Suchergebnisse

The subject. The article is devoted to the analysis of legislation on personal data and it's enforcement in the educational process in higher educational institutions.The purpose of the article is highlight controversies in legislation on personal data, generating mistakes in enforcement during the educational procedures.The description of methodology. The author uses methods of complex analysis, synthesis, as well as formal-logical and formal-legal methods.The main results and scope of their application. The practice of interpreting the concepts of "personal data", "confidential personal data", "official secret", "publicly available personal data" is extremely contradictory.Currently, there are hundreds departmental regulatory legal acts about various aspects of the protection of official secrets. Analysis of these acts shows that the rules aimed at preserving the confidentiality of official information regulate the following aspects of the functioning of state and municipal bodies, institutions and organizations: (a) ensuring access to official information; (b) providing state and municipal services; (c) document flow and record keeping; (d) staffing; (e) anti-corruption; (f) use of information systems; (g) interaction with the media; (h) prevention of conflicts of interest.The study load cannot be attributed to the personal data, that requires the consent of the teacher to be processed. The study load is nothing more than publicly available information, arising from the principles of collegiality of educational process management, competitiveness of education, its openness and transparency, that are established in the legislation on education.Conclusions. Extended interpretation of confidential personal data and inclusion of the teaching load to it is unacceptable. This contributes to conflicts of interest, corrupt factors and devaluation of higher education. ; Анализируется применение законодательства о персональных данных, преимущественно в учебном процессе в вузах, взаимосвязь персональных данных с конфиденциальной и служебной информацией. Делается вывод о недопустимости расширительного толкования конфиденциальных персональных данных и отнесения к ним учебной нагрузки – это способствует конфликту интересов, возникновению корруп-циогенных факторов и девальвации высшего образования.

El juzgamiento de las conductas que revisten las características de delito, en tanto atentan contra los bienes jurídicamente tutelados de un Estado, constituyen la base del ejercicio de la Acción Penal y el Ius Puniendi como facultad de éste para emitir un reproche, que se colige del rechazo de una sociedad contra todo aquello que atente contra su ordenamiento jurídico. Tal juicio es ventilado ante un juzgador o cuerpo colegiado que profiere su decisión y que, en el caso norteamericano, se trata de un jurado, encargado de reflejar la voluntad del pueblo y los intereses sobre los valores que su legislación protege como fundantes. Sin embargo, esta institución no ha sido adoptada por Colombia, que ha propendido la adopción de un sistema acusatorio, por lo que reviste importancia realizar un análisis respecto de la legitimidad como criterio de valoración para entender la teleología de las diferencias entre ambos ordenamientos jurídicos. ; Facultad de Derecho - Centro De Investigaciones Sociojurídicas ; The prosecution of the behaviors that have the characteristics of crime, insofar as they attempt against the legally protected property of a State, constitute the basis of the exercise of the Criminal Action and the Ius Puniendi as its faculty to issue a reproach, which is based on the rejection of a company against everything that violates its legal system. Such a judgment is heard before a judge or collegiate body that professes its decision and that, in the North American case, it is a jury, in charge of reflecting the will of the people and the interests on the values that their legislation protects as foundations. However, this institution has not been adopted by Colombia, which has advocated the adoption of an accusatory system, so it is important to perform an analysis regarding legitimacy as a criterion of assessment to understand the teleology of the differences between both legal systems.

It addresses a comprehensive analysis of the global, Latin American and national environment regarding advances and gaps in Science, Technology and Innovation and a relevant analysis of key theories and concepts on this important phenomenon, it is concluded that technological progress has shown In the last decades it is an important tool for economic growth and generate welfare in its economy and population. The importance of science, technology and technological innovation - CTI - in the competitiveness of countries is recognized worldwide, being promoted by various countries and international institutions as a means to achieve sustainable economic growth. However, the contribution of the CTI goes beyond this aspect constituting itself as a vital tool to achieve the Human Development. Based on the aforementioned analysis and the difficulties identified in our country, the document entitled Public Policy for Technological Development is proposed, seeking to integrate its development with science and innovation. To achieve the objective of improving, strengthening and improving the performance of the ITC based on our potentialities, incorporating the advances of global technological development; with a decentralized institutionality as the new system contract in the country. For this, emphasis is placed on promoting the articulation of the quadruple propeller University, Enterprise, State and Civil Society, so that the results of the technological changes are massified and benefit the great majority. ; Se aborda un análisis exhaustivo del entorno global, latinoamericano y nacional respecto a los avances y brechas en materia de Ciencia, Tecnología e Innovación y de un análisis pertinente de las teorías y conceptos claves sobre este importante fenómeno, se concluye que el avance tecnológico ha demostrado en las últimas décadas que es una herramienta importante para el crecimiento económico y generar el bienestar en su economía y población. La importancia de la ciencia, tecnología e innovación tecnológica -CTI- en ...

The scientific reflection of the authors is caused by the paradoxically conflict situation in the world's fuel and energy complex and the unresolved nature of a number of methodological and applied issues of the functioning of financial instruments. The authors proceed from the assumption that conflicts grow not so much by the scarcity of natural resource reserves, labour, and the transition to non-traditional energy sources, energy-saving technologies, or the search for rent by a number of financial institutions. One of the main reasons is the primacy of economic interests in solving the problems of environmental protection. The lack of readiness of institutes for new risks of geological and technological nature, the need to change the functions and spheres of influence of international organizations operating in the financial and energy spheres also lead to stressful and conflictual situations. An important role in the study of the problem is the sectoral aspect of the resource problem of contemporary international life, which is both a traditional and a contemporary dimension of economic paradox (the paradoxes of Smith, Jevons). The paradoxes of economic development allow us to determine the direction of synergy between the factors of production and the forms of ownership of natural resources, the possible points of bifurcation and the growth of natural rent into a political one. The authors used the model of research of "product chains" and laid the foundation for global value networks in the form of analysis of the processes of transformation of raw materials into the product of demand, as well as global value added networks in the form of analysis of factors of the organization of global industries. Theoretical substantiation and practical tools for the analysis of added value chains and various types of fuel and energy complex management are offered. The authors consider competition in the paradigm of microeconomic theory as a certain property of the market in the context of the theory of market ...

International audience ; BACKGROUND:Illegal gold miners in French Guiana, a French overseas territory ('département') located in Amazonia, often carry malaria parasites (up to 46.8%). While the Guiana Shield Region aims at malaria elimination, the high prevalence of Plasmodium in this hard-to-reach population in conjunction with frequent incorrect use of artemisinin-based anti-malarials could favour the emergence of resistant parasites. Due to geographical and regulatory issues in French Guiana, usual malaria control strategies cannot be implemented in this particular context. Therefore, new strategies targeting this specific population in the forest are required.METHODS:Numerous discussions among health institutions and scientific partners from French Guiana, Brazil and Suriname have led to an innovative project based on the distribution of kits for self-diagnosis and self-treatment of Plasmodium infections. The kit-distribution will be implemented at "resting sites", which are areas across the border of French Guiana regularly frequented by gold miners. The main objective is to increase the appropriate use and complete malaria treatment after a positive malaria diagnosis with a rapid test, which will be evaluated with before-and-after cross-sectional studies. Monitoring indicators will be collected from health mediators at the time of kit distribution and during subsequent visits, and from illegal gold miners themselves, through a smartphone application. The project funding is multisource, including Ministries of Health of the three countries, WHO/PAHO, and the European Union.RESULTS:This project will start in April 2018 as a 18 month pilot study led by the Clinical Investigation Centre of Cayenne. Results should be available at the end of 2019.DISCUSSION:This innovative approach may have several limitations which should be taken into account, as potential side effects, kit misuse or resale, declarative main criteria, or no Plasmodium vivax curative treatment. Close monitoring is thus needed.CONCLUSIONS:This ...

Este artículo se centra en las relaciones entre escuela y familias gitanas durante las etapas de Educación Infantil y Primaria, concretamente en las experiencias de mediación gitana como una herramienta clave para facilitar la comunicación y la relación entre las dos instituciones, a veces ancladas en posiciones enfrentadas. Después de repasar brevemente las políticas educativas aplicadas en la escolarización del alumnado gitano en España, se muestran los resultados de una etnografía escolar realizada en más de veinte centros de Educación Infantil y Primaria del Estado español. Se concluye con el análisis del recorrido de las iniciativas sobre mediación gitana impulsadas por el Departamento de Educación de la Generalitat de Cataluña en la ciudad de Lleida, desde la creación, en el curso 1993‐94, de la figura del mediador gitano, hasta la actualidad, en que se implanta el proyecto Promoción Escolar, con la voluntad de potenciar la igualdad de oportunidades, la equidad, la inclusión y la cohesión social. ; This article focuses on School and Gypsy families relationship in the stages of Pre-­school and Primary Education, specifically on the experiences of Gypsy mediation as a key tool to facilitate the relationship and communication between the two institutions, sometimes rooted in conflicting positions. After a brief review of education policies on the education of Gypsy students in Spain, the results of an ethnography conducted in over twenty schools of the Spanish State, are showed. To finish, we analyse the path of Gypsy mediation initiatives implemented by the Department of Education of the Autonomous Government of Catalonia in the city of Lleida, from the 1993‐94 academic year, with the creation of the figure of the gypsy mediator, until now. It has implemented the new project "School Promotion", with the aim of promoting equality of opportunity, equity, inclusion and social cohesion.

National audience ; The book discusses the models of the homeland-diaspora cooperation. Based on the Armenian and international cooperation, various formats are pointed out and their feasibility for the Armenian realities are evaluated. The practical methots for imlementation of the models are demonstrated. Special attention is paid to the issue of diaspora's self-organization, and certain models for that are also proposed. The homeland-diaspora cooperation models can be classified by the nature and form of the relations.For the first criteria there are two types of relations: vertical and horizontal. Vertical relations are common for the relatively recent Diasporas, whose countries implement diaspora-centric policies by establishing and managing diaspora structures. Horizontal relations are typical for countries that have traditional diasporas, such as Armenia, Greece, Israel, etc. In this case the country forms equal and mutually beneficial relations with the already existing diaspora structures. There are two models for the second case, which can be conditionally named "Joint Effort" and "Common Agenda". The "Joint Effort" model implies implementation of projects where the roles and functions are divided. Worded differently, joint projects help bring government and diaspora structures together under the same roof. The "Common Agenda" model implies a common idea the implementation of actions of which is left to the discretion of individual structures or persons. That means every institution or individual decides the steps needed to accomplish the established agenda on their own. ; Գիրքը նվիրված է Հայաստան-սփյուռք համագործակցության մոդելներին։ Հայկական և միջազգային փորձի հիման վրա մատնանշվում են տարբեր ձևաչափեր, գնահատվում է դրանց կիրառականությունը հայ իրականության մեջ։ Ցույց են տրվում նաև մոդելների գործարկման ուղիները։ Հատուկ ուշադրություն է դարձվում սփյուռքի ինքնակազմակերպման խնդրին, որի լուծման համար նույնպես առաջարկվում են որոշ մոդելներ։Հայրենիք-սփյուռք համագործակցության մոդելները կարելի է դասակարգել ըստ ...

The Galápagos Islands, positioned in the confluence of warm and coldwater currents in the Eastern Pacific, is well known for the high degree of endemism of its marine invertebrate fauna. This fauna has been studied extensively in recent years: the echinoderms, corals and other benthic cnidarians, but little is known about the deep- and shallow-water sponge faunas. To date, only 70 sponge species have been described from the Galápagos Islands, 37 of which are endemic. Of these 70 species, only one shallow-water species of desma-bearing Tetractinellida (Demospongiae), Corallistes isabela, has been reported. In 1995, Harbor Branch Oceanographic Institution, Florida, led an expedition around the Galápagos archipelago, focussed on the collection of deep-water Porifera. Here, we describe seven new species and provide DNA barcodes for the tetractinellids from these collections. Phylogenetic relationships of these new species are discussed and compared with other material from the Caribbean, the Central and West Pacific Oceans. The new species represent five genera (Craniella, and desma-bearing Tetractinellida Neophrissospongia, Corallistes, Racodiscula and Scleritoderma). Phylogenetic reconstructions combining independent markers (mtDNA and rDNA) support the generic affiliation of these new species and confirm the separation of Eastern Pacific species from Caribbean and Central to West Pacific species. ; ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: Financial support for this study was provided by the German Science Foundation (DFG ER 611/3-1, DFG Wo869/15-1). The LMUMentoring and the HELGE AX:Son JOHNSON STIFTELSE provided funding for AS to visit HBOI (Florida, USA) and NIWA (National Institute of Water and Atmospheric Research, Auckland and Wellington in New Zealand). We greatly thank the colleagues Amy Wright, John Reed and Megan Conkling from HBOI for sharing material, help in the collection, shipping from Florida and providing underwater and deck pictures for the new described species as well as the crew of the RV 'Johnson Sea Link I' ...

On the basis of the conducted research on the directions of the criminal and penal–executive policy with regard to minors, the author of the article draws the following conclusions. The processes of humanization of criminal and penal enforcement laws affect under–age criminals, adjusting the procedure for appointing and executing criminal punishment, including deprivation of liberty. Despite these trends in recent years, the problem of juvenile delinquency is a fairly massive social and legal phenomenon. Thus, the analysis of statistical data has shown that juvenile delinquency grows 7 times faster than the total number of the population of this age group changes, and in some regions, minors determine the crime situation as a whole. The reason for repeated crimes committed by former juvenile convicts is that returning part of this category of people to the society is predisposed to spreading and propagating criminal "prison" traditions and customs among their peers, as well as among younger people, which contributes to the support and growth of criminogenic the potential of society. One of the directions of the criminal and penitentiary policy of Russia is the penitentiary and post-penitentiary resocialization of persons serving sentences in the form of deprivation of liberty, in particular minors. Thus, the process of training juveniles sentenced to release and creating conditions for their full integration into society is the most important task not only of educational colonies, but also of government bodies and civil society institutions. The absence of a federal law on the social adaptation of persons released from places of deprivation of liberty creates difficulties for minors in the process of resocialization. Adoption of this law is an important component and the main content of the law should be the establishment of strict control over the behavior of these individuals, and mainly the guarantee of state aid to them in the process of returning to normal life in society.

International audience ; Dans un article publié en juillet 2018, le journaliste Thierry Brésillon évoquait les « entités invisibles » qui, dans la Tunisie post-Ben Ali, auraient tendance à prendre de l'ampleur au détriment des institutions formelles. Le déroulement de l'année 2017 lui donne largement raison et illustre la manière dont les réseaux informels de négociations court-circuitent la sphère politique officielle et contribuent à paralyser l'action publique. Ce phénomène est, en partie, à rechercher dans le fonctionnement du partenariat concurrentiel entre les deux principales forces politiques du pays, Ennahdha, le parti islamiste dirigé par Rached Ghannouchi et Nidaa Tounes, la formation « séculariste » créée par le président de la République, Béji Caïd Essebsi . Ce partenariat est fondé, à la fois, sur la recherche du « consensus », devenu maître-mot de la scène politique et sur une méfiance réciproque entre deux partis qui se vivent plus en ennemis qu'en adversaires. Tout au long de 2017, les tractations permanentes entre ces deux formations et leurs mentors Béji Caïd Essebsi et Rached Ghannouchi ont donné un caractère contradictoire à l'action publique. L'affichage par le chef du gouvernement, Youssef Chahed, de sa volonté de lutter contre la corruption, alors que les députés votaient le projet de loi présidentiel relatif à la réconciliation administrative amnistiant les fonctionnaires corrompus sous Ben Ali en est un symbole frappant.Les négociations entre les deux principaux partis de la coalition au pouvoir ont été d'autant plus âpres que 2017 a été une année de préparation aux premières élections municipales de la Tunisie post-Ben Ali. Leur difficulté à trouver des accommodements a contribué à ralentir « de manière significative la réalisation des réformes prévues par la Constitution » et a donné du parlement, écorné par l'implication de certains élus dans des affaires financières et judiciaires, l'image d'un pouvoir législatif impotent.

The issue of women's representation in politics is important because numbers of women who occupy political posi- tions in the party, legislative and executive bodies are still low. In fact, the laws of political parties and elections have provided opportunities for women to be involved in the formal political sphere, especially in the legislature. This is why the role of political parties becomes important in carrying out the function of political recruitment and of course the selection of legislative candidates including women. This article discusses the issues faced by women candidates in the post-New Order Elections that have an impact on the low number of women's representation in the legislation. By using qualitative method, based on literature study and interview, the study reveals that the low number of women representation in legislative institution is caused by 1) motivation of women to become legislative candidate, 2) patriarchal culture of Indonesian society, 3) limited financial capital, and 4 ) the pragmatism of political parties. This condition is a challenge for women candidates to take political positions in the post-New Order.[Isu keterwakilan perempuan dalam politik ramai diperbincangkan karena masih rendahnya jumlah perempuan yang menduduki jabatan politik baik di internal partai, lembaga legislatif maupun eksekutif. Padahal, undang-undang partai politik dan pemilu sudah memberikan peluang bagi perempuan untuk bisa masuk dalam ranah politik for- mal, khususnya lembaga legislatif. Di sinilah peran partai politik menjadi penting dalam menjalankan fungsi re- kruitmen politik dan tentu saja seleksi calon anggota legislatif termasuk perempuan. Artikel ini membahas per- soalan yang dihadapi oleh kandidat perempuan pada Pemilu pasca-Orde Baru yang berdampak terhadap rendah- nya angka keterwakilan perempuan di legislatif. Dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif berdasarkan studi litera- tur dan wawancara, diketahui bahwa rendahnya angka keterwakilan perempuan di lembaga legislatif disebabkan oleh 1) ...

For more than a decade, the Central African Republic (CAR) and the Republic of Côte d'Ivoire (RCI or the Ivory Coast) are going through serious military-political conflicts which have been accentuated for the Central African Republic in 2012 and for RCI in 2011. These crises, which in most cases are rooted in poor governance and lack of political will have a common denominator: significant material damage and loss of life. Serious crimes in the hierarchy of horror have been committed (war crimes, crimes against humanity and crimes of genocide). Given the seriousness of these crimes that profoundly transcend human consciousness, both countries have engaged in transitional justice processes, through judicial and non-judicial measures to deal with their painful past and reconcile divided populations and communities. How to integrate justice into a more global strategy of the transitional process for national reconciliation in favour of a new democratic future?It is true that the repression of these crimes by the Central African and Ivorian courts, the International Criminal Court (ICC), the Special Criminal Court (SPC) in CAR or under universal jurisdiction is a priority objective pursued by both countries. However, classical justice has proved incapable of judging all the authors, as their number is important and the facts they are accused of are serious. This is why the Central African and Ivorian authorities have considered complimentary mechanisms to criminal justice aimed at restoring living together among the divided populations, materialized by the creation of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (CDVR). It is responsible for establishing a historical truth about the crimes committed in order to definitively turn the page. Apart from this classical institution of national reconciliation, other structures have been created, either to fill the gaps of previous initiatives or to find other new areas. Religion has also played an important role; either it promotes religious tolerance, acceptance of differences ...

Recherche réalisée à l'occasion d'une résidence à l'École Française de Rome ; Quand un chercheur, politiste et français, travaillant sur le décrochage scolaire met le pied en Italie pour essayer de comprendre comment sont conçues et mises en œuvre les politiques de lutte contre l'abandon scolaire, il est forcément surpris. Surpris d'abord par les termes employés. Le terme de décrochage est absent du lexique italien et il entend surtout parler de dispersion scolaire, parfois d'abandon. Voire même, à sa grande stupéfaction, on lui parle de « mortalité scolaire » pour désigner l'évasion des bancs de l'école.La première marche à gravir pour le chercheur néophyte transalpin c'est de se familiariser avec un système scolaire qui lui est étranger. Comprendre l'architecture d'un système scolaire n'est jamais chose facile. La raison en est à la fois simple à comprendre mais difficile à appréhender au concret. Un système scolaire, c'est avant tout, au moment où on le rencontre, un héritage historique sédimenté dans le temps. Ici, à Rome, il témoigne de la réunification d'un pays longtemps morcelé en principautés territoriales, de la monarchie, puis du fascisme en son sein, enfin d'une république incertaine mais qui dure pourtant. Tous ces régimes s'y sont succédés et tous ont laissé des traces dans les écoles italiennes. L'école est en effet l'un de ces secteurs d'action publics (Jobert et Muller 1987) qui sont incarnés dans de grandes institutions régaliennes où la dépendance au sentier (Ghezzi et Mingione 2007 ; Palier 2010) joue à plein régime son rôle de sédimentation. Les réformes se succèdent au fil des ministères et chacune apporte sa couche institutionnelle, chacune laisse sa petite marque. Décoder un tel empilement demande une connaissance intime, une spécialisation scientifique à part entière. De sorte que la frustration d'aboutir à une compréhension globale et précise est incontournable à moins d'y consacrer de longs mois voire des années.

(Texte original traduit en portugais et paru) « Império não colonial e hegemonia soviéticos: o caso do Uzbequistão através de seu cinema de ficção (1924-1937) », in Michel Cahen & Ruy Braga neto (eds), Além do pós colonial, Sao Paulo, Alameda Editorial, 2018, pp. 259-282 ; This article questions the nature of the Soviet political regime in Central Asia (Uzbekistan), focusing onthe end of the tsarist colonial period and the establishment of new imperial but non-colonial and Soviet hegemonicregime. The prism of the fait cinématographique, which at the same times coincided with a study ofcinematographic institutions, filmic representations and reception of the public, is a fruitful entry into the core of apolitical system. On the one hand, a history of the institutional and economic structures of cinematographicactivity reflects the process of decolonization and the new relations of domination and power (autonomy,dependence) between the Centre (Moscow) and the Uzbek periphery in the 1920s and early 1930s. These logicsof decolonization are followed by a new imperialistic dynamics of territorial expansion of the state and progressiveimplementation of a direct institutional control and coercive domination of Soviet citizens. On the other hand, ananalysis of the filmic representations and its reception by the public reveals the national and supranationalimaginations through symbolic elements. It highlights the hegemonic rationales as formal and informal means ofadherence, persuasion and the establishment of consent, even of enslavement and indoctrination to Communistprecepts, in the conception the Center has. In return, we can apprehend the reactions of the periphery (resistance,agencies, appropriation). These three logics (decolonization / "empirialisation" / hegemony) will be analysed oneafter the other in the article to apprehend the process of decolonization and the questions of empire andhegemony. ; Cet article s'interroge sur la nature du régime politique soviétique en Asie centrale (Ouzbékistan), en se ...

In our paper, we aim at pointing out the way the most relevant institutional actors currently define the security agenda for the Milanese metropolitan area, which kind of goals they try to pursue, upon which instruments and resources they can rely, which division of labour and forms of cooperation they try to putting into practices. We draw from an analyses of both official documents by the main public institutions involved in the governance of security in Milan and semi-structured interviews to all the members of the Comitato provinciale per l'ordine pubblico e la sicurezza – a board that gather the president of the province, the mayor of the province capital (plus mayors of other cities and towns of the province who can be involved on an ad hoc basis), the representative of the Ministry of Internal Affairs (Prefetto), the District Attorney and the chiefs of all the national police forces – as well as to politicians, civil servants and commissioners of the local police of the city of Milan. We illustrate how discourses and practices of in/security have contributed to the construction of the city as place exposed to a multiplicity of risks that local authorities and police forces are expected to manage. Furthermore, we highlight how the diffusion and legitimization of an 'ideology of safety' has turned the demand to live in safe communities into an attempt to legitimize exclusionary practices insofar as discourses on security were strictly interconnected with discourses on cultural identity and, focusing on both the (imagined) community repertoire and the us/them opposition, ended up legitimizing a racialized urban governance of inclusion and exclusion. Finally, we try to show that a recent attempt, by the new centre-left government, to modify such an approach is generating ambiguous and controversial results and is paradoxically promoting an even stronger securitization of urban policies, spaces and life through more democratically oriented governmental practices.