Suchergebnisse

In competing to shape policy, interest groups develop rhetoric to garner media coverage and favorable public opinion, influencing how journalists frame issues because interest groups' positions can become pervasive. This study examined how pro-choice and pro-life groups attempted to frame the late-term abortion debate in 1995–1996. Interest groups' frames were derived from their press releases and direct quotations in news stories. Pro-life rhetoric was more frequent in six major newspapers' coverage and was more closely associated with the issue than prochoice rhetoric. Findings add to framing knowledge by illustrating how the sources selected and their own words can influence news.

Media framing of complex diseases is important because the way these are presented may affect individuals' choices regarding health. The authors analyzed 127 articles on breast cancer from three news magazines and four women's magazines to examine whether they focused on social or economic issues. Two content analysis methods were used to determine the issues, sources, and frames. Issues in news and women's magazines were significantly different, with women's magazines offering more personal stories and comprehensive information. Although both presented information on prevention and treatment, news magazines framed breast cancer from an economic angle, focusing on insurance and research funding.

This case study uses attribution theory to analyze mainstream newspaper editorials concerning media conduct during the pre-trial phase of the O.J. Simpson murder case. Three major conclusions arise. First, many newspapers acknowledged poor, even unethical, coverage in general, without taking responsibility themselves. Second, while admitting problematic coverage in general, many of the editorials shifted blame to external causes, namely Simpson himself, the legal teams on both sides, others involved in the case, and even the public. Third, while some newspapers defended coverage, to do so they were forced to re-define that coverage as part of their watchdog role.

Personality, a little-explored variable in studies of journalists, may prove useful in understanding news people's values and motivations. A short test of two personality dimensions was applied to a random sample of 173 Australian journalists, who were found to be more extroverted than the general population, but not significantly different on the dimension of neuroticism. Job stress was related both to neuroticism and to extroversion, while extroversion was related to the valuing of information disseminating roles of media and of direct feedback from the public. Early success in journalism was related positively to extroversion and negatively to neuroticism. Further approaches to the study of personality in journalism are suggested.

Using data from random sample telephone interviews of adults in the Richmond, Virginia, metropolitan area, we tested a path analytic model predicting attention to news about AIDS. We hypothesized that negative attitudes toward homosexuality would act as a barrier to attention to news about AIDS. We found that lower attention to news about AIDS was predicted by negative attitudes toward homosexuality, conservative AIDS policy attitudes, lower perceived risk of getting AIDS, in addition to being male, older, white, and better educated (adjusted R2 = .17). The model predicted media attention better for men (adjusted R2 = .18) than for women (adjusted R2 = .07).

Studies of media effects on political knowledge have used exposure and attention to measure television watching and confidence and accuracy to measure knowledge. These studies have employed a variety of control strategies. Although measurements and control strategies are known to affect the magnitude of the resulting independent-dependent correlation, this study investigates whether they can affect research outcomes in any other way. The topic of substance, which we use as an example, is whether voters learn more from political advertisements than from television news. The results indicate that different methods can lead to different, or even opposite, conclusions.

In Latin America, Jesús Martín-Barbero is a pop star and a beloved scholar with thousands of followers captured by his original way of thinking, imagining, and researching the relations between communication, culture, and politics. This essay explains five characteristics of Martín-Barbero's style: (i) his reflections about expressions of popular and mass culture such as music, telenovelas, fairs, and celebrations; (ii) his gaze at and from local territories, identities; (iii) his innovative way of thinking from the Global South while in conversation with Western philosophy; (iv) his proposal for a theory of mediations as a way to understand cultural interactions and the production of social meaning; and (v) an intellectual passion that led him to engage daringly in political issues in society. As one of his students and colleagues, the essay ends with my own notions of what a communication researcher should do/be.

The recognition of the right to communicate in some Latin American countries has helped to achieve one of the demands that different agencies and international actors have positioned from the sixties as a strategic element related to the plurality and the democratic quality of societies. From an intersectional perspective, access to the right to communication from the new legislative frameworks in the region is an opportunity to dispute senses by those historically excluded from the mass media populations, such as indigenous and afrodescendant women. This article describes the right to communication as related to the construction of citizenship element, empowerment and social change is located, from the experience of two groups of afrodescendant and indigenous women in community radio stations of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela and Ecuador. Realidad: Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades No. 149, 2017: 171-197 ; El reconocimiento del derecho a la comunicación en algunos países de América Latina ha permitido alcanzar una de las demandas que distintos organismos y actores internacionales han posicionado desde la década de los sesenta como un elemento estratégico relacionado con la pluralidad y la calidad democrática de las sociedades. Desde una perspectiva interseccional, el acceso al derecho a la comunicación a partir de los nuevos marcos legislativos en la región supone una oportunidad para la disputa de sentidos por parte de aquellas poblaciones históricamente excluidas de los medios de masas, como es el caso de las mujeres afrodescendientes e indígenas. En este artículo se sitúa el derecho a la comunicación como elemento relacionado con la construcción de ciudadanía, el empoderamiento y el cambio social, a partir de la experiencia de dos grupos de mujeres afrodescendientes e indígenas en emisoras de radios comunitarias de la República Bolivariana de Venezuela y de Ecuador.Realidad: Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades No. 149, 2017: 171-197

Today many political parties use new media, the internet, as their political communication channel. For young people, the internet serves as a dominant public space. Since young voters as millennial generation have great potential to increase votes, many political parties convey their political messages through new media used by millennial generation. This research is intended to see and study the influence of political messages in new media on political awareness and its impact on political participants of millennial generation. This research uses Stimulus Organism Response (S-O-R) theory as main theory, McQuail's mass communication theory, and theory or concept of political awareness, political participation and new media as well as millennial generation. This research uses quantitative approaches with a survey and questionnaire method as a means of collecting data. The millennial generation referred to in this research is younger generation aged between 17 and 37 years and lives in the Special Capital Province of Jakarta (DKI Jakarta). Based on the recapitulation of final voter lists for the 2018 general election, the number of voters aged between 17 and 37 years reaches about 2,885,000. The technique of determining the sample size uses Slovin's formula, with the margin of error reaching 5% so that the number of samples is 400. Meanwhile, the technique of sampling uses proportional sampling and data analysis technique uses path analysis. The results of the research show that political messages in new media have direct and indirect influences on the political participation of millennial generation.

This study examines media treatment of democratic transition process in Egypt via satellite TV channels and internet, after 30 June revolution, and it provides trusted data about the Egyptian public attitudes towards this media treatment, as well as, showing the format of public mood towards democratic transition in Egypt, depending on the public mood theory as a key framework of the study. This study is one of the descriptive researches based on survey, which includes it's two basic forms, as content analysis&field research to study TV & internet news contents, beside, applying a public opinion survey, which interested in surveyingthe public opinion towards theses contents & democratic transition process, using content analysis paper and a questionnaire. The sample of the analytical study was based on evening TV news broadcast of Nile News & CBC Extra channels, and online newspaper data of El- Ahram & Al-Shorouke-portal news sites for 3 months from 1 March, 2016 to 31 May, 2016. The total of analysis data survey includes 160 0f TV news broadcasts of the mentioned channels, one hour (60 minutes) per the one broadcast and 3800 online articles, of the two news e- portals, concerned about democratic transition process& it's related issues. The field survey was tested on a purposive sample of public who is interested in democratic transition process in Egypt and its issues, matters, and events, which includes 400 of respondents divided into three sectors as Cairo (Egypt's Capital), Kafr El Sheikh (Lower Egypt, the northernmost region) and Beni Suef (Upper Egypt). The study found that media treatment of different mass communications types – of applied sample - was interested in the economic development issues which support the fact that the Egyptian state is adapting the developmentmodern approach of democratic transition with its concept which indicates that the more national economic growth, the more it will help the political change.

Abstract, crisis communication is a situation that may cause effects on the company's sustainability business operations; the treatment at every stage of the crisis will minimize the negative public reaction against the company. This paper reviews the crisis of BP Oil Company that had a leak in the Gulf of Mexico that resulted in the spill along the coast a few U.S. states that threaten ecosystems and marine life, tourism businesses and the livelihoods of fishermen population around the spill from the perspective of public relations. Communication crisis began when BP made a number of controversial statements to the public through the mass media which resulted negatives responses from the Government of the United States, communities around the spill, a shareholder in the stock, and environmental activists. BP responsed this negative public reaction is generated through a crisis communication in the form of lobbying to the Government of the United States and key stakeholders as well as the handling of campaign messages through social media networking and mass media.Keywords: Communication Disaster, Public Relations, Communication CrisisAbstrak, krisis komunikasi merupakan sebuah situasi yang dapat menimbulkan efekberkelanjutan operasional bisnis perusahaan pada masa yang akan datang, perlakuan dalamtiap tahapan krisis akan membantu meminimalisir reaksi negatif publik terhadapperusahaan. Tulisan ini memaparkan tinjauan krisis dari perspektif public relations terhadapperusahaan minyak BP yang mengalami kebocoran di Teluk Meksiko yang mengakibatkantumpahan di sepanjang pesisir pantai beberapa negara bagian Amerika Serikat yangmengancam ekosistem dan biota laut, bisnis pariwisata, dan mata pencaharian nelayanpenduduk sekitar tumpahan. Krisis komunikasi BP dimulai ketika sejumlah pernyataankontroversial disampaikan kepada publik melalui sejumlah media massa yangmengakibatkan reaksi negatif dari Pemerintah Amerika Serikat, komunitas sekitartumpahan, pemegang saham di bursa, dan aktivis lingkungan. Respon BP terhadap reaksinegatif publik tersebut dimunculkan melalui komunikasi krisis dalam bentuk upaya lobikepada Pemerintah Amerika Serikat dan pemegang saham kunci serta kampanye pesanpenanganan melalui jejaring media sosial dan media massa.Kata Kunci : Bencana Komunikasi, Public Relations, Komunikasi Krisis

However, the mere receipt of scandalous information and its dissemination is not enough to provoke changes of social and legal framework. Such effects can occur if the scandal is accompanied by the combination of social circumstances stimulated by mass media: a total visibility of the event; the interpretation of the event as violating the generally accepted moral norms, traditions and values; mystery of the event, consisting of one or more items that must be disclosed. This work usually goes to journalists. Their work in these cases is legitimated by heterogenic unambiguous audience, not its individual segments, despite real or potential guilty of the perpetrator. Thus the disclosing Žurnalistikos tyrimai • Mokslo darbų žurnalas (Komunikacija ir informacija) • 2010 Nr. 3 52 work of media representatives is justified. To sum it up, although the scandals are not targeted or pre-professional interest of the journalists, but the media representatives support and stimulate the scandal, taking the advantages of the difficult crises communication. Typical sign of the scandal as the phenomenon of mass communication is moral panics caused in the society, which requires the correspondence between media and political agenda on the one side and public response and political action from the elites, on the other side. The public response is realized not only by the means of communication, but is taken in accordance with powers of compulsory actions of political elites. So pedophilia scandal has caused serious legal and social changes in society that led to the appropriate domestic policy decisions: law enforcement reforms, the rotation of heads, the faster adoption of the amendments to laws. Pedophilia scandal has highlighted the problem of strong pre-trial procedures and publication of data on juvenile problems in the media regulation, which should draw the attention of professional journalists' organizations and the legislature.

However, the mere receipt of scandalous information and its dissemination is not enough to provoke changes of social and legal framework. Such effects can occur if the scandal is accompanied by the combination of social circumstances stimulated by mass media: a total visibility of the event; the interpretation of the event as violating the generally accepted moral norms, traditions and values; mystery of the event, consisting of one or more items that must be disclosed. This work usually goes to journalists. Their work in these cases is legitimated by heterogenic unambiguous audience, not its individual segments, despite real or potential guilty of the perpetrator. Thus the disclosing Žurnalistikos tyrimai • Mokslo darbų žurnalas (Komunikacija ir informacija) • 2010 Nr. 3 52 work of media representatives is justified. To sum it up, although the scandals are not targeted or pre-professional interest of the journalists, but the media representatives support and stimulate the scandal, taking the advantages of the difficult crises communication. Typical sign of the scandal as the phenomenon of mass communication is moral panics caused in the society, which requires the correspondence between media and political agenda on the one side and public response and political action from the elites, on the other side. The public response is realized not only by the means of communication, but is taken in accordance with powers of compulsory actions of political elites. So pedophilia scandal has caused serious legal and social changes in society that led to the appropriate domestic policy decisions: law enforcement reforms, the rotation of heads, the faster adoption of the amendments to laws. Pedophilia scandal has highlighted the problem of strong pre-trial procedures and publication of data on juvenile problems in the media regulation, which should draw the attention of professional journalists' organizations and the legislature.

However, the mere receipt of scandalous information and its dissemination is not enough to provoke changes of social and legal framework. Such effects can occur if the scandal is accompanied by the combination of social circumstances stimulated by mass media: a total visibility of the event; the interpretation of the event as violating the generally accepted moral norms, traditions and values; mystery of the event, consisting of one or more items that must be disclosed. This work usually goes to journalists. Their work in these cases is legitimated by heterogenic unambiguous audience, not its individual segments, despite real or potential guilty of the perpetrator. Thus the disclosing Žurnalistikos tyrimai • Mokslo darbų žurnalas (Komunikacija ir informacija) • 2010 Nr. 3 52 work of media representatives is justified. To sum it up, although the scandals are not targeted or pre-professional interest of the journalists, but the media representatives support and stimulate the scandal, taking the advantages of the difficult crises communication. Typical sign of the scandal as the phenomenon of mass communication is moral panics caused in the society, which requires the correspondence between media and political agenda on the one side and public response and political action from the elites, on the other side. The public response is realized not only by the means of communication, but is taken in accordance with powers of compulsory actions of political elites. So pedophilia scandal has caused serious legal and social changes in society that led to the appropriate domestic policy decisions: law enforcement reforms, the rotation of heads, the faster adoption of the amendments to laws. Pedophilia scandal has highlighted the problem of strong pre-trial procedures and publication of data on juvenile problems in the media regulation, which should draw the attention of professional journalists' organizations and the legislature.

However, the mere receipt of scandalous information and its dissemination is not enough to provoke changes of social and legal framework. Such effects can occur if the scandal is accompanied by the combination of social circumstances stimulated by mass media: a total visibility of the event; the interpretation of the event as violating the generally accepted moral norms, traditions and values; mystery of the event, consisting of one or more items that must be disclosed. This work usually goes to journalists. Their work in these cases is legitimated by heterogenic unambiguous audience, not its individual segments, despite real or potential guilty of the perpetrator. Thus the disclosing Žurnalistikos tyrimai • Mokslo darbų žurnalas (Komunikacija ir informacija) • 2010 Nr. 3 52 work of media representatives is justified. To sum it up, although the scandals are not targeted or pre-professional interest of the journalists, but the media representatives support and stimulate the scandal, taking the advantages of the difficult crises communication. Typical sign of the scandal as the phenomenon of mass communication is moral panics caused in the society, which requires the correspondence between media and political agenda on the one side and public response and political action from the elites, on the other side. The public response is realized not only by the means of communication, but is taken in accordance with powers of compulsory actions of political elites. So pedophilia scandal has caused serious legal and social changes in society that led to the appropriate domestic policy decisions: law enforcement reforms, the rotation of heads, the faster adoption of the amendments to laws. Pedophilia scandal has highlighted the problem of strong pre-trial procedures and publication of data on juvenile problems in the media regulation, which should draw the attention of professional journalists' organizations and the legislature.