Suchergebnisse

The purpose of this article is to propose the integrated index of Public Governance efficiency based on the Fishburne's method, considering the impact's power and direction of the different sub-indexes (Worldwide Government Indicators) on macroeconomic stability and eliminating the issue of multicollinearity. The object of the study was 11 European countries that had two common features: 1) in the political sphere, during 1990–1992 the countries started the political transformation process by refusing the monopoly of the communistic regime; 2) in the economic sphere, the countries experienced transformation from planned to market economy. Based on these criteria, the following countries were selected: Lithuania, Latvia, Poland, Bulgaria, Croatia, Romania, Armenia, Belorussia, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine. The research findings proved a connection between the political and social determinants and the macroeconomic stability for the all the countries. Moreover, the research results confirmed the existence of a cycle of social and political conflict, which depends on inter-relation of Public Governance and the society, where the efficiency of Public Governance cannot be achieved without the support from the society, and the society cannot cooperate with non-effective Public Governance. ; Straipsnio tikslas - pristatyti "Fishburne" metodu pagrįstą integruotą viešojo valdymo efektyvumo indeksą, sudarytą atsižvelgiant į skirtingų subrodiklių galios ir krypties poveikį makroekonominiam stabilumui, o taip pat - į multikolinearumo problemą. Tyrimui buvo pasirinkta 11 Europos šalių, turinčių bendro pobūdžio bruožų politinės ir ekonominės raidos srityse, tai: Lietuva, Latvija, Lenkija, Bulgarija, Kroatija, Rumunija, Armėnija, Baltarusija, Gruzija, Moldova ir Ukraina. Tyrimo rezultatai parodė, jog egzistuoja ryšys tarp politinių ir socialinių veiksnių bei makroekonominio stabilumo visose šalyse. Be to, tyrimas atskleidė viešojo valdymo ir visuomenės tarpusavio priklausomybės svarbą: viešojo valdymo efektyvumas negali būti pasiektas be visuomenės paramos, o visuomenė negali bendradarbiauti su neefektyvia valdžia. Todėl šalims siekiant ekonominio konkurencingumo tarptautiniu mastu reikalingas viešasis valdymas, kuris leistų formuoti šalies ekonominių ir socialinių tikslų vientisumą užtikrinančią politiką.

Conciliation refers to 'all those procedural institutions which consist in an agreement of the parties whereby the controversy is resolved ... with the help of an impartial person appointed for this purpose.' 2 kinds of conciliation exist: procedural, which occurs when conciliation is used in conjunction with proceedings already in existence, & pre-procedural, which occurs before legal proceedings are instituted. At the end of the last cent Italian procedural law used a number of forms of conciliation, & it was felt that conciliation is more effective if carried out by those who deal with the controversy as judges. The Code of 1942 introduced innovations in respect to the institution of procedural conciliation at the instance of the judge to whom a dispute is referred. The parties regard a preliminary attempt before a non-professional judge as useless. In the present Code there remains the institution of an attempt at conciliation at the instance of the president of the tribunal in proceedings for judicial separation of husband & wife. It is desirable that a new systematic regulation of procedures concerning labor relations be developed. In France the proceedings of conciliation are regulated from a dual perspective. A preliminary attempt at conciliation is obligatory in cases which fall outside the hands of the tribunaux civils. On the other hand, an attempt at conciliation may be made if the judge or court hearing the case considers it desirable. Attempts at conciliation of some types come within the jurisdiction of the justice of the peace & are informal in character. In Belgium prud'hommes (cantonal magistrates) have the character of conciliation judges in addition to that of judges in contentious proceedings. The preliminary attempt at conciliation is obligatory in matters subject to the cantonal magistrates. If the attempt fails, it becomes possible to initiate contentious proceedings. The same provision is found in the Spanish Code of Civil Procedure. B. J. Keeley.

In spite of renewed conflict in the world of work, including the industrial sector, social scientists in France and elsewhere seem to have permanently abandoned the study of worker mobilization, seen as "out of step" with new social movements or "defeated" by economic crisis. Since the turn of the century, however, the case of Argentina has offered an opportunity for studying new forms of protest: the social and political crisis that affected the country in 2001 provoked an unprecedented series of factory occupations and "recuperations" by workers. This study of the symbolic fight for a textile factory aims less to rehabilitate the political centrality of social "class" as a category than to understand the social mechanisms at work in the activism of what had long seemed a population immune to mobilization. For while the large-scale mobilizations of 2001 appear to have encouraged this occupation and, to a certain extent, the participation of politically inexperienced workers, the factory's "recuperation" above all reflected a specific mode of professional socialization, what I here describe as an "ethos of zeal". Adapted from the source document.

Analyzes the factors underlying the political and social crisis, including human rights violations, violence, guerrilla war, narcotics trafficking, social delinquency, and the domination by two political parties; 9 articles. Contents: Is the war ending? premises and hypotheses with which to view the conflict in Colombia, by Javier Guerrerro Barón; Institutions, military policy, and human rights in Colombia, by William Avilés; The courtroom and the bivouac: reflections on law and violence in Colombia, by Francisco Gutiérrez Sanín; Colombia's M-19 Democratic Alliance: a case study in new-party self-destruction, by Lawrence Boudon; Democratic discourse and the conflict in Colombia, by Miguel Gamboa; The evolution of armed conflict in Medellín: an analysis of the major actors, by Ramrio Ceballos Melguizo; Facing destruction, rebuilding life: gender and the internally displaced in Colombia, by Donny Meertens; From my prison cell: time and space in prison in Colombia, an ethnographic approach, by William Carrillo Leal.

Feminist scholars have long debated quantification trends in the social sciences. Of particular concern has been the extent to which the prestige assigned to quantitative methods may reinforce 'malestream' dynamics in academic knowledge production. 'Malestream' dynamics include the (implicit or explicit) privileging of a male-centric lens in the research process and the association of 'hard' numerical data with notions of 'scientifically superior' masculinity. We build on these discussions by asking how the rise in quantitative writings may affect gender disparities in the civil war literature. Using descriptive data from a newly coded dataset that contains 1,851 articles published in high-ranking journals between 1998 and 2018, we, firstly, illustrate how – in the generally male-dominated field of civil war research – the author gender gap is particularly pronounced among quantitative writings. Secondly, we present an in-depth discussion of three articles that use statistical analysis to test the effects of violence on prospects of post-traumatic growth. A distinct difference between the three articles is that they tend to be more sceptical of arguments on 'positive change' following violence the more account they take of gender differentiation in their theoretical framing and/or empirical identification strategy. All in all, our arguments call for greater awareness of gender bias in quantitative research, and for more rigour in currently hegemonic standards of what 'counts' as reliable evidence.

The literature on government violence focuses primarily on the repression of dissent. But not all state violence targets groups who oppose the government. Much of it targets criminal suspects, immigrants, and other marginalized groups who are not perceived to be challenging the government's authority. The vast majority of findings concerning state violence comes from analyses that do not distinguish between government violence that targets acts of dissent and violence used for other purposes, which we call oppressive violence. Because of this, we have not yet established many empirical facts about the relationship between domestic institutions and violence unrelated to the repression of dissent. Though political institutions associated with democracy are known to reduce the frequency of torture and other violent abuses, it is unclear whether these effects are attributable to reductions in repressive violence, oppressive violence, or both. We argue that explanations for state violence that focus on democracy are better suited to explain repressive violence than oppressive violence. We use the Ill-Treatment and Torture data, which can be disaggregated by victim type, to explore the relationship between the torture of dissidents, criminal suspects, and members of marginalized social groups, and various conditions thought to be related to repressive and oppressive violence.

Scholarly interest in the topic of nonviolent resistance has recently increased as a result of the worldwide spread of nonviolent campaigns such as the Arab Spring. Yet causal factors that facilitate the emergence of nonviolent resistance campaigns remain underexplored. This paper comparatively analyzes the causal factors of nonviolent and violent resistance campaigns in the world for the period 1976–2006 by utilizing NAVCO 2 data. This paper argues that increasing levels of globalization lead to a preference for nonviolent campaigns over violent ones. The findings confirm that increasing levels of globalization are positively associated with the emergence of nonviolent campaigns, while negatively influencing the probability of violent campaigns. Integration into the world increases the popularity of peaceful alternatives to achieve political goals.

Este proyecto de investigación se propone, en términos generales, entender cómo interviene el sistema de medios sobre los modos de producción de la discursividad política en un espacio público mediatizado. Puntualmente, interesa analizar las condiciones que la televisión -concebida en su triple condición de medio, institución y dispositivo tecnológico- impone a la construcción y gestión de identidades colectivas durante el denominado "conflicto del campo" en Argentina, entre Marzo y Julio de 2008. Entendemos que la mediatización es una dimensión misma del conflicto, y no un añadido impropio. En este sentido, nos preguntamos por el vínculo entre la lógica del discurso político y la lógica del discurso mediático cuando se trata de producir o gestionar entidades del imaginario político (colectivos de identificación, meta-colectivos, meta-colectivos singulares, etc.), y por las estrategias específicas, implicadas en cada lógica, para vincular lo individual (el lugar del líder, del representante, del periodista o del ciudadano) y lo colectivo (ya que ninguno de ellos puede evitar gestionar, en su discurso, el contacto con las identidades colectivas en pugna). ; This project of investigation sets out, in general terms, to understand how the media system takes part on the ways of production of the political discourse in the public space. Precise, it interests to analyze the conditions that the television - conceived in his triple condition of media, institution and technological device- it imposes to the construction and management of collective identities during the denominated "conflict of the field" in Argentina, between March and July of 2008. We understand that mediatization is a same dimension of the conflict, and not an improper addition. In this sense, we asked for the bond between the logic of the political speech and the logic of the mediatic speech when one is to produce or to manage symbols of the imaginary politician (collective of singular identification, meta-collectives etc.), and for the specific strategies, implied in each logic, to tie individual (the place of the leader, the representative, the journalist or the citizen) and the group (since no of them can avoid to manage, in its speech, the contact with the collective identities in struggle). ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación