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Inmate welfare, staff security, public health concerns, and the need for recovery-friendly prison environments have been cited as supporting efforts to control in prison substance use. This article reports on the California Department of Corrections (CDC) Drug Reduction Strategy Project, which involved systematic random urine testing and drug interdiction measures. The two-phase evaluation took place at four CDC institutions, with three serving as test sites and one serving as a standard-procedures comparison site. The results of Phase I, random urine testing of 150 inmates per week from the eligible inmate general population, supported the effectiveness of systematic random urine testing in reducing in-prison substance use, as measured by the number of inmates refusing to test or testing positive for illicit substances. The results of Phase II, which involved continued random urine testing at the three test sites in addition to K-9 drug detection teams at one institution and drug detection equipment at another institution, led to further reductions in substance use, but few drug finds resulted from the additional interdiction measures.

The 'Third Way' politics of Blair's New Labour government of the United Kingdom has popularised a number of policy reforms centred on a supposedly new discourse of 'devolution', 'inclusion', 'partnerships' and 'community'. These notions reflect a re‐emergence of the ideas and values of civil society, participation and localism. Key drivers of this discourse are: new conceptions of citizenship; a retreat from the social state to a politics of community; and a questioning of both 'big‐state' interventionist and competitive market approaches to public policy. These trends have resonance in the Australian context. The welfare reform agenda of the Australian Commonwealth government together with community building and engagement initiatives of State governments have been sites for these policy directions. Much of the debate surrounding these policies excludes or minimises the fundamental role of an active state by focusing on an uncritical conception of community. Drawing on the notion of network governance, an alternative framework for re‐conceptualising state‐community relations and delivering improved community outcomes is posited. The paper concludes by suggesting possible social governance methodologies for actioning this framework.

Due to rising unemployment in many European countries and the far spread view that this is linked to the crisis of the welfare state, tripartite co-operations arose between government, unions and employer associations recently, Promotion of international competitiveness, consolidation of public finances and reduction of unemployment are the three main political goals, which are considered to be the new consensus between the actors, This consensns arose because of the unions' adaptation to key positions of the other actors' analysis and it is widely held to be an expression for the overcoming of unions' heavily discussed crisis, With the Dutch polder model, which is celebrated as a successful prototype of a consensus model, one can illustrate that the assumed consensus is much more ambivalent and fragile than the current debate suggests, It is possible to demonstrate on the basis of Foucault's governmentality studies that the creation of the supply side consensus is not an expression of reason and responsibility, Instead, due to the unequal distribution of power and rule some actors manage to implement their interpretations of the world as being ,true'.

Sweden is famous for its welfare state & its gender equality policies. Therefore, it might he surprising that the country not only belongs to the pioneers in the field of biotechnology, but that state regulation in this field is very "liberal." Preimplantation genetic diagnosis & the use of embryos in therapy & research are both legal. In this essay I will first reconstruct the Swedish legal development in this area, &, secondly, investigate the context of actors & institutions in terms of whether & how women participated in the relevant opinion & decision-making processes. Finally, I will analyze the public & political discourses. It will become clear that although women were well represented in the political & discursive processes, they did not advocate a specific women related standpoint. They share, on the contrary, the (virtual) consensus, that biotechnological interventions can be justified by its noble goals, eg, by helping women/parents who suffer from "involuntary childlessness." The use of selective practices such as preimplantation genetic diagnosis is considered to be the consequent continuation of women's right to self-determination in reproductive matters, which is founded in the abortion legislation of the 1970s. 37 References. Adapted from the source document.

Sweden is famous for its welfare state & its gender equality policies. Therefore, it might he surprising that the country not only belongs to the pioneers in the field of biotechnology, but that state regulation in this field is very "liberal." Preimplantation genetic diagnosis & the use of embryos in therapy & research are both legal. In this essay I will first reconstruct the Swedish legal development in this area, &, secondly, investigate the context of actors & institutions in terms of whether & how women participated in the relevant opinion & decision-making processes. Finally, I will analyze the public & political discourses. It will become clear that although women were well represented in the political & discursive processes, they did not advocate a specific women related standpoint. They share, on the contrary, the (virtual) consensus, that biotechnological interventions can be justified by its noble goals, eg, by helping women/parents who suffer from "involuntary childlessness." The use of selective practices such as preimplantation genetic diagnosis is considered to be the consequent continuation of women's right to self-determination in reproductive matters, which is founded in the abortion legislation of the 1970s. 37 References. Adapted from the source document.

Proyecto coordinado BSO2000-1422-CO9-02 ; La innovación social va por delante de la innovación empresarial. Son las instituciones las que desarrollan las líneas de actuación más innovadoras. En general han sido gobiernos locales comprometidos los que han propiciado el mantenimiento y desarrollo ajustado del subsector. Las estrategias sectoriales se han sustentado en directrices globales, encaminadas a la ordenación y equipamiento del territorio, a la mejora del bienestar social y a la creación de empleo, apoyados en planes estratégicos y guiados por agencias de desarrollo local bien gestionadas. ; Social innovation precedes commercial innovation. The most forward-looking plans of action are those developed by public institutions. In general terms, it is thanks to committed, local governments that favourable conditions for the footwear industry's maintenance and competitive development have been created. Strategies for this sector are based on global guidelines for the regulation and infrastructure of the region, improving social welfare and creating jobs. These sectorial proposals are backed by strategic plans and carried out under the supervision of well-run local development agencies.

Attitudes within the wider child placement public sector towards the place of independent fostering agencies remain largely negative, especially when expressed by local authority senior managers. Clive Sellick considers these alongside some other views that have emerged from the findings of relevant research. He goes on to examine the mission statements of 55 independent fostering agencies included in a recent national survey of the services, costs, staff, foster carers and children and young people in placement in these agencies. The author has undertaken a qualitative analysis of these statements in order to identify the aims and principles that underpin agency practice. Three main themes emerge relating to promoting children's welfare, providing a range of services for children and carers and creating a competent and available foster carer workforce. These are considered alongside the profiles of ten agencies to illustrate the breadth of provision available to local authorities. The author concludes by suggesting that information about the purpose and provision of independent fostering is likely to lead to a more balanced view and use of this sector.

In this paper I will emphasise the centrality that the animal protectionist theme plays in generating a specific language of moral outrage, including its ability to mobilise a range of diverse social actors toward collective action. Focusing upon a recent animal welfare campaign, the campaign to end the export of live farm animals to continental Europe, I will argue that the language of moral outrage reflected adherence to the AP theme, and was a reaction to a strong sense of 'spoiled identity' within the local communities, which assisted in the development of a temporary protest consciousness in the two towns under study. Furthermore, the moral outrage expressed by protesters was given additional intensity by the heavy handed public order policing strategies implemented by the two regional police forces, this further strengthened the protesters resolve to continue the protests. The campaign will be shown to be an outcome of a combination of specific local factors and broader social, cultural and historical values of concern over our treatment of non-human animals. I will theorise the protests as an attempt to purify a stigmatised social space of a perceived contaminating practice, or moral 'evil'.

This paper compares old-age pension policy trajectories in the Netherlands and Germany. These two advanced welfare states have developed different financial arrangements despite similarities in policy legacies, political institutions and party systems. Both countries established and extended comprehensive pay-as-you-go financed public pension schemes in the 1950s and 1960s. However, the Netherlands achieved a fully fledged multi-tiered pension system with a strong funded component, while until recently the German system relied almost exclusively on pay-as-you-go financing. The Netherlands has, therefore, a financially more viable and sustainable set of pension arrangements than Germany, at least under the current and foreseeable economic and demographic conditions. The paper reconstructs the pension trajectories in the two countries in order to explore the role of path dependency, political choice and contingency in explaining this divergence. It is argued that divergence is essentially unrelated to different strategic choices or variations in institutional capacities for reform. Instead, divergence is the largely unintended consequence of a series of incremental decisions in combination with contingent events and developments.

Local government constitutes that part of the public sector that is closest to the inhabitants and is therefore indispensable in its role of promoting their general welfare through, inter alia, undertaking various development initiatives. Furthermore, legislation imposes upon local authorities the obligation to promote the social and economic development of local communities and to participate in implementing national and provincial development programmes. The efficiency and effectiveness with which local government fulfils its developmental role will largely depend on the ability of local authorities to manage development projects. The purpose of this article is to investigate the application of a project management approach as a tool for implementing development programmes in the local government sphere. This is done by means of a comprehensive study of the relevant literature and empirical research based on a research questionnaire that was distributed among selected municipal officials in leadership posts throughout South Africa. The findings of the empirical study are utilised to make specific recommendations with respect to the application of a project management approach to service delivery and local government development initiatives. (Dev South Afr/DÜI)

Since 1986, Tanzania, like many other countries, has experienced a remarkable political and economic transition. Formerly a one-party state with a planned economy, the country is now multiparty democracy with a market-oriented economy and has undergone a series of economic reforms, including currency evaluation, tariff reduction, domestic tax reforms, and increased investments in infrastructure. The country's economic performance has improved substantially in many respects. Until now, however, little was known about the effects of the reforms on specific sectors of the Tanzanian economy and on efforts to alleviate poverty in the country. Structural Adjustment and Intersectoral Shifts in Tanzania analyzes how stabilization and structural adjustment policies have affected the country's economic growth, sectoral performance, welfare, and income distribution. It attempts to determine whether economic reforms have actually made ordinary Tanzanians better off — and if so, which of the country 's citizens and economic sectors have benefited the most and the least. It focuses in particular on how economic reforms affect the agricultural sector, comparing the effects on agricultural exporters with those on farmers who produce for the domestic market. ; PR ; IFPRI1; Public Policy and Investment

Citizens' juries are commended as a new technique for democratising health service reviews. Their usefulness is said to derive from a reliance on citizens' rational deliberation rather than on the immediate preferences of the consumer. The author questions the assertion of critical detachment and asks whether juries do in fact employ reason as a means of resolving fundamental disagreements about service provision. He shows that juries promote not so much a critically detached point of view as a particular evaluative framework suited to the bureaucratic idiom of social welfare maximisation. Reports of jury practice reveal a tendency among juries to suppress by non-rational means the everyday moral language of health care evaluation and substitute for it a system of thought in which it can be deemed permissible to deny treatment to sick people. The author concludes that juries are chiefly concerned with non-rational persuasion and because of this they are morally and democratically irrelevant. Juries are no substitute for voting when it comes to protecting the public from zealous minorities.