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Résumé Le système d'enseignement public italien a été depuis l'été 2008 l'objet d'une série de coupes budgétaires. C'est contre cette suite de réformes que des étudiants, des travailleurs de l'enseignement et des chercheurs se sont engagés dans diverses formes de contestation, de l'occupation des rues au blocage des universités. Au-delà des frontières italiennes, des appels à un nouveau type de welfare se sont fait entendre à travers toute l'Europe, étendant ainsi les revendications corporatistes traditionnelles au contexte global de la crise économique en révélant sa double nature. L'un de ces aspects réside dans la centralité de la production de savoirs, l'indistinction entre les statuts d'étudiant et de travailleurs émergeant comme effet symptomatique de la planification néolibérale. Contre ce processus au sein duquel la puissance des savoirs vivants se voit capturée par la dynamique capitaliste de hiérarchisation et de dette, les récentes luttes désignées sous le nom de Onda anomale ont imposé les fins d'un renouveau de la coopération sociale et une pensée réactualisée de l'autonomie du savoir, sous le slogan « Nous ne paierons pas pour votre crise ! ».

In December 1941, Ceylon was transformed from a backwater into a key Allied military base when Japan went to war, though its wartime significance is largely unknown. The nature of the changes visited upon the island, and the manner in which an apparently insignificant colonial home front contributed tellingly to the strategic prosecution of the war, is the subject of this article. Several key themes are examined: the strategic importance of the Indian Ocean and Ceylon; the transformation of Ceylon's physical infrastructure as it became a military encampment; the work of Ceylonese-led departments of state in bringing the island to war readiness; the dire food situation caused by the Japanese conquest of import-supplying countries; propaganda and public information drives aimed at ensuring local participation in the war effort; the recruitment of indigenous labour for war-related tasks; unrest caused by the influx of thousands of foreign soldiers and provisions made for their welfare; and the role played by the media in conveying war information and propaganda. The article concludes with an assessment of the intimate links between Ceylon's war experience and the coming of national independence in 1948.

В статье комплексно рассмотрена задача создания «общества малого благосостояния» как одна из целевых установок политики модернизации КНР. В 1964 г. китайское руководство выдвинуло цель: осуществить к концу XX века модернизацию. К воплощению этой исторической задачи Китай смог по-настоящему приступить только в 1979 г. С этого времени, Китай взял на вооружение новую политическую линию, ставящую в центр пристального внимания защиту интересов народа, включая снижение бедности, обеспечение всеобщего образования и здравоохранения, защиту окружающей среды и т.п. ; The article fully analyses the problem which concerns building of "The Small Well-Being Society (Xiaokang) as one of the most important goals of the China's modernization policy. In 1964 the Chinese's government put forward the purpose: to carry out the modernization of the country at the end of the 20th century. However, China could start an embodiment of this historical task only in 1979. Since that time, People's Republic of China (PRC) launched a new political trend that was focusing on defending people and promoting their interests, including diminution of poverty, providing education and public health, environment's protection, welfare, etc.

The general idea of this text is to reflect biopolitical constitution of the society and its implications related to the issues of animal welfare. Since animal in biopolitical formation is technically reduced to an object - commodity for contentment of the industry and of the people needs - critical public advisories are calling from moral, ethical and legal standpoint for attention to the fact that is necessary to protect animals from the unnecessary exploitation. It is obvious that animal protection is evoking animal rights question. But in the last instance protection of animal rights is related to the nutritional dilemma of animal food use. Question is arising: does animal rights in particular also envisage change in food politics (abandonment of meat food use), what is for instance the extreme veg(etari)an option taking for granted? This challenge sent to the culture of all-food eaters is opening up new questions and dilemmas. First of all, there is a question linked to the right of men to choose his own nutritional option, and of course dilemma which is related to scruples about meat-eaters and their (non)ability to love animals.

The European Union has developed a complex strategy and policy coordination process to promote gender equality in all community policies through "gender mainstreaming". While every member country has to promote the policy objective of gender equality, the instruments implemented to that end may differ. Different institutional structures and gender roles in the society may result in different outcomes of the same policy measure. Therefore every country has to choose those instruments best fitted to achieve gender equality. This paper outlines the various positions of the individual member countries relative to gender relations, with a special emphasis on Austria. Overall, it is the state and public sector institutions which tend to take a lead in implementing affirmative action programmes, in the main positive discrimination of women (quota regulations, targets) and enforcement of antidiscrimination legislation. Affirmative action programmes in private industry are not a universal feature in all EU countries. While gender equality is pursued as a moral issue in its own right, it is also an instrument to combat the negative impact of ageing of the European populations on welfare budgets and economic growth.

"Agriculture in Ethiopia is changing. New players, relationships, and policies are influencing how smallholders access and use information and knowledge. Although this growing complexity suggests opportunities for Ethiopian smallholders, too little is known about how these opportunities can be effectively leveraged to promote pro-poor processes of rural innovation. This paper examines Ethiopia's smallholder agricultural sector to provide qualitative insights into the interactions between smallholders and other actors in the agricultural sector and the contribution those interactions make to the smallholders' innovation processes. Case studies of smallholder innovation networks in 10 communities suggest that public sector extension and administration exert a strong influence over smallholders' access to knowledge and information relative to market or civil society actors. Given the priority the Ethiopian government has placed on improving rural welfare by increasing market access among smallholders, the findings of this study may suggest the need to further explore policies and programs that create more space for market and civil society actors to participate in smallholder innovation networks." -- from Author's Abstract ; Non-PR ; IFPRI1; GRP29 ; ISNAR

The increasing employment of women in Europe is not only a result of economic restructuring, but also a consequence of changing family structures, changing expectations, changing wage determination mechanisms and increasing urbanisation. Many of the services which have been outsourced from the household sector to the market sector tend to remain almost exclusively a female employment domain. Thus, the areas of production that constitute the domain of female work in traditional societies remain the same in the developed industrial societies; only the degree of marketisation differs. The extent to which domestic work is outsourced depends upon the welfare model. Thus, it is a different set of taxes, transfer payments and public services in the various models which impacts on the relative efficiency and direct and indirect costs of goods and services which can be produced in the household or the market sector. Different institutional settings impact on the opportunity cost of domestic work and/or the shadow price of the domestic good or service, resulting in a divergence of the employment rate of women between the various models in the EU.

This paper addresses the question of whether ordinary people express a reasonable understanding of the meaning of democracy, and what are the contents of their definitions? Do people focus on the procedural aspects of democracy—elections, democratic institutions, and processes—which are the main focus of democratization efforts. Alternatively, do they see democracy in terms of rights and liberties, or economic or social welfare terms? We draw on a wide range of recent public opinion surveys from Africa, Asia, Europe, and Latin America. Our research yields three generalizations about popular conceptions of democracy. First, even in new democracies, most people can define democracy in their own words. Second, and most important, most people think of democracy in terms of the freedoms, liberties and rights that it conveys, rather than procedural conceptions of liberal democracy. Third, equating democracy with social benefits emerges as a minor theme, even in the poorest of nations. Our findings thus suggest that democratic aspirations are shaped by perceptions of the liberties and freedom that democracy can produce, and that are seen as lacking in other political systems.

This paper reviews the regulatory history for nitrogen oxides (NOx) pollutant emissions from stationary sources,primarily in coal-fired power plants. Nitrogen dioxide (NO2) is one of the six criteria pollutants regulated by the 1970 Clean Air Act where National Ambient Air Quality Standards were established to protect public health and welfare. We use patent data to show that in the cases of Japan, Germany, and the United States, innovations in NOx control technologies did not occur until stringent government regulations were in place, thus "forcing" innovation. We also demonstrate that reductions in the capital and operation and maintenance (O&M) costs of new generations of high-efficiency NOx control technologies, selective catalytic reduction (SCR), are consistently associated with the increasing adoption of the control technology: the so-called learning-by-doing phenomena. The results show that as cumulative world coal-fired SCR capacity doubles, capital costs decline to 86% and O&M costs to 58% of their original values. The observed changes in SCR technology reflect the impact of technological advance as well as other factors, such as market competition and economies of scale.

Social, political, and legal considerations have contributed to an unfavorable regulatory environment for lethal control of urban coyotes (canis latrans). I analyze and break down that environment from a Wildlife Control Operator (WCO) perspective. Currently 3 significant factors frame the issue but a 4th could be emerging. First, our hands are tied: I use the situation in Colorado to illustrate the point. Compounding factors include the need for a paradigm shift in how rules are derived, the lag-time factor in agency response to issues, and the tendency toward bureaucracy/over-regulation. Second, human dimensions rule: I critique the downside of human dimensions in wildlife damage management, including over-reliance on public opinion tools/processes, the sacred cow of humaneness, the influence of animal welfare/rights protagonists, and changing demographics. Third, most people prefer coexistence over lethal control: I briefly look at how this factor defines the current American mind-set but is nonetheless unrealistic. Fourth, the coyotes are coming: I highlight how the burgeoning urban coyote problem could be changing perceptions and attitudes about lethal control and the regulatory environment.

Many poverty alleviation programs had been implemented in the past, but only a few made it. In relation to this, the objectives of this study were: (1) to identify the roots of family poverty, (2) to identify factors related to the family poverty, and (3) to formulate a strategy for poverty alleviation. To reach these objectives, 420 poor households were randomly selected from the city of Ambon and the district of Boalemo, Gorontalo Province. They were interviewed from November 2003 through January 2005. The obtained data were analyzed by using the descriptive statistics and the multiple regression procedures. The findings pointed out that: (1) both the urban and the rural poor households lacked in productive and normative behavior, (2) factors related significantly to the welfare of urban poor families were social and political capitals; whereas to the rural poor families were natural, physical, financial, and behavioral capitals as well, and (3) the grand strategy for both urban and rural poverty alleviation should include good governance, capacity building, social capital revitalization, public policy advocacy, social assurance, infrastructure building, community-based economic development, and asset redistribution.

The paper reviews the gender-differentiated effect of macroeconomic policies by examining the impact of persistent revenue shortfalls on the part of the national government in 1997-2003 on the budget allocations for programs that support gender equality and women's priority public services in selected departments--Department of Health (DOH), Department of Agriculture (DA), Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD), and Department of Education (DepEd). The analysis includes grouping the agencies' programs, activities and projects (PAPs) into gender-relevant categories and tracking the impact of the overall contraction of national government expenditures on the expenditure obligations for these expenditure categories. At the same time, the study undertakes a gender-disaggregated benefit incidence analysis of the mainstream or untargeted expenditures of the selected departments. Lastly, the study emphasizes that budget analysis has to be better informed by gender analysis given that, even if there is no gender bias in the formal policies and procedures that govern the delivery of services of various government agencies, gender bias might result from the informal rules, attitudes and behavior not only of service providers but also that of the target clientele.

The aims of this research are to analyse the existence of small and medium industries (SME's) in the region of Probolinggo. Further, to discuss theprobabiity of empowering these business entities by cluster model. The population of this research is all entilysmall and medium indrustries in this region. In colecting data, this research explores all population members. It means that the sample number is similar to the population. So, there are 91 respondent SME's. Based on the analysis, the SME's in this region are varies. So cluster model isnot effective solution inempowering these SME's. By other words, the SME's should be developed by traiing program. Of course, this program has to back up by assistance. This program consists of marketing area, production technique human resources management, financial management, e-commerce and aliance program. Y this model the SME's in this region can bemore competitive and finally contribute to the ocal original income and hopey to the public economic welfare. Certainly, the local governmentmust be alliance wih others such as ManagementConsultan, Non Government Organization (NGO's) and some universities concer the SME's as well.

SUMMARYFrom the viewpoint of Public Choice theory, the logic of electoral competition makes it difficult for rational, self‐interested politicians to advance unpopular reforms. As political decision‐makers have primarily the aim of re‐election in mind, 'inconvenient' scientific policy advice often falls on deaf ears in the political arena. This implementation problem has been widely discussed in political science, economics, and related social sciences. Complementary to this qualitative dimension, the present paper uses insight from the economics of innovation to analyze the quantitative dimension of policy advice. It is assumed that additional expert opinion is only requested whenever it increases a politician's chance to become re‐elected. This simple politico‐economic reasoning, it will be argued, induces a systematic under‐and overinvestment in policy advice, which is inefficient in terms of social welfare. After discussing the advisor's role in this framework, the paper concludes with a brief presentation of possible remedies to dilute these undesirable incentive effects. The theoretical reasoning will be illustrated by the case of Germany where problems of policy advice have become apparent in recent years.

This paper assesses the place of EU accession among the determinants of the changes taking place in the Czech social policy after 1989. Compulsory social and health insurance were re-introduced in the early 1990s, along with a guaranteed subsistence minimum for all, and an institutionalized state employment policy. This paper argues that EU-derived policies have had only a limited impact on Czech social-policy reform, focusing mostly on institution building. This phenomenon can be attributed to the apparent discrepancy between Copenhagen criteria of accession (1993) and the Lisbon Strategy, which was accepted as a policy guideline in 2002. Thus, the main concept able to explain Czech social-policy development after 1989 is that of institutional and behavioural path dependency as the country exhibited resistance to change coupled with a strong adherence to the Bismarckian, corporatist, welfare state. This makes the Czech Republic a special case compared to the other Visegrad countries, where the pressure from neo-liberal public-policy concepts of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund found its expression in the introduction of more residual social policies.