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El artículo se propone, mediante una revisión de la bibliografía y de los discursos de la comunidad afrodescendiente montevideana, delimitar teóricamente el problema del candombe como configuración cultural, trazar algunos problemas históricos y sus distintas posiciones en la cultura nacional contemporánea, en especial en la segunda mitad del siglo XX hasta la actualidad. En ese sentido los candombes se definen como prácticas artísticas de la comunidad afrodescendiente, que implican una sociabilidad y una serie de espacios de legitimación, y también un lenguaje común de negociación con la sociedad envolvente. En este marco conceptual me interesa explorar dos espacios de oficialización de los candombes por parte del Estado: los vinculados al carnaval montevideano y la patrimonialización de determinados "toques madres", asociados a los barrios Sur, Palermo y Cordón Norte, en conjunto con organismos internacionales como la UNESCO. Surge también de este análisis preliminar las respuestas de la sociedad civil organizada para seguir dotando de significación a espacios públicos propios, lugares de memoria colectiva, e incluso disputar espacios a la especulación inmobiliaria. En las últimas décadas los candombes han experimentado un proceso de expansión fuera de su base territorial histórica, erigiéndose en una de las representaciones privilegiadas de "lo nacional". Ese desplazamiento tiene múltiples impactos en la cultura del tambor, en sus practicantes y en la sociedad hegemónica, que requerirán una mayor profundización en investigaciones futuras.Abstract: The article proposes, through a review of the bibliography and the discourses of the Afro-descendant community of Montevideo, to theoretically delimit the problem of candombe as a cultural configuration, to trace some historical problems and their different positions in contemporary national culture, especially in the second half of the 20th century to the present day. In this sense, candombes are defined as artistic practices of the Afro-descendant community, which imply sociability and a series of legitimation spaces, and also a common language of negotiation with the surrounding society. In this conceptual framework, I am interested in exploring two spaces for the officialization of candombes by the State: those linked to the Montevideo carnival and the patrimonialization of certain "toques madres", associated with the Sur, Palermo and Cordón Norte neighborhoods, in conjunction with international organizations like UNESCO. It also emerges from this preliminary analysis the responses of organized civil society to continue giving meaning to their own public spaces, places of collective memory, and even contesting spaces for real estate speculation. In recent decades candombes have undergone a process of expansion outside their historical territorial base, establishing themselves as one of the privileged representations of "the national". This displacement has multiple impacts on the culture of the drum, on its practitioners and on the hegemonic society, which will require further study in future research.

Discourse on Muslim women's oppression in the context of Muslim and non-Muslim countries discuss on various media and academic debates. These discussions heavily focus on their position in Islamic society, their interpretation within feminism, and larger discussions regarding donning Hijab and Islamophobia. Primarily, the adaptation of Hijab as a garment most of the time refers from religious to social pressure and relates to political ideologies. This article combines the stories and facts beyond those narratives findingidentities which are entirely personal when it comes to donning the hijab. This analysis base on the theories 'Orientalism', 'Male gaze' and books such as Mohanty's Under Western Eyes, The Headscarf Controversies by Hilal Elver, Beyond the Veil by Fatema Mernissi, Islam vs Islamism by Peter R Demant, etc and the primary discussion with five students from different Muslim countries living in the UK. Through those discussions, tradition and ethnicity appear as having a significant influence on religious practices. However, factors such as one's cultural context or geographical location were also discussed as relevant to their decision. This article explores the fact the donning of Hijab or covering oneself should be a woman's personal choice and right and lately, how it becomes a communicative gesture in a public space. Through comparative studies on the adaptation of Hijab in Patriarchalsociety it explains Muslim woman's subjectivity towards hijab is not away from political connotations. ; As discussões sobre a opressão de mulheres muçulmanas no contexto de países muçulmanos e não muçulmanos concentram-se fortemente em sua posição na sociedade islâmica, em sua interpretação dentro do feminismo e em debates mais amplos sobre o uso do hijab. Principalmente, a adaptação do hijab como peça de vestuário, na maioria das vezes, se refere da pressão religiosa à social sob a influência patriarcal e se relaciona com ideologias políticas. Este artigo explora as histórias e fatos para além dessas narrativas, e descobre identidades inteiramente pessoais no que diz respeito ao hijab. Este artigo também incorpora teorias como 'Orientalismo', 'Olhar masculino' e discussões baseadas em livros como: Under Western Eyes, de Mohanty; Islam vs Islamism, por Peter R. Demant; The Headscarf Controversies, de Hilal Elver; e Beyond the Veil, de Fatema Mernissi. Além disso, a discussão principal com estudantes de diferentes países muçulmanos que vivem no Reino Unido esclarece que fatores como o contexto cultural ou a localização geográfica de alguém tem impacto nessas decisões. Além disso, tradição e etnia parecem ter uma influência significativa nas práticas religiosas. Através de estudos comparativos sobre a adaptação do hijab em diferentes países islâmicos, explica-se que asubjetividade das mulheres muçulmanas em relação ao hijab não está longe de conotações políticas.

The present article draws attention to what paradigm of government is being produced due to the policies and discourses being employed to deal with the COVID-19 pandemic. Three key concepts are discussed: iatrogenesis, enunciated by Ivan Illich, risk management society, delineated by Silja Samerski, and biosecurity, proposed by Giorgio Agamben. There is a process of modern transformation of collective life that is accelerated by the current context. As argued, bodies are increasingly treated as economic resources, reducing people to bare life or zoè. It is suggested, as an optional way of dealing with the pandemic, that, instead of urging to return to normality, one could use the opportunity to rethink the social structure. The pandemic could give room to put back into the public sphere discussions of agrarian reform, food and health sovereignty, and industrialization's deleterious consequences. ; O presente artigo chama atenção para qual paradigma de governo está se produzindo como resultado de políticas e discursos empregados para lidar com a pandemia de COVID-19. Três conceitos-chave são discutidos: iatrogênese, enunciado por Ivan Illich, sociedade de gestão de riscos, delineado por Silja Samerski, e biossegurança, proposto por Giorgio Agamben. É argumentado que há um processo contínuo de produção da vida coletiva, que já ocorre na modernidade, mas que é aprofundado no contexto atual. Neste contexto, corpos são tratados, cada vez mais, como recursos econômicos, reduzindo pessoas à vida nua, ou zoè. É sugerido, como alternativa, que, ao invés de se clamar pelo retorno à normalidade, se possa aproveitar a oportunidade para repensar a estrutura social. A pandemia poderia oportunizar a rediscussão pública de questões tais como reforma agrária, soberania alimentar e de saúde, e as consequências deletérias da industrialização. ; El presente artículo llama la atención sobre qué paradigma de gobierno se está produciendo como resultado de las políticas y los discursos empleados para hacer frente a la pandemia del COVID-19. Se discuten tres conceptos clave: la iatrogénesis, enunciada por Ivan Illich, la sociedad de gestión de riesgos, esbozada por Silja Samerski, y la bioseguridad, propuesta por Giorgio Agamben. Se argumenta que existe un proceso continuo de producción de vida colectiva, que ya se da en la modernidad, pero que se profundiza en el contexto actual. En este contexto, los cuerpos son tratados cada vez más como recursos económicos, reduciendo a las personas a la nuda vida, o zoè. Como alternativa, se sugiere que, en lugar de clamar por la vuelta a la normalidad, se aproveche la oportunidad para repensar la estructura social. La pandemia podría ser una oportunidad para debatir públicamente cuestiones como la reforma agraria, la soberanía alimentaria y sanitaria, y las consecuencias nocivas de la industrialización.

Tujuan penelitian ini untuk menjelaskan pemilihan perangkat retorika pada pidato presiden Republik Indonesia dalam mempromosikan kebijakan pemerintah dalam bidang pendidikan. Metode penelitian menggunakan analisis wacana kritis model Van Dijk. Teknik pengumpulan data menggunakan teknik dokumentasi, wawancara, dan catat. Teknik analisis pada tiga kerangka dimensi yaitu pada teks, kognisi sosial, dan konteks sosial. Uji keabsahan data menggunakan uji validitas pakar dan triangulasi sumber data. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa khusus Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono dan Presiden Joko Widodo dalam menggunakan perangkat retorika, baik dalam bentuk kalimat, diksi, kohesi, dan koherensi bukan hanya memberikan janji saja pada masyarakat dalam setiap bahasa yang disampaikan dalam pidatonya, tetapi benar-benar dilaksanakan khususnya pada program pendidikan. Walaupun ada beberapa program pendidikan yang menjadi janji dan harapan di masa yang akan datang, tetapi sebagian besar dilaksanakan pada masa kerjanya. Perlu diketahui bahwa perangkat retorika yang disusun pada pidato resmi di bidang pendidikan disusun oleh tim kerja kepresidenan. Berbeda dengan pidato tidak resmi lebih dominan disusun oleh presiden secara pribadi sehingga terlihat pidato yang disampaikan masih ada yang menggunakan kalimat minor dan mayor, diksi slang, diksi konotasi, diksi jargon, idiom, dan kohesi elipsis yang seharusnya dihindari dalam penggunaan pidato kenegaraan presiden Republik Indonesia.Kata kunci: perangkat retorika, pidato presiden, kebijakan pemerintah, bidang pendidikan The objective of this research was to explain the selection of rhetorical instruments in the speech of the President of the Republic of Indonesia in promoting government policies in education. The research method used is Van Dijk model of critical discourse analysis. Data collection techniques using documentation techniques, interviews, and notes. The analysis technique is based on three dimensional frameworks, namely the text, social cognition, and social context. The data validity test used expert validity test and data source triangulation. The results show that specifically President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and President Joko Widodo in using rhetorical tools, both in the form of sentences, diction, cohesion, and coherence, not only give promises to the public in every language delivered in their speeches, but are actually implemented specifically in education programs. Although there are several educational programs that have made promises and hopes for the future, most of them were implemented during their tenure. It should be noted that the rhetoric set in formal speeches on education was compiled by the presidential working team. In contrast to informal speeches, the more dominant is composed by the president personally so that there are still speeches that use minor and major sentences, slang diction, connotation diction, jargon diction, idioms, and elliptical cohesion which should be avoided in the use of the state speech of the president of the Republic of IndonesiaKeywords: rhetoric devices, presidential speeches, government policies, education

Während das "smart cities" Paradigma weltweit als Allheilmittel für das Management von städtischen Dienstleistungen angepriesen wird, hat "India's 100 Smart Cities Transform-nation Mission" entscheidend die Debatte über digitale Innovation und Nachhaltigkeit hinzu tieferen Fragen über sozio-ökonomische und räumliche Gerechtigkeit erweitert. Zunehmend argumentieren sowohl Unterstützter als auch Kritiker, dass technozentrische Ansätzen von bürgernäheren ersetzt werden sollten. Aber, was genau macht einen, smart(en) Bürger' aus? Welche Rechte werden erworben und welche verloren, vor allem wenn man (nicht) als Mitglied des 'smart' Milieus anerkannt wird? Der Fall Chandigarhs, als stark segregierte, aber höchst gefeierte modernist master-planning Ikone, veranschaulicht, wie Le Corbusiers Erbe zusammen mit technokratischen und city-branding Diskursen ausgenutzt wird, um die soziale Ungleichheit der Stadt aufrechtzuerhalten. Anstatt bürgerliche Teilnahme zu vereinfachen, beruht smartness in diesem Fall auf einem klassistischen Abstand zwischen denen, die Geschäfte über ihre Smartphones steuern, und denen, die als Eindringlinge in ihren Wohn- oder Arbeitsorten überwacht werden. Dennoch wird 'Smart Chandigarh' nicht komplett zu einem 'control room', da hier hoch komplexe algorithmische Technologien mit analogen Interventionen zusammengekoppelt werden, wie zum Beispiel öffentliche Befragungen, bestehend aus gewöhnlichen Umfragen und likes auf Facebook. Nichtdestotrotz, hat dies AktivistenInnen nicht etwa gestoppt, sondern eher motiviert, sich auf Gegenstrategien zu 'smartness' zu fokussieren. Zusammenfassend wird festgehalten, dass eine ausschließlich epistemische Neuinterpretationen von 'chatur Bürgerlichkeit' nicht ausreicht, um die materiellen und politischen Hindernisse der Arbeiterklasse auszuräumen, die diesen zur Erlangung ihrer verfassungsgemäßen Rechte im Wege stehen. Stattdessen bedeutet, das Digitale territorial zu denken, unbedingt die Institutionalisierung von (Il)Legalität, (In)Formalität, 'dem Raster' und 'der Peripherie' in Frage zu stellen. ; While the 'smart cities' paradigm is globally promoted as panacea for managing urban services, the launch of India's 100 Smart Cities Transform-nation Mission in 2015 crucially reformulates questionings about digital innovation and sustainability towards deeper inquiries on socio-economic and socio-spatial justice. Both promoters and critics of 'smart engineering' increasingly advocate for replacing technocentric by citizen-centered approaches. Yet, what precisely constitutes a smart citizen? Which rights are gained or lost once one is (dis)entitled from the realm of 'smartness'? Following a critical genealogy of the introduction of 'smart urbanism' in India, the author analyses whether 'smart cities' potentially enlarge or endanger the 'right to the city'. Taking Chandigarh- a highly segregated, yet greatly celebrated icon of modernist master-planning -as empirical case study depicts how Le Corbusier's heritage commingles with technocratic and city-branding discourses, in order to safeguard inequalities. By obstructing rather than enabling bottom-up participation, smartness reincarnates a classist divide; separating those, who manage transactions in their smartphones, and those who are surveilled as encroachers in their living or working places. Still, far from becoming a 'control-room', Smart Chandigarh illustrates how highly complex algorithmic technologies are mixed with analogue interventions such as public consultations, consisting of trivial polls and likes on Facebook. Importantly, this has not stopped, but encouraged activists to develop counterstrategies to the logics of 'smartness', wherein solely affirmative assertions count. In sum, mere epistemic reinterpretations of a 'chatur citizenship' do not suffice the working-poor's material and civic constrains to exercise their constitutional rights. Rather, territorializing 'the digital' entails calling into question the institutionalization of (il)legality, (in)formality, the 'grid' and the 'periphery'.

The problem of the real content of citizenship in Ukraine, the degree of realization in this institute of the Western European model of national citizenship is investigated. The basic provisions of the modern concept of national citizenship are revealed, the main characteristics of the modernity model of citizenship and its dynamics in the conditions of globalization. The author gives an interpretation of the correspondence of the political-legal for mend the content of the institution of citizenship in Ukrainian conditions. It is shown that since political decisions (laws) on the institution of citizenship as a form of a particular political phenomenon on are made in accordance with the interests of the political elite, its actual content may not bead equate to the declared form. It is noted that the implementation of the Western European model of national citizenship within a single state in terms of transformation of the model itself, as well as the challenge sand risks associated with globalization, entails an institutional imbalance. It is noted that the development of the citizenship institute is impossible without its support by the real possibilities of equal access for all citizens to the realization of property rights and centers of decision-making.For a more detailed analysis of the issues raised in the article, it is necessary to consider the institutional conditions for the existence of a Ukrainian citizen, to show the possibility of the existence of every Ukrainian as a private and public person, to identify the balance of freedom and equality in domestic political and legal institutions and practices. It is also proposed to further study the cultural and historical foundations of the political consciousness of contemporary Ukrainians, to compare their political culture and official discourse of European integration, to analyze the perception of their place in politics by the citizen.Key words: citizenship, nationality, nation, national identity, political participation, state sovereignty. ; Досліджується проблема реального змісту громадянства в Україні, ступеня реалізації в даному інституті західноєвропейської моделі національного громадянства. Розкриваються основні положення сучасної концепції національного громадянства, головні характеристики моделі громадянства епохи модерну та її динаміка в умовах глобалізації. Дається авторська інтерпретація відповідності політико-юридичної форми і змісту інституту громадянства в українських умовах. Показано, що оскільки політичні рішення (закони) щодо інституту громадянства як форми конкретного політичного явища приймаються відповідно до інтересів політичної еліти, його фактичний змістможе бути неадекватним декларованій формі. Відзначається, щореалізаціязахідноєвропейської моделі національного громадянства в межах однієї держави в умовах трансформації самої моделі, а також викликів і ризиків, пов'язаних із глобалізацією, тягне за собою інституційний дисбаланс. Відмічено, що розвиток інституту громадянства неможливий без його підкріплення реальними можливостями рівноправного для всіх громадян доступу до реалізації прав власності та центрів прийняття державних рішень.Ключові слова: громадянство, підданство, нація, національна ідентичність, політична участь, державний суверенітет.

Contemporary political discourse often refers to dialogue and conversation as an important, if not the most important, element of a healthy democracy. Improving communication between public authorities and citizens, as well as between citizens themselves, is the goal of numerous practical democratic innovations. In the article, the historical perspective is used to argue that there is at least one obstacle which impedes a reliable democratic dialogue. The obstacle in question is the loss of dialectical competence, the causes of which I analyze referring to ancient philosophical debates on the role of the word in politics.Dialectic had been seen as the art of wise conversation since antiquity, but it soon fell victim to intellectual battles among philosophers, who saw it, at best, as a method of reaching the truth, and sophists, for whom dialectic was mainly a tool to creatively manipulate opinions of others. The unique political value of dialectic had been neglected over time and thus the dialogue itself became mutilated: deprived of the important prefix 'dia-' and reduced to the possibility of mere articulation of one's opinions and interests. I argue that the restoration of genuine dialogue in a democracy requires a deeper understanding of the nature of dialectical opinions engaged in political conversation, and the correct application of the dialectical method in the Aristotelian sense of the term. ; Współczesny dyskurs polityczny chętnie odwołuje się do dialogu i rozmowy jako ważnego – jeśli nie najważniejszego – fundamentu zdrowej demokracji. Dążenie do poprawy komunikacji między władzą publiczną a obywatelami, a także między samymi obywatelami, stanowi podstawę wielu praktycznych innowacji demokratycznych. Autorka artykułu przyjmuje perspektywę historyczną, by zwrócić uwagę na jedną z istotnych przeszkód w prowadzeniu rzeczywistego dialogu demokratycznego: na utratę kompetencji dialektycznych. Analizuje przyczyny tego zjawiska, odwołując się do starożytnych debat filozoficznych dotyczących roli słowa w polityce. Od czasów antycznych dialektyka postrzegana była jako sztuka mądrej rozmowy. Już wówczas jednak toczył się spór między filozofami, dostrzegającymi użyteczność dialektyki wyłącznie jako jednej z metod docierania do prawdy, a sofistami, dla których dialog stanowił przede wszystkim narzędzie twórczej manipulacji opiniami innych. Z czasem swoistość dialektyki i jej polityczna wartość uległy zapomnieniu, a dialog stał się rozmową okaleczoną (mową pozbawioną ważnego przedrostka "roz-") i sprowadzoną co najwyżej do możliwości swobodnego artykułowania partykularnych poglądów i interesów, które dzięki instytucjom i procedurom demokratycznym konkurują w walce o władzę bez możliwości zdominowania i uciszenia głosów alternatywnych. Zawarte w artykule rozważania prowadzą do wniosku, że wiarygodne połączenie dialogu i demokracji wymaga zrozumienia natury opinii dialektycznych zaangażowanych w rozmowę polityczną i odpowiedzialnego wykorzystania metody dialektycznej (w formule zaproponowanej przez Arystotelesa).

Introduction. Modern civilization both in a scientific-theoretical discourse and in an assessment by the persons not involved in science but with an active public position is endowed with such characteristics as crises, risks, dangers. At the same time, the cause of all the many crisis processes and phenomena in the modern consumer society as a product of the industrial era is bankrupting, first of all, in the field of value and motivational and volitional aspects of human activity. Now targets of all types of human activities, including health preservation, are permanently dependent on the imperatives of consumer profitability.Purpose: to investigate the specifics of the individual's health-preservation activity in a light of the dialectical categories of "freedom" and "necessity".Methods. Health is a complicated and multifaceted phenomenon the study of which requires a complex methodology that integrates the techniques of classical and non-classical philosophy. The methodological basis of this article is a comparative approach which made it possible to analyze the interaction of the dialectical categories "freedom" and "necessity" in health preservation in today's consumption society.Results. In everyday life, freedom is likened to being able to make a choice. At the same time, it should be remembered that having a choice is only an outward sign of freedom. The qualitative characteristics of choice and therefore of the freedom of action in health preservation will always be determined by a number of existing opportunities and conventionalities that are grouped around knowledge about health, values, and money of a certain social entity. It is also important to take into account the important fact that in the space of consumption the freedom of choice in health-preserving activity often goes with stimulative practices on the part of manufacturers and suppliers and, as a consequence, formal health-preserving action on the part of a consumer.Conclusions. It would be too naive to think about humankind's immediate awareness of the need to create a global health-preserving paradigm based on healthy consumption. For such an optimistic development of events, modern civilization is too divergent in its socio-economic, geographical, political components. Now in Ukraine, the health-preserving activity of average consumers is carried out in the illusory freedom format provided by a wide variety of goods and services. Incompetence, dishonesty, uncontrollability in the production and quality of goods and services demonstrate the imaginableness of freedom on all matters pertaining to human health. At the same time, an objective need arises to be healthy in order to live a dignified life with creative inspiration and to raise our children with dignity. Unfortunately, today the quality of health-preserving activity of Ukrainians is exclusively in the space of their own actions and their personal responsibility.

Purpose: The advances in green city growth is widely discussed in extant literature. The benefits of green cities to urban development in recent discussions of sustainability and sustainable development is well-documented and cannot be overemphasized. Although a growing study on green building development in developing countries has been advanced in literature, a paucity of studies explores green cities in developing countries. Moreover, evidence of studies focused on green cities development in Ghana is lacking. From the identified knowledge gap, the aim of this study is to establish the indicators/attributes for measuring the level of greenness of cities in developing countries. Design/Methodology/Approach: A comprehensive literature review was conducted to identify the indicators/attributes for measuring the level of greenness of cities in developing countries. This study adopted the pragmatism as its undergirding research philosophy and the deductive research approach. In terms of methodological choice, quantitative research strategy was used to collect data from experts in sustainable urban development. The primary data retrieved from the study were analysed using Descriptive Statistics, Relative Importance Index, and One-sample t-test. The reliability and validity of the study were measured with the Cronbach's Alpha test. Findings: The study established 8 indicators for measuring green city development: air quality, water, sanitation, land use, health and safety, transportation, energy as well as building and construction. It was discovered that the development of green cities should enhance air quality, improve water production and supply, improve management in sanitation, promote mixed and integrative land use, maintain the health and safety of city dwellers, reduce the demand for transportation and formalise public transport, adopt renewable and efficient energy technologies and promote sustainable construction and green buildings. These indicators are key to policy making and implementation of green cities development. Research Limitations/Implications: The study was focused in Ghana but not from other developing countries, however, the findings of this study do not limit the generalisability since the findings of the study can be used as a lesson to other developing countries. Practical and theoretical implications: Theoretically, this study adopted quantitative indicators that is reproducible in another geographical context. This study contributively adds to the discourse on sustainability especially in Ghana and as a source of reference to motivate others to conduct further research in related areas. The outcomes of this study will help the local government, policy makers, city stakeholders and industry expertise gain insights in the overall indicators that underpin green city development. Originality/value: This paper attempts to posit in literature the foremost appraisal of green city indicators adaptive in Ghana which could motivate other developing countries to develop their own green cities.

The article includes multivariate approaches to the interpretation of definitions identification and identity. Differentiation these concepts based on the conclusion that identity is understood as a certain state of the end result of self-identification. And by identification is meant the process that leads to identity as a state and is an identification of oneself with another person. Also we clarified the definition of political identification as a process of becoming an individual's perception of himself and his place in the world. The study characterized the significance of the manifestation of a two-stage identity and antinomy structure in the process of political identification of society. In addition, the research assessed the impact of the political regime on identification capabilities. For example, in a democracy identification is translational, in an authoritarianism identification can be restricted by the state or imposed by leadership and influence groups. Under totalitarianism the state empowers itself to exercise a decisive collective choice in matters of political identification of the population without receiving their official consent and disregarding their preference. Moreover, the investigation considered in detail the process of forming a Soviet society based on the creation of a new historical community of the «Soviet people» as a supranational construct. The advantage of research is in detection of number of measures which used by the Soviet authorities concerning identify the «Soviet people» for the consolidation and unification of the population of the country (creation of a new format of Soviet schools and public movements characterized by ideological indoctrination and fostering devotion to the Soviet state, the restoration of symbiosis in a heterogeneous society through the territorial distribution of young professionals and men for military service, the formation of centers of interethnic contacts, relaying of unifying discourse through the media, creating «single national farms»). In the context of the study of the causes of the collapse of the USSR, we found that ignoring differences and forced identification, which was imposed by the ideological top of the USSR, only delayed the confrontation process both within society and with the political leadership of the country. Also, we have characterized causal relationship between compulsory identification and the collapse of the USSR. To sum up we can say that universalism in the approach to the formation of new supranational constructs without taking into account the universal system-forming factors of the nation has shown its non-viability in the long-term development of society and the state. As a result the historical community artificially created, which was based on forced collectivization and on proclaimed «cult of the people», and later on propagation didn`t become a viable social formation, which gave rise to a further crisis of identification, which provoked the growth of national-democratic tendencies.

The paper reviews the changes in Mexican Town and County Planning during the 20th Century to theninvestigate how it is that that thus has been unable to encompass in time the handling of conflicts, negotiationand the attaining of general agreements in order to meet the demands made upon it or resolve those problemsnow being faced by the cities of that country. The paper brings to light three aspects of the overall problemnamely the role played by that universe of discourse focussed on 'modernization' that has played such a partin the education of the professionals in this field, the role of the central government and then the consequencesof what it here seen as the relatively feeble quality of Public Opinion. The paper in itself is grounded onmaterial culled from planning and other related documents along with the author's proper experience of theplanning process and the upshot of his reading of these leads him to the conclusion that these three factorshave lead to a lack of citizen participation in the drawing up of planning policy for the cities. The paperconcludes by drawing attention tot the tensions created within the present-day social and cultural world bythis dominating way of focussing the planning question and offers strategies for alternative crisis managementas and the establishing of grounds for negotiation as remedies for answering the calls of city planning demands ; Este ensayo revisa la evolución de la planificación urbana en México durante el siglo XX y seenfoca en el análisis de las razones que explican por qué la cultura de la planificación en México no ha podidodesplazarse con mayor rapidez hacia el manejo de conflictos, la negociación y la construcción de consensoscomo estrategias clave para avanzar en el logro de metas y para resolver problemas que afectan a lasciudades mexicanas contemporáneas. El ensayo destaca tres aspectos: el papel del discurso modernizadoren la formación de profesionales de esta disciplina, el papel del gobierno central y la debilidad relativa dela sociedad civil. El ensayo se basa en una revisión de documentos de planificación y otras fuentes documentales,así como en experiencias de planificación en las que ha participado el autor. Esta revisión muestra que lacombinación de los tres aspectos dio como resultado una falta de participación ciudadana en la hechura depolíticas urbanas. El ensayo concluye señalando las tensiones que produce esta cultura dominante de planificaciónen el ambiente social y político actual y explora estrategias para ampliar el uso de manejo alternativode conflictos y negociación como herramientas básicas para la política urbana.

Italy is one of the countries with the oldest population in the world. In spite of that fact and the alarming estimates about future demographic trends, long-term care (LTC) policy is still struggling to be acknowledged as a relevant issue in the public debate and political agenda. In sharp contrast with the policy inertia prevailing at the national level, in recent years, many territories have been experimenting with new solutions in the field of LTC, addressing the challenge of building more inclusive local care environments for frail (dependent) elderly people and their families. Building upon this, the current paper aims at dealing with the most recent academic literature on social innovation and the policy discourse elaborated by the European Union to i) develop a "working definition" of social innovation, with specific reference to LTC and elderly care; ii) provide a comparative analysis of a set of selected innovative solutions, which fall between full institutionalization and full family-based care, implemented in two Italian regions, namely, Lombardy and Piedmont; and iii) discuss the factors behind the adoption of socially innovative policy solutions at the local level, thereby shedding light on the key role played by new actors and multistakeholder networks. ; Italia es uno de los Países más envejecidos del mundo. A pesar de eso y de las alarmantes estimaciones sobre las tendencias demográficas futuras, la política de cuidado de larga duración (Long Term Care - LTC, por sus siglas en inglés) está encontrando dificultades para ser reconocida como uno de los temas centrales del debate público y de la agenda política. Sin embargo, en contraste con la inercia que prevalece a nivel nacional, en los últimos años, muchos territorios han experimentado nuevas soluciones en el campo de la LTC, enfrentando el desafío de crear entornos de cuidado local más inclusivos para las personas mayores vulnerables (dependientes) y sus familias. El presente documento apunta a la literatura académica más reciente sobre innovación social y el discurso político elaborado por la Unión Europea. A lo largo del texto se desarrolla una "definición operacional" de innovación social, con referencia específica al LTC y al cuidado de las personas mayores. Por otro lado, proporciona un análisis comparado sobre las respuestas 126 Madama, I., Maino, F., Razetti, F. Investigaciones Regionales – Journal of Regional Research, 44 (2019), 125-141 ISSN: 1695-7253 e-ISSN: 2340-2717innovadoras que se han dado ante la institucionalización completa y la atención familiar en las dos regiones italianas de Lombardía y Piamonte. Por último, se discuten los factores que hay detrás de la adopción de soluciones políticas socialmente innovadoras a nivel local, arrojando luz sobre el papel clave que desempeñan los nuevos actores y las redes de múltiples stakeholders.

Background: Mental health recovery narratives are first-person lived experience accounts of recovery from mental health problems, which refer to events or actions over a period. They are readily available either individually or in collections of recovery narratives published in books, health service booklets, or on the Web. Collections of recovery narratives have been used in a range of mental health interventions, and organizations or individuals who curate collections can therefore influence how mental health problems are seen and understood. No systematic review has been conducted of research into curatorial decision making. Objective: This study aimed to produce a conceptual framework identifying and categorizing decisions made in the curation of mental health recovery narrative collections. Methods: A conceptual framework was produced through a systematic review and qualitative evidence synthesis. Research articles were identified through searching bibliographic databases (n=13), indexes of specific journals (n=3), and gray literature repositories (n=4). Informal documents presenting knowledge about curation were identified from editorial chapters of electronically available books (n=50), public documents provided by Web-based collections (n=50), and prefaces of health service booklets identified through expert consultation (n=3). Narrative summaries of included research articles were produced. A qualitative evidence synthesis was conducted on all included documents through an inductive thematic analysis. Subgroup analyses were conducted to identify differences in curatorial concerns between Web-based and printed collections. Results: A total of 5410 documents were screened, and 23 documents were included. These comprised 1 research publication and 22 informal documents. Moreover, 9 higher level themes were identified, which considered: the intended purpose and audience of the collection; how to support safety of narrators, recipients, and third parties; the processes of collecting, selecting, organizing, and presenting recovery narratives; ethical and legal issues around collections; and the societal positioning of the collection. Web-based collections placed more emphasis on providing benefits for narrators and providing safety for recipients. Printed collections placed more emphasis on the ordering of narrative within printed material and the political context. Conclusions: Only 1 research article was identified despite extensive searches, and hence this review has revealed a lack of peer-reviewed empirical research regarding the curation of recovery narrative collections. The conceptual framework can be used as a preliminary version of reporting guidelines for use when reporting on health care interventions that make use of narrative collections. It provides a theory base to inform the development of new narrative collections for use in complex mental health interventions. Collections can serve as a mechanism for supporting collective rather than individual discourses around mental health.

Background: Mental health recovery narratives are first-person lived experience accounts of recovery from mental health problems, which refer to events or actions over a period of time. They are readily available, either individually, or in collections of recovery narratives published in books, health service booklets or online. Collection of recovery narratives have been used in a range of mental health interventions, and organisations or individuals who curate collections can therefore influence how mental health problems are seen and understood. No systematic review has been conducted of research into curatorial decision making. Objective: To produce a conceptual framework identifying and categorising decisions made in the curation of mental health recovery narrative collections. Methods: A conceptual framework was produced through a systematic review and qualitative evidence synthesis. Research articles were identified through searching of bibliographic databases (n=13), indexes of specific journals (n=3) and grey literature repositories (n=4). Informal documents presenting knowledge about curation was identified from editorial chapters of electronically-available books (n=50), public documents provided by online collections (n=50), and prefaces of health-service booklets identified through expert consultation (n=3). Narrative summaries of included research articles were produced. A qualitative evidence synthesis was conducted on all included documents through inductive thematic analysis. Sub-group analyses were conducted to identify differences in curatorial concerns between online and printed collections. The review protocol was pre-registered (PROSPERO CRD42018086997). Results: 5,410 documents were screened. 23 documents were included. These comprised 1 research publication and 22 informal documents. Nine higher level themes were identified, which considered the intended purpose and audience of the collection, how to support safety of narrators, recipients and third parties, the processes of collecting, selecting, organising and presenting recovery narratives, ethical and legal issues around collections, and the relationship to society of the collection. Online collections placed more emphasis on (1) providing benefits for narrators (2) safety for recipients. Printed collections placed more emphasis on the ordering of narrative within printed material, and the political context. Conclusions: Only one research article was identified, despite extensive searches, and hence this review has revealed a lack of peer-reviewed empirical research regarding the curation of recovery narrative collections. The conceptual framework can be used as a preliminary version of reporting guidelines for use when reporting on healthcare interventions which make use of narrative collections. It provides a theory base to inform the development of new narrative collections for use in complex mental health interventions. Collections can serve as a mechanism for supporting collective rather than individual discourses around mental health.

In modern conditions, the urban community is increasingly being formed on the principle of hierarchy, which includes many relatively autonomous, but interdependent groups: state and municipal governments, business communities and public organizations representing the population various segments interests. As a result, heterogeneous information and communication flows are formed between groups. Successful management of these flows is one of the optimal modern city's development factors – the comfortable urban environment formation. However, the academic discourse has no approach to the proactive telecommunication systems management, suitable for technical basis for the Smart City concept implementation. The article presents the authors' approach to the telecommunication systems proactive management, based on the simulation technology and data mining use in the Smart City concept's development context using the applied system analysis perspective. The proposed approach is aimed at solving the following problems: pre-processing a large amount of data using a complex of methods and algorithms Data Science; identifying the most meaningful causal relationships in the system, conducting simulation experiments to formulate an effective strategy for telecommuni­cation services proactive management, consolidating the results as part of the prototype creation of an intelligent interactive decision support system for telecommuni­cation systems proactive management. It seems that the proposed approach can be successfully used as the basis for conducting comprehensive research on the effective proactive procedures implementation for the innovative management of urban smart objects. ; В современных условиях городское сообщество все больше формируется по принципу гетерархии, включающей в себя множество относительно автономных, но взаимозависимых групп: органы государственного и муниципального управления, бизнес-сообщества и общественные организации, представляющие интересы различных слоев населения. Как результат – между группами формируются гетерогенные информа­ционные и коммуникационные потоки, успешное управ­ление которыми является одним из факторов оптималь­ного развития современного города, формирования комфортной городской среды. Однако в академическом дискурсе не складывается единого подхода к проактивному управлению телекоммуника­цион­ными системами, являющимися техническим базисом при реализации концепции «Умный город». В статье представ­лен подход авторов к проактивному управлению телеком­муника­ционными системами, базирующийся на использовании технологий имитацион­ного моделирования и методов интеллектуального анализа данных в контексте развития концепции «Умный город» (Smart City) с позиции прикладного системного анализа.Предлагаемый подход ориентирован на решение следующих задач: предобработка большого объема данных при помощи комплекса методов и алгоритмов Data Science; выявление наиболее содержательных причинно-след­ственных связей в системе, проведение имитационных экспериментов для формирования эффективной стратегии проактивного управления телеком­муни­кационными серви­сами, консолидация полученных результатов в рамках создания прототипа интеллектуальной интерактивной системы поддержки принятия решений в области проактивного управления телекоммуникацион­ными системами. Представляется, что предлагаемый подход может служить основой для проведения комплексных исследований по реализации эффективных процедур проактивного управления инновационными объектами умной городской среды.