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This paper serves as an exposition of the causal inference methods that are most popular in political science. Rather than focusing on technical details we present a brief summary of main ideas behind each method with the goal of making them accessible to a broad audience of researchers. We also provide a research design algorithm for each method. First, we focus on a general motivation behind causal inference methods. We discuss how the problem of causality arises in hypothesis testing and describe the relationship between democracy and economic development as a case in point. Second, we give an exposition of a general causality problem within the framework of Rubin Causal Model (RCM). We provide all basic definitions and then demonstrate how the problem of causal inference arise within RCM. Third, we describe the most frequently used methods of causal inference such as randomized experiments, regression discontinuity design, difference-in-difference design, and instrumental variables. For each method we give a reader a general description as well as steps of a research design. We also briefly discuss advantages and disadvantages of each method. Armed with this knowledge, a reader can use it to find the method that is the most appropriate for a research problem at hand. We conclude by arguing that the ideas of causal inference are useful for both quantitative and qualitative research.

Peter Kerr (2002) recently argued in this journal that evolutionary theories could be of great benefit to political scientists' investigations of change. He is not successful in establishing a case for evolutionary theory in political science due to the misconception that evolutionary theory can have explanatory power without being functionalist. Two options for the use of evolution in political science are set out: firstly, leave the concept at the level of metaphor which might add richness to narratives of political change; or secondly, accept functionalism & construct political science theories along the lines beginning to develop in evolutionary economics. The conclusion is the need for a dynamic approach while avoiding functionalism, & that political science at this stage should remain agnostic & critical about when & where particular dynamic mechanisms may operate. 18 References. Adapted from the source document.

Primary elections are becoming quite spread within no-US political context. Many political parties in different countries choose to adopt such inclusive methods to select their candidates for general elections. Thus, primary elections have been re-adapted to different political systems, in order to fit with different party's specific features. This implied a re-definition of the very concept of primary both in terms of procedures and in terms of political meaning. This paper aims to understand the promotion of party primaries in two EU countries: Italy and France. The two countries have implemented open primaries adopting the maximum level of inclusiveness. This paper will focus on the public debate about these two case studies in order to clarify which were the meaning and the political value of the primary contests in 2011 (France) and 2012 (Italy).

DURING THE PAST DECADE, POLITICAL RESEARCHERS HAVE DEVOTED GROWING ATTENTION TO WOMEN'S POLITICAL INVOLVEMENT AND, TO A SOMEWHAT LESSER EXTENT, THEIR POLITICAL ATTITUDES IN WESTERN CULTURES. THIS INTEREST HAS BEEN A RESPONSE IN PART TO CONTEMPORARY FEMINIST MOVEMENTS AND, MORE SPECIFICALLY TO THE INCREASINGLY VISIBLE ROLE OF WOMEN AS SOCIAL ACTIVISTS, PARTISAN ELITES AND GOVERNMENTAL DECISION MAKERS IN WESTERN EUROPEAN AND NORTH AMERICAN SOCIETY. IN THE FRENCH ELECTORAL LITERATURE, RECENT ANALYSES OF WOMEN'S POLITICAL ATTITUDES HAVE ADDRESSED TWO MAJOR EMPIRICAL PHENOMENA, NAMELY THE EXTENT OF FEMALE POLITICIZATION DURING THE 1970S COMPARED WITH THE IMMEDIATE POST-WAR YEARS, AND PATTERNS OF PARTISAN PREFERENCE IN THIS SAME CHRONOLOGICAL PERIOD.2 SUCH STUDIES GENERALLY CONCLUDE THAT FRENCH WOMEN ARE INCREASINGLY POLITICIZED AND, AT THE SAME TIME, INCREASINGLY LEFTIST IN THEIR PARTISAN BELIEFS.3 DESPITE THE CONSENSUS WHICH HAS EMERGED AROUND BOTH OF THESE TRENDS, THE DEVELOPMENT OF WOMEN'S ATTITUDES IN FRANCE REMAINS IN NEED OF SYSTEMATIC ATTENTION. ON A CONCEPTUAL LEVEL, MANY EXISTING STUDIES HAVE FAILED TO RELATE SHIFTS IN FEMALE PUBLIC OPINION WITH BROADER PATTERNS OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN MODERN FRANCE. SUCH FACTORS AS THE DECLINE OF TRADITIONAL RELIGIOSITY.

The Political Science Program at the National Science Foundation provides support for basic empirical and theoretical research on political institutions and processes. The goal of the program is to facilitate the development of scientific theory and knowledge on political behavior, the operation of political systems, and the actions of governments. The program seeks to meet this goal by supporting research on a very wide range of substantive topics falling under the rubric of politics. As part of its long-range planning, the program attempts to identify areas of intellectual growth for program emphases. In making funding decisions, however, the determining factor is the scientific merit of the proposed work rather than topical or methodological closeness to the major emphases in program plans.Support for basic political science research has been growing at a faster rate than overall NSF support for the social sciences. From fiscal 1977 to 1979 the Political Science Program allocation grew 35 percent compared to a 17 percent increase in the overall funding for the Division of Social and Economic Science.

Here's an early look at some of the articles you'll see in the
November American Political Science Review.