Suchergebnisse

Citizenship presents two faces. Within a political community it stands for inclusion and universalism, but to outsiders, citizenship means exclusion. Because these aspects of citizenship appear spatially and jurisdictionally separate, they are usually regarded as complementary. In fact, the inclusionary and exclusionary dimensions of citizenship dramatically collide within the territory of the nation-state, creating multiple contradictions when it comes to the class of people the law calls aliens--transnational migrants with a status short of full citizenship. Examining alienage and alienage

Citizenship is a public declaration of equality. Regardless of the inequalities that internally divide a society, citizens enjoy a common set of rights -- perhaps to protest or vote or run for office. The content of citizenship rights has varied greatly across time and place. In the stylized history of T. H. Marshall (1950/1992), rights to speech and access to the courts were among the earliest pillars of citizenship, followed by rights to the franchise, and finally by rights to social welfare with the emergence of modern social policy. Marshall's account of the historical development of citizenship describes a virtuous circle in which the pool of citizens grows as the rights of citizenship become more extensive. Civil rights empower citizens to press for voting rights. Once the male working class was enfranchised in Europe, unions and labor parties set about expanding social rights embodied in the welfare state. In Marshall's account, universal education was the key breakthrough, but safety net programs, national health care, and public pensions could also be added to the list. The articles in this volume describe how mass incarceration in the United States has reconfigured civic life. The virtuous circle of citizenship -- never fully developed in the United States to begin with -- has been interrupted. The punitive turn in criminal justice policy amounts to a transformation of the quality of citizenship, in which the state plays an active role in deepening, not reducing, inequality. The virtuous circle turned vicious. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]

El presente ensayo, desarrollado como complemento a las actividades formativas de la Maestría en Planificación Curricular de la Universidad de Costa Rica, pretende reivindicar el papel del sistema educativo costarricense, enfocado en el área curricular, en la formación de un ciudadano como respuesta a intereses políticos económicos de corte neoliberal, ubicándolo como un producto histórico-social, no objetivo ni neutral. Para tal propósito, se analizaron los fundamentos curriculares económicos, socioculturales, filosóficos y pedagógicos del currículum costarricense, durante el Estado Neoliberal, en relación con la construcción de una ciudadanía neoliberal; obteniendo una caracterización general de la influencia, directa e indirecta, de un proyecto hegemónico cultural-económico y la formación ciudadana y sus implicaciones educativas. The current essay, developed as a complement to the formative activities of the Masters in Curricular Planning of the University of Costa Rica, tries to vindicate the role of the Costa Rican educative system -focused on the curricular area- within the formation of a citizen as an answer to neoliberal political and economical interests, making him a subjective and not neutral social and historical product. In order to reach this goal, the economical, sociocultural, philosophical and pedagogical curricular principles of the Costa Rican curriculum design -during the neoliberal statewere analyzed, in relation to the formation of a neoliberal citizenship. This analysis was made, and a general characterization -of direct and indirect influence- of a cultural and economical hegemonic project was obtained, as well as the citizenship formation and its educative implications.

The article presents the work carried out in the advice on Citizenship Training Plans to public schools of the Southern Provincial Department of the Metropolitan Region (Chile). The purpose of the counseling is to support the implementation of Law 20.911, aimed at strengthening citizenship training in public schools. First of all, a review of the specialized literature on citizenship education and democratic school is made, with main emphasis on the documents of global institutions that are concerned with this topic. The objectives and scope of the law are also considered, in addition to the national educational policies. ; El artículo presenta el trabajo realizado en la asesoría en planes de formación ciudadana a distintos establecimientos educacionales municipales del Departamento Provincial Sur de la Región Metropolitana. La asesoría tiene como propósito apoyar la implementación de la Ley 20.911 destinada a fortalecer la formación ciudadana en los establecimientos educacionales reconocidos por el Estado. En primer lugar, se hace una revisión de la literatura especializada sobre formación ciudadana y escuela democrática, con principal énfasis en los documentos de instituciones globales que se preocupan de este tema. Se consideran también los objetivos y alcances de la ley, además de las políticas educativas nacionales. A continuación, se relata el trabajo realizado en conjunto con los establecimientos educacionales del Departamento Provincial Sur y los resultados de esta experiencia de asesoramiento educativo. Finalmente, se plantean algunas reflexiones sobre la experiencia, en particular sobre las tensiones que se producen entre los objetivos de la ley y las culturas escolares, tanto en cuestiones de forma (¿cómo abordar la formación ciudadana?), como de fondo (¿cómo articular la ley con los documentos institucionales?).

This article has two interrelated aims. First, the article goes beyond law and places the discussions on nationality in the broader literature on citizenship, also drawing on social sciences, political theory and moral philosophy. The ensuing conceptual, historical and multi-disciplinary account highlights the long pedigree of the idea of citizenship, the manifold conceptions of citizenship that have developed over time (including supra-national, sub-national and transnational citizenship). The article demonstrates how the changing spatialities of citizenship culminated in a focus on the nation-state, and the emergence of legal citizenship or nationality, reflecting the legal bond between an individual and a state. It was also noted that in several respects the parameters of nationality keep changing. More particularly, four developments have been highlighted that circumscribe the sovereign right of states to determine who are their nationals, both legally and through de facto pressures. Secondly, this contribution provides the overarching framework for the special issue while identifying the salient discussion points regarding nationality and international law that will be teased out in the articles of the special issue. The article ends with a brief overview of the articles that make up the special issue.

Politicians frequently deploy moral principles in the justification of policy. While many thinkers have examined the use of consequentialist and deontological arguments in politics, the role of virtue-theoretic principles is relatively under-theorised. Drawing on the work of MacIntyre, this article offers an initial exploration of how such principles are deployed in political argument, with particular emphasis on policies in the area of community. It will be shown that virtue is linked to the idea of the common good, which governments seek to promote through a range of policy initiatives relating to such issues as law and order and citizenship.

Since passage of the Maastricht Treaty, member states & citizens have served as the two political cornerstones of the European Union (EU). Citizenship is of key importance, since it forms the basis of the political union, contributes to the feeling of community among the peoples of the EU, & presupposes a third sphere of citizens' rights & duties in addition to those currently existing in the national & the EU spheres. The judicial & nonjudicial mechanisms for safeguarding the rights of EU citizens are examined, & the merits of several recent proposals to improve judicial protection of these rights considered. 2 Tables. M. Maguire

El objetivo del presente artículo es proponer una reflexión que contribuya a una mejor y más precisa comprensión de lo que implica la formación en competencias ciudadanas según lo evaluado en las Pruebas Saber. En la primera sección se reflexionará en torno a la función primordial en el orden axiológico político que tienen los valores y los principios constitucionales en la Carta política colombiana. En la segunda, se expondrán los diversos valores y principios constitucionales que deben servir de piso conceptual para el ejercicio pleno de la ciudadanía democrática. Para ello nos remitiremos, tanto a la constitución misma como a un conjunto de sentencias de la corte constitucional en las cuales se especifican los fundamentos filosófico-políticos de nuestra constitución política. Finalmente, y a manera de conclusión, presentaremos otras reflexiones a partir del trabajo investigativo desde una visión de pedagogía constitucional, teniendo en cuenta lo exigido en el art. 41 de la Constitución. ; The objective of this article is to propose a reflection for a better and more precise understanding of what is implied in the formation in citizen competencies according to the assessment of the Saber Test. The first section will offer a reflection on the primary function of the axiological-political order that the constitutional values and principles have within the Colombian Political Constitution. The second section will present the multiple constitutional values and principles themselves that are the conceptual grounding for the exercise of the democratic citizenship; in order to do so, we will refer to the Constitutional text and to the Judicial Sentences of the Constitutional Court of Colombia in which the philosophical and political groundings are specified. In the last section, and as a conclusion, some finals remarks from a constitutional pedagogy scope, based on our research, will be given in accordance with the 41st article of the Constitution.

The objective of this article is to propose a reflection for a better and more precise understanding of what is implied in the formation in citizen competencies according to the assessment of the Saber Test. The first section will offer a reflection on the primary function of the axiological-political order that the constitutional values and principles have within the Colombian Political Constitution. The second section will present the multiple constitutional values and principles themselves that are the conceptual grounding for the exercise of the democratic citizenship; in order to do so, we will refer to the Constitutional text and to the Judicial Sentences of the Constitutional Court of Colombia in which the philosophical and political groundings are specified. In the last section, and as a conclusion, some finals remarks from a constitutional pedagogy scope, based on our research, will be given in accordance with the 41st article of the Constitution. ; El objetivo del presente artículo es proponer una reflexión que contribuya a una mejor y más precisa comprensión de lo que implica la formación en competencias ciudadanas según lo evaluado en las Pruebas Saber. En la primera sección se reflexionará en torno a la función primordial en el orden axiológico político que tienen los valores y los principios constitucionales en la Carta política colombiana. En la segunda, se expondrán los diversos valores y principios constitucionales que deben servir de piso conceptual para el ejercicio pleno de la ciudadanía democrática. Para ello nos remitiremos, tanto a la constitución misma como a un conjunto de sentencias de la corte constitucional en las cuales se especifican los fundamentos filosófico-políticos de nuestra constitución política. Finalmente, y a manera de conclusión, presentaremos otras reflexiones a partir del trabajo investigativo desde una visión de pedagogía constitucional, teniendo en cuenta lo exigido en el art. 41 de la Constitución.

Corruption is a very deviant act, dangerous and detrimental. This action is carried out by abusing a position that has been trusted by many people. And this action is a selfish act because it is only for self-interest. Corruption is a deviant behavior or crime that is socially and legally prohibited. The problem of corruption in Indonesia is increasingly rampant starting from the central government, regional government, which is very detrimental to the life of the Indonesian nation and state, this causes people to think that politics justifies all means. This requires an effective corruption eradication and prevention strategy. By establishing Anti-Corruption Education and Pancasila Citizenship Education. Youth must be given a mindset of the dangers of corruption and play an active role in preventing corruption. The implementation of anti-corruption education is carried out by studying problems related to corruption which consists of four parts, namely problems, alternative policies, proposed solutions and part of the action plan. This activity is so that students will acquire some desired attitudes such as honesty, discipline, responsibility, hard work, humility, courage and justice. This education should be focused on activities and processes that are productive, creative, skill development, personality, integration, excellence, moral and spiritual. Implementation of Anti-Corruption Education aims to be able to develop positive values in students. Through this education, you can develop good character and personality values. By establishing the Anti-Corruption Education movement and Pancasila Citizenship Education, it is hoped that it will help the process of eradicating and preventing corruption by the Indonesian Corruption Eradication Commission.

Deliberation researchers have started to question the commonly assumed association between democracy and deliberation, arguing that public deliberation in authoritarian regimes is not only theoretically possible, but also empirically existent. Echoing their speculation that deliberation may lead China to different political trajectories, this study examines the political impacts of authoritarian consultation and deliberation by analyzing data from sample surveys conducted in multiple rural areas in Zhejiang province. The results show that both individuals' discursive experience and the level of discursive institutionalization have positive impacts on state legitimacy, and that deliberation tends to exert a stronger influence on promoting state legitimacy in an area with less fully developed discursive institutions. In contrast, individuals' discursive experience and institutional levels play far weaker roles in fostering citizenship characteristics. The implications of the findings for China's political future are discussed.Deliberation researchers have started to question the commonly assumed association between democracy and deliberation, arguing that public deliberation in authoritarian states is not only theoretically possible, but also empirically existent. Echoing their speculation that deliberation may lead China to different political trajectories, this study examines the political impacts of authoritarian consultation and deliberation by analyzing data from sample surveys conducted in multiple rural areas in Zhejiang province. The results show that both individuals' discursive experience and the level of discursive institutionalization have positive impacts on state legitimacy, and that deliberation tends to exert a stronger influence on promoting state legitimacy in an area with less fully developed discursive institutions. In contrast, individuals' discursive experience and institutional levels play far weaker roles in fostering citizenship characteristics. The implications of the findings for China's political future are discussed.