Suchergebnisse

Defence date: 19 September 2014 ; Examining Board: Prof. Hans-Wolfgang Micklitz, EUI (Supervisor); Prof. Marise Cremona, EUI; Judge Marek Safjan, CJEU, Luxembourg; Prof. Katherina Boele-Woelki, University of Utrecht. ; This thesis investigates the hypothesis that the interpretation of European Union law, both primary and secondary, is having a deconstructive effect on national family law and is reconstructing it via the European Union legal order. The broad impetus of this research stems from the assumption that the nation state has undergone significant change and is, in addition, now influenced by the fast-pace development of a supranational/transnational body of law. As a result, of these twin-dynamics what are termed here as peripheral family law cases are being reconceptualised by the European legal order. This is quite incredible considering the isolated position family law was forced to assume as a result of it being coupled with tradition, morals, and local custom in the past. The research conducted herein follows a genealogical approach to developments based on a framework adopted from Duncan Kennedy's Three Globalizations thesis concerning the regulation of family relationships. It begins with an analysis of the globalization of Classical Legal Thought, during which family law did not even exist as a discreet legal field, to an evaluation of the Social where we note the failure of social engineering attempts in terms of the breaking down the family/market dichotomy that had been so firmly entrenched previously. Finally, the study arrives at the crux of the thesis in investigating the neo-formalist langue and its influence in resolving the peripheral family law issues that have come before the Court of Justice of the European Union demonstrating how the family has been incorporated into the citizenship discourse which has led to its reconceptualization and lifted it outside of the traditional, patriarchal framework. What we question, however, is the change in discourse at the EU level from being based in a market logic to a more socially inclined grammar. In this vein, the fundamental rights perspective is examined, particularly considering the influence of the European Convention on Human Rights and the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union. Following on from this, we proceed, to investigate the effects of the EU Citizenship provisions and how this move, to what can arguably be conceived as a European identity-building project, could potentially reconceptualise family law in Europe.

Im heutigen Europa, das sich allgemein als Region versteht, in dem der Nationalstaat das vorherrschende Modell ist, teilen sich 87 Volksgruppen nur 49 solcher Staaten. Auch wenn nationalistische Bewegungen innerhalb der Europäischen Union selten von der Mehrheit einer Bevölkerungsgruppe getragen werden, fordern immer wieder vor allem rechte Parteien mehr Rechte für Angehörige ihrer Volksgruppe. So fordert der Südtiroler Landtagsclub ?Süd-Tiroler Freiheit? die Einführung einer italienisch-österreichischen Doppelstaatsbürgerschaft, die Katalanen kämpfen dafür, als eigene Nation innerhalb Spaniens anerkannt zu werden und in Flandern erlebten Separatisten während der letzten Wahlen einen erneuten Aufschwung.Die vorliegende Arbeit soll Anhand von EuGH-Fällen und anderen exemplarischen Problemstellungen die Frage beantworten, welche Wechselwirkungen zwischen dem nationalen Status von Volksgruppenangehörigen und der Unionsbürgerschaft bestehen Die Rechte aus der Unionsbürgerschaft stehen allen Unionsbürgerinnen gleichermaßen zu. Durch die Ausgestaltung in den nationalen Rechtsordnungen können sich jedoch Differenzierungen ergeben. Das sind teilweise gewollte Schutzmechanismen zugunsten einer oder mehrerer Volksgruppen, deren Unionsrechtskonformität umstritten ist oder die bereits vom EuGH für unzulässig erklärt wurden. In anderen Fällen bewirken sie eine rechtliche oder faktische Benachteiligung oder berücksichtigen schlichtweg die Besonderheiten der Volksgruppen nicht.Als Fallbeispiele dienen drei Volksgruppen mit sehr unterschiedlichen Ausgangslagen: Flamen und Wallonen beide an der Staatsgründung Belgiens beteiligt waren und sich heute als gleichwertige Volksgruppen gegenüberstehen, die deutschsprachigen Minderheit Südtirol und die Katalanen, die sich Katalanen selbst nicht als Minderheit verstehen wollen, faktisch aber innerhalb des Gesamtstaates eine Minderheit stellen und auch in keinem anderen Staat eine Mehrheit sind. ; Although today?s Europe is considered to be a region consisting of Nation States, reality is, that there are 87 ethnic groups living in only 49 of these states. Nationalist movements usually do not have the support of the population?s majority but especially right wing parties continue calling for more rights for their ethnic group. Eg. the South Tyrolean Party ?Süd-Tiroler Freiheit? demands the Austrian citizenship for German speaking South Tyroleans, Catalans claim to be recognized as a ?Nation? within Spain and Flemish separatists could significantly increase their votes during the last parliamentary elections in Belgium.This paper looks at the interaction between the legal status of members of national ethnic groups and the European Union Citizenship using ECJ cases and other sample question. The rights derived from the European Union Citizenship are supposed to provide an equal status for everybody but the interaction between EU law and national laws can result in differentiations between citizens. Those differentiations can be measures intended to protect an ethnic group, or might be unintended side effects that result in discrimination or simply do not consider the special situation of a group. Their conformity with European Union Law is evaluated.The ethnic groups selected for this purpose face very different pre-conditions: The Flemish and Walloons who are both constituent peoples of Belgium and have an equal status within the Belgian state, the German speaking minority in South Tyrol and the Catalans who do not perceive themselves as a minority but are one within the Spain. ; von Karoline Helldorff ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb., 2011 ; (VLID)215764

[spa] Mientras que en Europa la interdependencia y la dimensión transfronteriza de las cuestiones ligadas al cambio climático ha facilitado una cierta"continentalización" de la gestión de este fenómeno, favorecida por el carácter intergubernamental de las medidas que se adoptan en el marco de la Unión Europea, al otro lado del Atlántico la transversalidad de este mismo fenómeno explica la necesidad de que, ante las limitaciones del marco regional, se pongan en marcha mecanismos que faciliten la intervención no sólo estatal sino también de las entidades sub-nacionales. En este sentido, la ausencia de la acción federal tanto en Estados Unidos como en Canadá ha comportado un mayor desarrollo de la acción de las entidades sub-nacionales, que han tomado el liderazgo en la lucha contra el cambio climático. Son estas medidas las que se han visualizado en el escenario internacional. Ello ha favorecido el establecimiento de mecanismos de coordinación de la acción de estas entidades sub-nacionales en el seno de redes transnacionales, que han ido adquiriendo una mayor relevancia en la implementación del Convenio Marco sobre el Cambio Climático y del Protocolo de Kyoto, particularmente en relación a uno de sus instrumentos, el comercio de los derechos de emisión de gases de efecto invernadero. En este contexto, la futura vinculación de los sistemas de comercio de derechos de emisión de gases de efecto invernadero en Norteamérica con el sistema de la Unión Europea presenta diversos retos de carácter material y formal. ; [eng] In Europe, the interdependence and cross-border dimension of climate change's issues as well as the intergovernmental nature of the European Union measures, have favored certain "continentalization" of its management. In North America, the transversal character of these same issues and the limitations of regional framework have favored the intervention of the States as well as the sub-national bodies. The lack of federal action in United States and Canada implies a further development of sub-national's action. Sub-national bodies have taken the lead fighting the climate change and they have acquired a relevant presence at international level, too. This has encouraged the establishment of sub-national bodies' coordination within transnational networks, which have gained a larger role in the implementation of the Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Kyoto Protocol, especially in what concerns the greenhouse gases emission trading. In this context, the future linking of these emission trading systems with European Union emission trading system presents several challenges from the material and formal perspectives.

ÖZETAVRUPA BİRLİĞİ'NDE VE TÜRKİYE'DE MEDYA SAHİPLİĞİ, FİNANS İLİŞKİSİAvrupa Birliği ile Türkiye arasındaki ilişkiler Ankara Anlaşması'nın 1963 yılında imzalanmasıyla başlamıştır. Aralık 1999 Helsinki Zirvesi'nde ise Türkiye'nin adaylığının teyit edildiğini ve bu ülke için de bir katılım öncesi strateji ve katılım ortaklığı belgesi hazırlanacağını ifade eden AB Konseyi'nin yükümlülük ve beklentilerin ön plana çıktığı bir döneme girilmiştir. Türkiye Avrupa Birliği ilişkileri, 17 Aralık 2004'te alınan kararlar ile ilerleme kaydedilmiştir. Birliğe uyum süreci kapsamında, gerçekleştirilen müktesebatlarda, Türkiye'den; Tarım, Balıkçık, Görsel-işitsel politikalar. Vb. alanlara ilişkin eksikliklerini tamamlaması istenmiştir. Bu çalışma ile AB'ye uyum sürecinde; Türkiye'deki ve AB'deki basın işletmelerinin mülkiyet yapıları, rekabet politikaları, mali yapı analizleri hakkında bilgi verilmeye çalışılmıştır. 1980'lerde başlayan ticari yayıncılık ile, tamamen kontrölsüz sektörde, medyada varolan tablo ve reklam piyasası ve bununla birlikte politik çıkarlar değişiklik göstermiştir. Bundan dolayı, Medya alanında, çeşitli kural, düzenleme ve politikalar Avrupa Birliği Kriterlerinde yer almaktadır. İçerisinde Avrupa Parlemantosu, Avrupa Konseyi ve diğer uluslararası güçlü derneklerin bulunduğu, Uluslararası Kuruluşlar, medya sistemi için resmi uyarı ve tavsiyeler yoluyla sorumluluklara sahiptirler. Türkiye Basın Yasası, Avrupa Birliği Direktifleri ve Prensipleri içerisinde tam bir uyumluluğa sahip değildir. ABSTRACTThe relationship between Turkey and the European Union, since the Ankara European Council declared Turkey as a candidate state and asked the Commission to prepare a Pre-Accession Strategy and an Accession Partnership for Turkey. Turkey-EU Relations have been gone by the decisions dated 17 December 2004, hasted. In the processes of accession to Union, in the acquisitions, Turkey had been asked to fulfill the conditions about policies on Agriculture, Fishery, Audio-Visual etc. In this study, in the process of accession to Union, information has been tried to give about market conditions, competing policies and financial structure analyses of press businesses in Turkey and EU. When commercial press began in the 1970s, in a totally unregulated marketplace, it changed the media scene and the advertising market, as well as the political stakes. Therefore there are some European Union's role regulation and policy at EU level about media sector. The İnternational Communities – including the European Parliament, the Council of Europe and other influential international institutions– have responded by issuing formal warnings and recommendations to media system. The Turkish legislation to press does not fully comply with provisions included in the EU directives and the EU principles for the mass media sector.Key Words:The Media Ownership in European Union (EU) and in Turkey, Media Companies of Form of Ownership and Media Polics

Looking at the European Constitution & the legal attainments of the European Union from the perspective of the modern nation-state leads to aporia & Euroskepticism since the European Union has never been, nor will it ever be, a political community modelled after the nation-state. The nation-state as a constitutional institution is not tantamount to political processes; it is one of the historical options of the political. The state & politics cannot be equated: the nation-state is a political institution while politics is a process with various alternatives of institutionalization. These two sides, the constitutional state & the political processes, are in the relationship of soft incommensurability & it is not quite possible to equate them in some higher association. Equating the constitutional state & the political activity in present-day debates on the European Constitution results in Euroskepticism. Conservative theoreticians of the state & politics cannot study the constitutional state separately from political processes. For them Europe is possible solely as a constitutional state with democratic legitimation; otherwise it will never come into being. These theoreticians view the relationship between the constitution & politics as the means-ends or cause-effect category, & not as an open-ended process between two one unequatable media that are semantically mutually irritating. The goal of the European politics is not a European state, nor is the goal of the European constitution to curb the spontaneity of European political processes. The European Union is an open-ended semantic relationship between its legal attainments & its political processes. Consequently, the concept of democracy as a political form will have to be redefined. The European Union as a political community sui generis should be explained from the perspective of contemporary theories evolved along the lines of the linguistic & deconstructivist reversal of the modern substantionalist rationalism, universalism & cosmopolitism. The major contribution of these post-modern theories is that they do not consider political reality as an objective given, but as a construct for which we know how it was produced so that we can change it. This means that the object of study is not the constitutional-legal reality but the knowledge of the constitutional-legal reality that is continuously expanded by means of the new designations of the semantically nonexistent political environment. The European Constitution & the European politics are in the relationship of mutual semantic irritation, but are not identical & will never become identical. References. Adapted from the source document.

Nach einem kurzen Überblick über das bisherige Verhältnis Pakistans zu Europa untersucht der Beitrag die innere Dimension des gesellschaftlichen Umbruchs in Pakistan, das paternalistische Demokratiemodell des Militärdiktators Zia-ul-Haq, Islamisierung des öffentlichen Lebens, ethnische Polarisierung, Perspektiven der Demokratie in Pakistan nach Zias Tod, Auswirkungen der Ereignisse in Osteuropa auf Pakistan u.a. Der Autor weist daraufhin, daß die pakistanische Gesellschaft nicht direkt von den Veränderungen in Europa profitieren wird. (DÜI-Sen)

The recent outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease in United Kingdom provoked a crisis in the European Union with deleterious consequences not only for livestock industry. Public opinion is more and more concerned about stamping out measures used to control the disease even with previously vaccinated animals. Presently the trend is to "vaccinate for life". This policy change requires to improve vaccines and diagnostic tools. It is not foreseen nevertheless to come back to a generalized vaccination of cattle as it was the case previously in continental Europe, despite its efficacy. According to the new policy, it will only be emergency vaccination to control outbreaks; it will compulsorily use inactivated vaccines. The vaccines will have to confer quickly a strong (sterile) protection against several serotypes during the same outbreak. Several serotypes could be involved in case of agroterrorism. Another feature of foot-and-mouth virus infection is the generation of asymptomatic carriers of wild virus after infection even in previously vaccinated animals. In order to get round this problem, so-called "marker vaccines" associated with a companion diagnostic test are developed: it aims to be able to differentiate simply vaccinated animals from infected ones, whether they were previously vaccinated or not. These vaccines are presently highly purified inactivated vaccines and the companion diagnostic test is based upon the detection of specific antibodies directed against virus-induced non-structural proteins. These antibodies should not be detected in simply vaccinated animals. This technology takes into account the fact that foot-and-mouth disease virus multiplication implies the synthesis of a polyprotein subsequently cleaved. It allows to certify the absence of infection at a herd level not yet at an individual level. Another research trend is to identify virus receptors in animals in order to better understand the pathogenesis of the infection and the reasons why some animals become asymptomatic carriers of wild virus after infection. ; L'épisode récent de fièvre aphteuse en Grande-Bretagne a provoqué une crise au niveau de l'Union européenne, avec des conséquences pour de nombreux secteurs d'activité en dehors de celui du seul élevage. Cette crise s'est déroulée dans un contexte nouveau par rapport aux épisodes précédents. L'opinion publique est de plus en plus opposée aux mesures de simple prophylaxie sanitaire appliquées même en cas de vaccination préalable. Actuellement, les autorités sanitaires tendent à mettre sur pied une politique de « vaccination pour la vie » qui vise à ne plus rendre obligatoire l'abattage des animaux après vaccination lors d'un foyer de fièvre aphteuse. Ce changement de politique nécessite une amélioration des outils disponibles en matière de vaccination et de diagnostic. Il n'est cependant pas envisagé de revenir à la politique de vaccination préventive systématique qui prévalait en Europe continentale il y a une quinzaine d'années et qui a abouti à l'élimination de l'infection. Si la vaccination est appliquée, elle le sera dans des situations d'urgence ; les vaccins, obligatoirement inactivés, devront conférer, rapidement, une protection solide envers le ou les sérotypes impliqués dans l'épizootie chez l'ensemble des espèces sensibles. L'existence de plusieurs stérotypes au cours d'une même épizootie est l'un des scénarios envisagés en cas d'agroterrorisme. Un autre problème est celui posé par l'existence de porteurs asymptomatiques de virus sauvage même après vaccination antérieure. Pour pallier cet inconvénient, des vaccins dits « marqués » associés à un test de diagnostic compagnon sont actuellement développés ; ils visent à permettre de différencier les animaux simplement vaccinés des animaux infectés qu'ils aient ou non été préalablement vaccinés. Il s'agit actuellement de vaccins inactivés hautement purifiés ; le test de diagnostic compagnon est basé sur la détection d'anticorps dirigés contre les protéines non-structurales d'origine virale, anticorps absents chez les animaux simplement vaccinés. Cette méthodologie tient compte du fait que la multiplication du virus aphteux implique la synthèse d'une polyprotéine qui sera ensuite clivée. Dans l'état actuel de la technologie, la certification de l'absence d'infection n'est malheureusement réalisable qu'à l'échelle du troupeau et non à l'état individuel. D'autres recherches portent actuellement sur l'identification du ou des récepteurs du virus aphteux chez l'animal afin de mieux comprendre la pathogénie de l'infection et de mieux cerner les circonstances qui conduisent à la génération de porteurs asymptomatiques. ; Peer reviewed

Traditionally, citizenship has been defined as the legal and political link between individuals and their democratic political community. However, traditional conceptions of democratic citizenship are currently challenged by various developments like migration, the rise of populism, increasing polarization, social fragmentation, and the challenging of representative democracy as well as developments in digital communication technology. Against this background, this book reflects recent conceptions of citizenship by bringing together insights from different disciplines, such as political science, sociology, economics, law, and history.

In light of recent criticism of the EU and Strasbourg, Mary Arden makes an invaluable contribution to the debate on transnational courts and human rights. Drawing on years of experience as a senior judge, she explains clearly how human rights law has evolved, and the difficult balances that judges have to strike when interpreting it.

Was der (europäische) Mensch isst, wird heutzutage nicht zuletzt durch Wissenschaft, Technologie und Markt reguliert. Im Zuge einer »Verwissenschaftlichung« des Alltags sind Nahrung und Ernährung vielfältigen Standardisierungen unterworfen.Dieser Band untersucht anhand empirischer Studien biowissenschaftliche Ernährungsforschung, Präventivmedizin, europäische Harmonisierung und globalisierte Märkte. Ethnografische Zugänge, die Ansätze der Nahrungsanthropologie und Wissenschaftsforschung mit Studien zur materiellen Kultur verbinden, werfen ein neues Licht auf die institutionellen und individuellen Aushandlungs- und Aneignungsprozesse der europäischen Standards zu Ernährung.