as a concept, the accumulation of money for accumulation, is unrealized. Marx adds that this goal is inaccessible because the character of use value of commodities contradicts the universal sociality of value. The common social substance in so far as it is measured in abstract labor time is measured according to quantitatively determined portions. Money is supposed to represent value in its infinite becoming of an end in itself, but it can only effectively represent a determined part. This contradiction is resolved in the deplacement that money makes in becoming capital, exchange value multiplied in profit. Spinoza's therapeutic of desire also concern the intellect of calculation: the latter is not condemned, it is superior to the intellect of avarice which theorizes by avarita and does not develop the capacity to act and think. This understanding, however, is called upon to better understand the monetary economy by subordinating it to immanent true utility, that which is inscribed in the republic of free citizens. It is only in this sense that the accumulation of wealth under the monetary form can enter into the correct perspective of knowledge of the third kind. Marx in his own way wants to understand the action of human beings without deploring or flattering them. Capital cannot be understood going from substance to the essence of the concept, but it has its basis in substance, the social substance of abstract labor, and can be rethought and regrouped in the forms of economic understanding. Capital also has as its goal a particular therapeutic manner, the health and well-being of a social body that cannot be subsumed under capital but must encompass the increase of the capacities of acting and thinking that capital subordinates to itself. 4. This anti-teleological function of the concept of substance/abstract labor is not maintained by Marx for long in his dialectic. Certainly the function of the subject cannot be attributed to capital, but it is displaced and given a different support, not that of abstract labor with its internal multiplicity and impersonality, but its bearer, that of the working class, the proletariat, the people of the people. The substance of abstract labor becomes subject in the determination that Marx always uses with the English term general intellect. One could thus see a final return of Hegel which interrupts Marx's return to Spinoza. The communism developed by the general intellect is the practical substitute of the Hegelian concept and imposes an anthropological version and anthropocentric teleology that Spinoza would not accept. What does the general intellect represent? It represents the capacity of the proletariat to organize the ensemble of forces defining the collective worker and the cooperation associated with it, under the direction of formation of the factory in the constitution of the unqualified worker, all representing the advance front of the progressive socialization of the social productive forces. Communism is not something that is imposed as a simple moral ideal, it is a product of the real historical process. However, Marx does not escape here the teleologism that he shares with majority of German idealism. The socialization of productive forces—that for Marx leads the process of the self-production of humanity realizing its immanent end and to which he attributes the function of the concept—is not realized at the level of society. It cannot in any way constitute itself as a causa sui. The human world remains a world of world of modal relations and interactions: if the effects of liberation can realize themselves at the level of the individual (by the knowledge of singular things) or at the level of collectivity ( by the democratic constitution of the multitude), these effects would not be made from a mode as a complete cause of itself under all points of view. The capacity of a mode to act and think, human individual or society, can be more or less adequate, but this adequation does not annul the difference that separates the mode which is produced by and in another which it requires to subsist and which is produced in and by itself and becomes a cause of itself. The identity of natura naturata and natura naturans cannot grant a mode the capacity to be cause of itself under all points of view: it permits it to do so under certain points of view and certain conditions which are sufficient for an ethical realization. Communism to the extent that Marx thinks in terms of the becoming concept of the collective worker exceeds the conditions and possibilities of action predicated on modes. To this structural impossibility we can add the consideration of an analytical one: modern society is not immense and singular enterprise under the order of the collective worker, it is, to say the least, a network of antagonistic enterprises in which on the contrary the process of work is fragmented to the point where it loses all material and ideal unity, a fragmentation that has been imposed by the imperative of capitalist society. Exploitation is not only maintained but it is generalized, it is only in compensation that the recomposition of labor process itself as something collective, cooperative, and associated that Marx believes leads the dialectic of the process of capitalist production. Spinozist realism is here irreducible. It does not limited us in taking the measure of the problem posed generally by Marx, it excludes, however, the solution envisioned from speculative teleology and it compels us to attempt to comprehend the modal form in which exploitation is reproduced. How can we form a new theory of the capacity for insurrection of the multitude subordinated to capital while they also resist it. What effects of liberation can still be manifested by producing new subjectivities which are embedded in real productive activities, not prisoners of unproductive ghettos ravaged by self-destructive violence, nor recluse themselves in the powerless rumination of a moral salvation? How can we escape forms of historical impotence? How can we avoid being reduced to the status of spectators of this impotence? Such are the questions posed by Marx and which are posed again today along with Spinoza and his critique of the teleological illusions of the general intellect, questions which have not arrived at the end of their road. But it is historically vain to ask Marx these questions: they are ours and it is up to us to answer them.
Authors' IntroductionSimilar to race, class, and gender, the body is an important signifier that shapes identity, social processes, and life outcomes. In our article, we examine the individual and institutional rewards conferred upon physically attractive individuals and the social stigma and discrimination experienced by the less physically attractive. This body hierarchy is tied in part to the performance of beauty work, including attempts to transform and/or manipulate one's hair, make‐up, and body shape or size. We explore these beauty work practices, highlight the gendered nature of this body hierarchy, and situate these practices in debates about agency and cultural structure. Are beauty conformists 'cultural dopes' who buy into an oppressive patriarchal beauty culture that creates docile bodies? Or, are these individuals 'savvy cultural negotiators' who participate in beauty work practices to reap material and psychological rewards?Authors recommendsBordo, Susan. 2003. Unbearable Weight: Feminism, Western Culture & the Body. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.A series of essays that examine Western body culture, including media images, weight loss practices, reproduction, psychology, medicine, and eating disorders. In her analysis, Bordo adopts a postmodern feminist interpretation, problematizing the female body as a cultural construct.Davis, Kathy. 1991. 'Remaking the She‐Devil: A Critical Look at Feminist Approaches to Beauty'. Hypatia, 6, 21–43.Drawing on interviews with Dutch cosmetic surgery patients, Davis examines how women account for their decisions to participate in cosmetic surgery and how they view it in light of surgery outcomes. She argues that women actively pursue cosmetic surgery for instrumental reasons including regaining control of their lives, feeling normal, and/or righting the wrong of an ongoing suffering.Dellinger, Kirsten and Christine L. Williams. 1997. 'Makeup at Work: Negotiating Appearance Rules in the Workplace'. Gender & Society, 11, 151–77.Dellinger and Williams analyze in‐depth interviews to understand the reasons why women do – or do not – wear makeup in the workplace. Women are negatively sanctioned when they do not wear makeup (e.g. they are questioned about their health or heterosexuality) and are positively rewarded when they do wear makeup (e.g. they are seen as more credible, feel more confident, etc.). The authors argue that such practices ultimately reinforce inequality between women and men, but that individual resistance strategies are unlikely to be successful given the institutional and structural constraints faced by women.Gagné, Patricia and Deanna McGaughey. 2002. 'Designing Women: Cultural Hegemony and the Exercise of Power Among Women Who have Undergone Elective Mammoplasty'. Gender & Society, 16, 814–438.The authors address two feminist perspectives on cosmetic surgery using interviews with women who have undergone elective mammoplasty. One perspective suggests that women who elect cosmetic surgery are victims of false consciousness whose bodies are disciplined by a male gaze. A second perspective centralizes women's agency; surgery enables women to achieve greater power and control over their lives. They propose a grounded theoretical synthesis, maintaining that surgery can be empowering at an individual level, but can also reinforce hegemonic ideals that oppress women as a group.Gimlin, Debra L. 2002. Body Work: Beauty and Self‐Image in American Culture. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.Gimlin examines four sites of body work – the beauty salon, aerobics classes, a plastic surgery clinic, and a fat acceptance organization. Relying on ethnographic and interview data, she discusses women's body transformation efforts and how they negotiate the relationship between body and self.Lovejoy, Meg. 2001. 'Disturbances in the Social Body: Differences in Body Image and Eating Problems among African American and White Women'. Gender & Society, 15, 239–61.Lovejoy reviews several perspectives on racial/ethnic differences in body image and eating disorders including: (1) a psychometric perspective that focuses on attitudinal and perceptual body image; (2) white feminist perspectives that focus on social control and changing gender roles; and (3) black feminist perspectives that claim obesity is a problem for black women, see eating as a mechanism to cope with oppression, and acknowledge black women's susceptibility to eating disorders. According to Lovejoy, black women's positive body satisfaction can be explained through an alternative beauty aesthetic and the cultural construction of femininity in black communities.Pope, Harrison G., Jr., Katharine A. Phillips and Roberto Olivardia. 2000. The Adonis Complex: The Secret Crisis of Male Body Obsession. New York: The Free Press.In contrast to the many works that focus on women, these authors discuss appearance stereotypes and appearance work related to men and masculinity. While more journalistic than academic in tone (and quality of research design), the authors draw on surveys, interviews, and archival documents to argue that women's entrance into previously masculine arenas (e.g. male‐dominated occupations) has led to a sort of 'threatened masculinity.' As a result, men use their bodies to demonstrate masculinity (e.g. increased musculature) – often through unhealthy behaviors and practices, including steroid use and eating disorders.Weitz, Rose. 2001. 'Women and Their Hair: Seeking Power through Resistance and Accommodation'. Gender & Society, 15, 667–86.Based on in‐depth interviews with women, Weitz shows how women use their hair (style, length, color, etc.) to conform to, resist, and negotiate hegemonic beauty norms, thereby gaining – or losing – personal and professional power and other advantages. Weitz's article is particularly useful for illuminating how personal advantages can belie group advantages as well as the limitations of the agency versus docile bodies argument.West, Candace and Don H. Zimmerman. 1987. 'Doing Gender'. Gender & Society, 1, 125–51.This article introduces the idea of gender as an accomplishment or a performance. Femininity and masculinity, the authors argue, do not automatically follow from biological sex. Rather, males and females perform gender in their daily routines and interactions with others. We 'do gender,' for example, through our appearance, behaviors, speech patterns, etc.Wolf, Naomi. 1991. The Beauty Myth: How Images of Beauty are Used Against Women. New York: Harper Collins.This book explores the relationship between unattainable beauty ideals and women's social advancement. Examining issues including work, culture, religion, sex, and hunger, Wolf argues that despite increased advancement in the public sphere, women's self‐esteem and equality are stymied by the beauty myth and an obsession with body perfection.Online materialsAbout Face! http://www.about‐face.org/ About Face is an organization whose mission is to equip women and girls with tools to understand and resist harmful media messages that affect their self‐esteem and body image. Website contains images of positive and negative advertisements (along with discussion questions and company contact information), further reading suggestions, and links to other organizations dealing with either body image or media literacy.Adios Barbie http://www.adiosbarbie.com/ A website devoted to creating awareness about disempowering cultural messages about bodies, encouraging positive body image, and taking an active role in creating unique versions of beauty and identity.Jean Kilbourne http://www.jeankilbourne.com/lectures.html Jean Kilbourne is an author and lecturer whose works focuses extensively on the depiction of women in advertising. Her website includes recourses for change and postings from organizations with opportunities for individuals to get involved in activities/events that challenge destructive media images. The 'Film & Video' link also includes films on advertising and western beauty culture.Lauren Greenfield http://www.laurengreenfield.com/ Lauren Greenfield is a photographer whose images capture, among other things, the toll of beauty stereotypes and beauty work on women of all ages. Particularly relevant are Greenfield's collections titled Girl Culture and Thin. The website includes photographic images, short films, links to Greenfield's books and films, and further resources, including readings for teens, activists, and educators (including an extensive discussion/exercise guide for Girl Culture).Love Your Body Day Campaign (National Organization of Women) http://loveyourbody.nowfoundation.org/ Website for NOW's annual body‐image campaign that began in 1998. Includes activism resources (primarily for college campuses), including a Powerpoint presentation with images and text about how commercial images (with a focus on advertising) affect both women and men ('Sex, Stereotypes and Beauty: The ABCs and Ds of Commercial Images of Women'). Newsweek, Lifetime Spending on Beauty http://www.newsweek.com/id/187758 Interactive graphic, 'The Beauty Breakdown', shows the average cost that women in various age groups spend on beauty products and services. Graphic also includes links on the right‐side menu to other Newsweek articles and photo essays related to beauty work.Sample SyllabusWe encourage use of this article in various Sociology, Gender and Women's Studies, and Cultural Studies courses including Introduction to Sociology, Sociology of Gender, and the Sociology of Body.Focus Questions
In what ways does your level of physical attractiveness affect how others treat you? How does your race and gender shape your response? Consider various contexts including school, work, gym, church, etc., and how social context might affect social treatment. What are some individual and institutional rewards conferred upon physically attractive individuals? How are physically unattractive individuals stigmatized and treated differently? Why do you think individuals make assumptions and treat people differently based on physical attractiveness? What are some common forms of beauty work practices? Do you engage in any of these practices? Why? Why do you think others engage in these practices? How do practices and consequences differ by gender? By race? By sexual orientation? How is beauty work a gendered double standard? That is, how do beauty work 'obligations' differ for women and men? Also, what are some contradictions women face when they perform beauty work? In other words, what are some of the costs to performing – as well as not performing – beauty work? What, if any, forms of resistance are an effective means of social change? Do 'alternative' appearances, i.e., body piercings, scarring, or tattoos, or advertising campaigns such as the Dove Real Body campaign constitute resistance to beauty ideals that promote social change? How might different strands of feminist thought envision social change?
Seminar/Project IdeasReading Assignment: Beauty AssumptionsSelect photos of both conventionally attractive and unattractive men and women from various racial and ethnic backgrounds. Select these photos in pairs, varying preferably all but the level of physical beauty, e.g. attractive white woman versus unattractive white woman, attractive black man versus unattractive black man. If possible, use 'before and after' makeover photos. Before students read the assigned article, ask them to rate the person depicted in each photo on various personality characteristics. Use semantic differential scales and pairs such as happy‐sad, beautiful‐ugly, intelligent‐unintelligent, healthy‐unhealthy, honest‐dishonest, friendly‐unfriendly, etc. After students have read the article, revisit their responses. Are there any patterns of assumed characteristics based on level of physical attractiveness? How does race and/or gender affect responses? Use this exercise to transition into a discussion of the article.Journal Assignment: Media and Our Beauty CultureAsk students to examine critically and document observations about the beauty culture that surrounds them. In a week, students should pay special attention to what they see on television. In terms of physical attractiveness, who is depicted on television? Moreover, how do depictions vary by physical attractiveness? What roles do physically attractive individuals play? How are they depicted? Conversely, what roles and portrayals are associated with less physically attractive individuals? Would they see similar depictions in other media such as film, magazines, and the internet? In their write‐up, students should also discuss the social meanings and significance of these television depictions. For example, do they think these portrayals affect their views of beauty, their assumptions about others, and how they treat others?