The historical Islamic state developed interesting methods of quasi-consociational and semi-corporatist aggregation of communities. From quite early on, Sunnism became the religion of the ruling elite and of the state as well as part of the state's legal and cultural system. Subsequently, the geographical distribution and the political economy of the Islamic sects and of the religious minorities manifested quite distinct features that were mainly a function of their relationship to the state. Whereas the Islamic sects did not come to terms ideologically and organizationally with the state, the religious minorities, on the whole, adjusted themselves mentally and behaviorally to its requirements. By comparison, the contemporary Middle Eastern state, both the secular and the Islamic, is achieving less success in dealing with its communal problem. Certain groups are excluded in the former type in spite of the secularist slogans, and certain groups are excluded in the latter because of the ideological or religious nature of the state. Improvisation is needed, and Muslim statesmen and intellectuals may need to go beyond, and even outside, conventional Islamic jurisprudence in order to deal with this issue.
A central idea of contemporary philosophical egalitarianism's theory of justice is that involuntary inequalities or disadvantages—those that arise through no choice or fault of one's own—should be minimized or rectified in some way. Egalitarians believe that the preferred institutional vehicle for fulfilling these obligations of justice is some form of a welfare state. Of course, contemporary egalitarians disagree about the best way to interpret or understand their theory of justice and institutions: Which inequalities are chosen and which are unchosen? What form of a welfare state will best serve justice? However, no contemporary egalitarian denies that egalitarian justice requires a welfare state that will redistribute income and wealth to aid the involuntarily disadvantaged.
State and local governments are at a financial crossroads. As the federal government attempts to reduce its deficits, state governments will have to provide a greater share of support for mandatory social programs. Local governments face demands for new initiatives in education and for civic improvements. Both have obligations to employee pension plans that are large and still relatively untested. Running counter to these claims on state and local budgets is a voter effort to limit the amounts that governments may tax or spend. This fourth edition of James A. Maxwell's classic and widely acclaimed book will help both layman and lawmaker understand the choices open to their governments. It provides a lucid, nontechnical analysis of state and local finance. It gives concise descriptions of the taxes, grants, debt issues, and user charges that finance state and local government and discusses their relative virtues and drawbacks. It traces the history of state and local finance and presents statistical data on expenditures, federal aid, revenue from taxes and user charges, debt, and pension funds. The new edition, in recognition of changes since the mid-1970s, also includes a separate chapter on financing education and broadened analyses of federal grant programs, employee retirement systems, and nonguaranteed municipal debt.
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When examining the relationship between globalization & politics, three steps must be taken. First, a clear definition & analysis of globalization must be presented. Second, the relationship between global trends, politics, & governance must be considered by investigating the power relationship between states & international organizations; examining institutional reforms; considering the promotion of the liberal state; & examining international-level institutional developments. Finally, it is essential to look at power within the globalization process itself. When each of these elements is considered, it becomes evident that drastic transformations in the realm of governance & power have not necessarily taken place as a result of globalization. Indeed, it can be argued that globalization processes represent merely a political evolution rather than a revolution. Meanwhile, it must be recognized that the process of globalization is far from complete. K. A. Larsen
One of the aims of a systematic literature review (SLR) is to test the weight of his- torical perception against the reality of research and practice. A second aim is to identify approaches to knowing in schools (defined as curriculum) that might help us to identify possibilities for improvement in Indigenous student engagement and achievement in Australian schools. Given that education is representational prac- tice, this SLR explores various representations of the world and how these might be taught in schools in ways that support "successful learning" for Indigenous students. We focus on how the curriculum might allow for multiple stories to be told, and how it can support the multiplicity of social and cultural identities. The question for this segment of the SLR is, how does curriculum govern learning for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students in Australia? A comprehensive search of the research literature produced over the period 2006–2017 highlights how the Australian government's focus on numbers contrasts radically with the ways in which many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students and their parents conceptualise the goals of education.
This volume elaborately studies the challenges posed and impact made by the Covid 19 pandemic. Through detailed case studies, it presents ethical, political, economic, medical, logistical and social impediments faced by contemporary states in the EU. The book focuses on the short and long-term consequences of the economic shock caused by the COVID-19 pandemic and covers issues concerning the world economy, the EU economy, as well as the Visegrad economies. The essays in this volume: Probes into the response of states to the economic phenomena resulting from the pandemic and analyses the institutional framework of the resulting crisis, lapses in social communication, social protests and the decline in democratic standards in countries such as the Czech Republic, Poland, Slovakia, and Hungary; Discusses issues related to state security under conditions of the pandemic, the effectiveness of state and self-government administration, the transition of states from an external controllability to an internal controllability model of power, as well as challenges related to security in the digital space; Presents policy actions at three basic levels, i.e. at the global, regional and sub-regional, and investigate strategies of the UN, WHO, the EU and the Visegrad Group as they play the most important role in the fight against COVID-19. This insightful and timely volume will be of great interest to scholars, researchers and anyone inquisitive about political theory, public policy, public health and social care, international relations, governance, security studies, and public administration.