Suchergebnisse

Citizenship education is an important part of current debates about future education. In contrast, educational philosopher Gert Biesta calls for a shift "from teaching citizenship to learning democracy". This study wants to contribute to this shift. A Delphi-method is applied on a Dutch case study, presenting a way to collect and analyze data from experts that can be applied in different political, cultural and geographical contexts. The Delphi panel consists of experts from three categories of expertise in the field of democracy and Dutch education. A thematic analysis of the data collected through two succeeding rounds showed four emerging themes when turning the scope from citizenship to democracy: the distribution of responsibility of teachers and school leaders, the questions revolving around the freedom of education secured by the Dutch constitution, the nature of citizenship education, and most importantly, the school as a playground to practice democracy. This final theme was singled out by the experts as a higher purpose of democracy in education. This study argues that the concept of the school as a playground to practice democracy should be the focus to make the shift from teaching citizenship to learning democracy.

This short essay aims at providing an outline for a critical reflection on the notion of activism and to bring to attention the significance for distinguishing between different forms of engagement in contemporary neoliberal societies. The article traces the history of the notion of 'activism' and argues that it went hand in hand with the reduction of heterogeneous political activity to immediate generic action. In order to counter such a reduction, the article relies on the work of Ellen Meiksins Wood and her critical history of the development of the liberal conception of citizenship. In conclusion, it will be argued that the conceptual significance of the notion of capitalism is crucial for distinguishing between different forms and figures of political activity – from the 'activist', 'active citizen' and what Engin Isin termed 'activist citizenship'.

Ministerio de Educación, Gobierno de Chile. Proyecto UCN1895 "Educación, Ciudadanía e Interculturalidad", del Observatorio de Investigación Interdisciplinaria en Educación para la Ciudadanía (OIIEC) de la Universidad Católica del Norte ; La presente investigación tiene por objetivo reconocer y analizar las ideas de niños, niñas, juventudes y familias con respecto a cómo fortalecer la educación para la ciudadanía desde el espacio escolar y comunitario. Esta iniciativa se enmarca en un proyecto de investigación que tiene por propósito elaborar un modelo metodológico para fortalecer la aplicación de la ley 20.911 que creó el Plan de Formación Ciudadana en Chile. En este contexto, durante el segundo semestre del año 2020, se desarrollaron grupos de conversación con distintos miembros de comunidades educativas de las ciudades de Antofagasta y Coquimbo. Los grupos, desarrollados por vía remota, estuvieron compuestos por niños y niñas de primer y segundo ciclo de educación primaria, jóvenes de educación secundaria y familias. Los grupos de conversación se sustentaron en tres dimensiones: 1) espacios para el aprendizaje de la participación democrática en la escuela; 2) la ciudad como espacio para el ejercicio de la ciudadanía; 3) contribuciones de la escuela a una sociedad que enfrenta los desafíos de un mundo en transformación continua. La información producida fue analizada desde una perspectiva cualitativa-descriptiva, tomando como punto de referencia teórica algunas de las contribuciones de Joan Pagès con respecto al rol de la escuela en la construcción de una ciudadanía crítica y la justicia social. ; The aim of this paper is to recognize and analyse the ideas of boys, girls, youth and families with respect to how to strengthen education for citizenship from the school and community space. This initiative is part of a research project that aims to develop a methodological model to strengthen the application of Law 20,911 that created the Citizen Training Plan in Chile. In this context, during the second semester of 2020, groups of conversations were developed with different members of the educational communities of the cities of Antofagasta and Coquimbo, in Chile. The groups, applied in a virtual way, were integrated for boys and girls from the first and second cycle of primary education, young people from secondary education and families. The conversation groups were based on three dimensions: 1) spaces for learning democratic participation in the school; 2) the city as a space for the exercise of citizenship; 3) contributions of the school to a society facing the challenges of a continue transforming world. The information produced was analysed from a qualitative-descriptive perspective, taking as a theoretical perspective some of Joan Pagès's contributions regarding the role of the school in the construction of critical citizenship and social justice. ; peerReviewed

Introduction : bodies that travel -- Study of Chinese male homosexualities and citizenship -- Queers are ready!? : sexual citizenship and tongzhi movement -- Memba only: consumer citizenship and cult gay masculinity -- All about family : intimate citizenship and family biopolitics -- Queer diaspora : Hong Kong migrant gay men in London -- New new China, new new tongzhi -- Sex and work in a queer time and place -- Conclusion : transnational Chinese male homosexualities.

This article examines the conditions and expressions of how refugees in Denmark become citizens. Through visual and collaborative ethnographic fieldwork, which took place during 2017, the case study follows the everyday life of an Eritrean community living in a former retirement home in the town of Hørsholm. The article investigates how becoming citizen can be understood as mediatised, spatial and expressive negotiations between the refugees and the local society. We look at the conditions of becoming citizen through the local framing of the Eritrean community - understood as political, social, cultural and material framing conditions. We draw on Engin Isin's concept of performative citizenship (Isin, 2017), and we suggest how everyday life and becoming potentially hold the capacity to re-formulate and add to the understanding of citizenship. We suggest that becoming citizen is not merely about obtaining Danish citizenship and civic rights nor tantamount with settling down. On the contrary, the analysis shows that becoming citizen is a process of expressed and performed desires connected to global becomings beyond the sedentary citizenship, and therefore holds capacity for transforming and diversifying the notion of citizenship.

El presente artículo explora las consecuencias de la informalidad en la configuración de una ciudadanía precaria referida al emporio comercial de Gamarra, el más importante del Perú, ubicado en su capital, Lima. La idea central que estructuró al trabajo sostiene que la informalidad precaria, precisamente desde la experiencia del tiempo ─donde los trabajadores se sienten "de paso" ─, despolitiza a los pobre urbanos. Debido a que los trabajadores no se apropian del lugar y no buscan cuestionar las condiciones de explotación en las que trabajan que violan sus derechos de ciudadanía, principalmente los sociales. En este sentido, la pregunta que guio la investigación fue: ¿cómo despolitiza la informalidad precaria a los trabajadores del emporio Gamarra desde la experiencia del tiempo? Metodológicamente, los datos se construyeron desde una investigación cualitativa de carácter etnográfica, la cual se ubicó sobre los contextos de cuatro tipos de trabajadores informales: ambulantes, talleristas, jaladores y vendedoras. El arco de tiempo acotado fue del período 2012-2018. ; This article explores the consequences of informality in the configuration of precarious citizenship referred to the commercial empire of Gamarra, the most important informal market in Peru, located in its capital, Lima. The central idea that structured this work argues that precarious informality, precisely because of the experience of time ─ where workers feel that they work is temporary─ depoliticizes the urban poor because workers do not appropriate the place and do not seek to question the conditions of exploitation in which they work which violate their citizenship rights, mainly social rights. In this sense, the question that guided the investigation was: how does it depoliticize precarious informality for the workers of the Gamarra emporium from the experience of time? Methodologically, the data that was constructed from qualitative ethnographic research, which was located in the contexts of four types of informal workers: street vendors, workshop workers, shooters, and vendors. The limited-time arc was from the 2012-2018 period.

There is a tension between federalism and the welfare state. A keystone of federalism is preserving diversity by allowing populations to pursue alternative pathways from a national agenda. Under the logic of social citizenship, the welfare state should provide similar access to comparable programs for all citizens. To reconcile this tension, federations are encouraged to adopt national standards. But this begs the question: Are national standards a necessary condition for sub-national policy similarity? I test this by examining the Canadian education sector in a comparative context. My central findings suggest that national standards aren't necessary for the achievement of sub-national policy similarity. In lieu of national involvement, contextual factors help sub-national governments defy the odds and reconcile the tension between federalism and the welfare state. Adapted from the source document.

De acordo com Val Plumwood (1995), a democracia liberal é um sistema político autoritário, que protege privilégios mas falha em proteger a natureza. Um obstáculo importante, diz ela, é a desigualdade radical, cujo alcance se tornou inacreditavelmente longo sob a democracia liberal; um índice da "capacidade dos grupos privilegiados de distribuir bens sociais verticalmente e de criar uma rigidez que esconda a corretividade democrática das instituições sociais" (p. 134). Este conto cautelar tem repercussões para a educação, especialmente a educação cívica e para a cidadania. Para resolver isso, exploramos o potencial do que Gerard Delanty chama de "cidadania cultural" como uma alternativa à cidadania disciplinar que permeia o discurso liberal ocidental. A cidadania cultural enfatiza a cidadania como comunicação e processos contínuos de aprendizagem, rejeitando a ideia de cidadania como um conjunto fixo de ideais culturais, normas ou valores definidos e impostos pelas instituições legais, políticas e culturais da sociedade liberal, incluindo educação e "formação cidadã". No entanto, afirmamos que um primeiro passo crítico, essencial para a correção democrática, é eliminar os obstáculos criados pelo privilégio de uma posição epistêmica dominante. Concluímos que a filosofia de Plumwood, juntamente com o trabalho de John Dewey sobre democracia e educação, fornece um arcabouço teórico para a investigação democrática efetiva voltada para a prática interconectiva e deliberativa e a metodologia corretiva para a responsabilização epistêmica. ; Según Val Plumwood (1995), la democracia liberal es un sistema político autoritario que protege los privilegios pero no protege la naturaleza. Un obstáculo importante, dice, es la desigualdad radical, que se ha extendido cada vez más en la democracia liberal; un indicador de "la capacidad de sus grupos privilegiados para distribuir bienes sociales hacia las clases altas y para crear rigideces que dificultan la corrección democrática de las instituciones sociales" (p. 134). Esta advertencia tiene repercusiones en la educación, especialmente en educación cívica y ciudadanía. Para abordar esta cuestión, exploramos el potencial de lo que Gerard Delanty llama "ciudadanía cultural" como una alternativa a la ciudadanía disciplinaria que impregna el discurso liberal occidental. La ciudadanía cultural enfatiza la ciudadanía como procesos de comunicación y aprendizaje continuo, rechazando la idea de ciudadanía como un conjunto fijo de ideales, normas o valores culturales definidos y aplicados por las instituciones legales, políticas y culturales de la sociedad liberal, incluida la educación y la "capacitación en ciudadanía". Sin embargo, sostenemos que un primer paso crítico, esencial para la corrección democrática, es eliminar los obstáculos creados por el privilegio de una posición epistémica dominante. Concluimos que la filosofía de Plumwood junto con el trabajo de John Dewey sobre democracia y educación proporciona un marco teórico para una investigación democrática efectiva orientada hacia la interconexión, la práctica deliberativa y la metodología correctiva para la responsabilidad epistémica. ; According to Val Plumwood (1995), liberal-democracy is an authoritarian political system that protects privilege but fails to protect nature. A major obstacle, she says, is radical inequality, which has become increasingly far-reaching under liberal-democracy; an indicator of 'the capacity of its privileged groups to distribute social goods upwards and to create rigidities which hinder the democratic correctiveness of social institutions' (p. 134). This cautionary tale has repercussions for education, especially civics and citizenship education. To address this, we explore the potential of what Gerard Delanty calls 'cultural citizenship' as an alternative to the disciplinary citizenship that permeates Western liberal discourse. Cultural citizenship emphasises citizenship as communication and continual learning processes, rejecting the idea of citizenship as a fixed set of cultural ideals, norms or values defined and enforced by liberal society's legal, political and cultural institutions, including education and 'citizenship training'. However, we contend that a critical first step, essential to democratic correctiveness, is to clear away obstacles created by the privileging of a dominant epistemic position. We conclude that Plumwood's philosophy alongside John Dewey's work on democracy and education provide a theoretical framework for effective democratic inquiry aimed towards interconnective, deliberative practice and corrective methodology for epistemic accountability.

Multiculturalism has gradually retreated as a meaningful concept for Australian identity and has, instead, been replaced by principles of equal citizenship and a commitment to the core values of Australian national identity. This paper firstly locates these shifts in broader theoretical debates underpinning democratic governance and equal citizenship. Secondly, and given that local government is a key constituent of Australia's democratic system, the paper seeks to explore the attitudes of local government representatives towards multicultural services and cultural citizenship in contemporary Australia. The empirical findings of this study show that a minority of local government representatives hold a negative outlook on cultural diversity and multicultural policies. The paper argues that it is important to ensure opportunities for intercultural understanding at the local level are optimised as a way of enhancing full and equal citizenship for all and thus creating greater possibilities for successful integration among religious and cultural minorities.

Moral and theoretical sources -- Models of citizenship : virtual patriots and tea parties -- Models of citizenship : a democratic bearing -- Depth experience, faith and democratic life -- Path for critical political theory -- The consensus machine and "no-saying" -- Suspicious conjectures and uneven injustice

This article is about interwar Britain, civic education, and the theoretical and practical expression of local citizenship. Building upon recent analyses in urban history that have reassessed the perception of municipal and civic decline, I argue that historians must now also challenge the historiography that views citizenship as indivisible from national identity. It was indeed actually common for both children and adults to be taught that it was in the local, and the city especially, that the rights and responsibilities of citizenship were received and enacted. I trace this distinctive conception of citizenship to the ideological resilience of the Victorian idealist philosopher Thomas Hill Green. Drawing on his justification for state intervention to ensure individual liberty, educators positioned municipal government as the guardian of the life and health of individuals and communities—an educational approach they termed civics. This was apparent in organizations such as the National Association of Local Government Officers, Workers' Educational Association, and the Association for Education in Citizenship, and expressed through the flood of civics textbooks published following the First World War. Using a case study of Manchester I unpick the points of contact between these organizations and the individuals connected to Green, and show how civics was applied in both formal and informal sites of education. While this discourse of citizenship was damaged by the social democracy of the post-1945 welfare state, I conclude that, in the interwar period at least, citizenship was still very much local and urban based.

La Segunda Modernización de Andalucía fue el nombre que el gobierno andaluz le dio al programa con el que pretendía erigirse como una sociedad de la información tras el cambio de siglo. Aunque con el paso de los años las referencias a la Segunda Modernización de Andalucía han ido desapareciendo del debate público, todavía hoy perduran sus consecuencias en formas de políticas e iniciativas públicas que vieron la luz a principios del siglo XXI y que hoy continúan vigentes. Esta tesis doctoral trata de dibujar un panorama lo más exhaustivo posible de las políticas públicas de sociedad de la información en Andalucía y de uno de sus proyectos estrella, la red de telecentros Guadalinfo. A través del análisis exhaustivo de los antecedentes de las políticas tecnológicas en Andalucía, los principales indicadores en materia de sociedad de la información, el discurso público de la Segunda Modernización, la evolución y organización de la red Guadalinfo, los usos sociales de las nuevas tecnologías desarrollados en los telecentros y las principales visiones e imaginarios construidos por los distintos actores sociales en torno a las nuevas tecnologías, la investigación levanta una serie de puntos clave sobre las políticas tecnológicas en Andalucía y específicamente sobre la red Guadalinfo. ; The Second Modernization of Andalusia was the name of the program of Andalusian government to enhance the information society in the turn of the century. Although references to this program have gradually disappeared from public debate in recent years, his consequences still endure in the form of policies and public initiatives that came into place at the start of the 21st century. This doctoral thesis try to explain as exhaustively as possible the public policies of the Andalusian Information Society and its star project, the Guadalinfo network of telecentres. By analysing the main information society indicators, public discourse about the Second Modernization, the evolution and organization of the Guadalinfo network, the social uses of new technologies in the telecentres and the principle social representations of users, the research makes a detailed examination of technology policy in Andalusia and specifically of the Guadalinfo network. ; Premio Extraordinario de Doctorado US

Scotland in 2014 and 2015 provides an ideal context for examining EU citizenship political rights as established in the Maastricht Treaty of 1993 from the perspective of Polish migrants resident in Scotland. We argue that the contrast between Polish migrants' full enfranchisement in the Scottish Independence Referendum in 2014 to then being disenfranchised from the UK General Election in 2015 is a significant site for observing how EU laws interact with state-centric and also 'post-national' notions of citizenship. Our participants' experiences of voting in the Referendum and subsequently not being able to vote in the General Election were articulated in the following terms: (a) the justification of their political rights in terms of their stake and contribution in the UK; (b) their frustrations with regards to anti-migration rhetoric and the limitations of European citizenship; and for some, (c) their plans of apply for British citizenship in the context of EU membership uncertainty.

This study focuses on how Mexican Federations of HTAs have negotiated their formal membership in Mexico and the United States. In Mexico, migrants' market citizenship opened the channels of communication between Federations of HTAs, and the Mexican government. Once those channels were established; HTA Federation leaders were able to negotiate their passage from market to formal membership. In the case of the United States, HTA Federations have advocated for a formal inclusion in the United States, by organizing marches, lobbying and writing to their representatives and by emphasizing their economic contributions to the U.S. society in their discourse. However, these strategies have proven partially ineffective. Nonetheless, Federation leaders have sought other strategies of inclusion at the local level by emphasizing the value of migrants as market citizens, encouraging migrants to show "good character" in order to be seen as "less illegal," and through civic activities.

This article argues that we need to take the democratic promise of news seriously and find ways to advance that promise. It begins by considering both the importance of news to democratic citizenship, and its failure to deliver in ways that do not compound social inequalities. It argues against more optimistic accounts of the state of democratic citizenship, but finds that the notion of public service journalism often lapses into a class-specific discourse for the information-rich. Meanwhile, current news values are contradictory and incoherent, allowing us space to build upon the democratic ideals in journalistic philosophy. The article then argues that citizenship should be brought from the margins of news to its centre. This means implicating citizenship into the news's mode of address, of going beyond the narrow narratives of current news values and addressing broad citizenship concerns.