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Seit den 1990er Jahren durchläuft Entwicklungspolitik eine Wandlung. Die Frage bewaffneter Konflikte und Kriege in den Peripherien hat »Nachhaltigkeit« als neue und zentrale Problemstellung abgelöst. Dieser Prozess verläuft nicht bei allen Akteuren gleich. Vielmehr werden spezifische Rationalitäten von Steuerung sichtbar, die sich mit dem Foucault'schen Begriff der Gouvernementalität fassen lassen. In einem Vergleich der entwicklungspolitischen Praxis der USA und Deutschlands arbeitet diese Studie die Unterschiedlichkeiten der Konzepte und institutionellen Ausrichtungen heraus und analysiert deren Implementierung in Sri Lanka.

The countries south of the Mediterranean are currently undergoing a profound security crisis. This crisis is evident to western countries and, because of the growing importance of Muslim communities and migration, is overtly or covertly affecting European daily life. This book was published while the November 1995 Euro-Mediterranean ministerial conference in Barcelona was trying to provide a first response to the possible consequences of such a crisis in terms of security and foreign policy. These consequences, however, are still not very clear to western and European public opinion and are not much more evident to governments.

This article analyses the role played by the Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) countries within the context of the reform of international institutions, in primis the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). In recent years, the new emerging powers, among which the BRICS occupy a central position, have instigated a paradigm shift in international relations and global governance (GG). Furthermore, some scholars argue that the BRICS could inaugurate a new world order. Since the United Nations (UN) is one of the institutions in which these changes need to be more broadly reflected due to its global projection, it is doubtful if the BRICS will be able to bring about its reform. In fact, several debates were conducted about the need to reform the UN and, in particular, the Security Council (SC). In order to do this, the article examines the interests of the BRICS countries, within the group itself, and their vision for the UNSC. Only a common vision within the group could have specific effects in reforming the UNSC, thus giving a new shape to GG, which may not be possible. There are several obstacles from within the BRICS itself in this regard, despite the fact that during their summits, they have repeatedly called for the UN reforms.

The first in-depth account of the historic diplomatic agreement that served as a blueprint for ending the Cold WarThe Helsinki Final Act was a watershed of the Cold War. Signed by thirty-five European and North American leaders at a summit in Finland in the summer of 1975, the agreement presented a vision for peace based on common principles and cooperation across the Iron Curtain. The Final Act is the first in-depth account of the diplomatic saga that produced this historic agreement. Drawing on research in eight countries and multiple languages, this gripping book explains the Final Act's emergence from the parallel crises of the Soviet bloc and the West during the 1960s, the strategies of the major players, and the conflicting designs for international order that animated the negotiations.Helsinki had originally been a Soviet idea. But after nearly three years of grinding negotiations, the Final Act reflected liberal democratic ideals more than communist ones. It rejected the Brezhnev Doctrine, provided for German reunification, endorsed human rights as a core principle of international security, committed countries to greater transparency in economic and military affairs, and promoted the freer movement of people and information across borders. Instead of restoring the legitimacy of the Soviet bloc, Helsinki established principles that undermined it.The definitive history of the origins and legacy of this important agreement, The Final Act shows how it served as a blueprint for ending the Cold War, and how, when that conflict finally came to a close, the great powers established a new international order based on Helsinki's enduring principles

THE PARTICIPATION OF MINORITIES IN PUBLIC LIFE -- Contents -- Introductory address -- Constitutional non-recognition of minorities in the context of unitary states: an insurmountable obstacle? -- Territorial solutions for managing diversity and their changing role -- Making minorities more influential in public life: opportunities provided by existing constitutional arrangements and their limitations -- Special measures to promote minority representation in elected bodies: the experience of the OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities -- Can international monoriting mechanisms and EU integration prospects help improve national minority participation at the domestic level? -- The development of a corpus of international standards and its influence at the domestic level to ensure minority participation -- The revival of cultural autonomy in certain countries of eastern Europe: were lessons drawn from the inter-war period? -- Contemporary forms of cultural autonomy in eastern Europe: recurrent problems and prospects for improving the functioning of elected bodies of cultural autonomy -- Personal autonomy through the "communities" system: does the example of Belgium suggest that forms of non-territorial autonomy can make a difference in terms of minority participation? -- The reappearance of an old model: cultural autonomy.

Housing is a flash point in many European countries, with protests erupting and citizens voting to wrench properties from big investors. Inequality is driving the explosive debate, as households across the income distribution face very different kinds of challenges and opportunities in today's unequal housing markets. The COVID-19 pandemic has amplified the risks and rewards already present across different subgroups. This housing-generated inequality creates a conundrum for governments that must balance the interests of competing constituencies with complex housing markets, and points to fundamental questions about how to order society.

In this chapter, I draw some lessons from the failed attempts of democratization of the EU by proposing some guidelines that should be followed in order to envision a realistic deliberative and inclusive transformation of the EU-decision making process. By following their spirits, I will propose an ambitious renovation of the public consultation regime of the EU Commission, the only institutionalized system of public consultation enshrined in the EU Treaties that however most of the citizens are not aware of. This is an idea that I first presented in at the conference at the World Bank (Kies 2016) and that has since then been discussed and presented in the report commissioned by the European Economic and Social Committee (Lironi and Peta 2017), the European Parliament (Korthagen et al. 2018) and the European Court of Auditors.

L'épidémie de COVID-19 et les inondations de juillet 2021 sont des évènements dramatiques mais riches d'enseignement : ces deux catastrophes ont mis à l'épreuve le système de gestion des risques que nous avons établi au cours des dernières décennies pour assurer une protection de la société face aux menaces de natures diverses : industrielles, environnementales, terroristes, etc. La COVID-19 a pris de court de nombreux pays européens qui se pensaient à l'abri des risques épidémiques, tandis que les pluies torrentielles ont presque submergé la vallée de la Vesdre. Ces deux catastrophes imposent aux auteures une prise de recul, pour réfléchir aux transformations profondes qu'elles provoquent en matière de gestion de crise et de planification d'urgence pour ouvrir de nouvelles lignes de recherche et lancer des pistes de réformes dans ce secteur qu'elles étudient depuis plus de dix ans. ; The COVID-19 epidemic and the floods in Wallonia in July 2021 are dramatic events but rich in lessons: these two disasters have put to the test the risk management system established over the last few decades to ensure the protection of society against threats of various kinds: industrial, environmental, terrorist, etc. COVID-19 caught many European countries unaware. Torrential rains almost completely submerged the Vesdre valley. These two disasters required the authors to take a step back and reflect on the profound transformations these disasters provoked in crisis management and emergency planning, in order to open up new lines of research and to launch avenues of reform in this sector, which the authors have been studying for over ten years.

Past research has identified a trend towards the bureaucratisation of the parliamentary scrutiny of EU affairs. It highlighted the role of parliamentary staff in selecting relevant issues, advising on subsidiarity and procedures and drafting of opinions and resolutions. However, while administrators clearly play a role, less is known about the Europeanisation of parliamentary administrations. In particular, the impact of the growing Europeanisation of sectoral committees on the Europeanisation of staff is unexplored. This article presents data from a survey of parliamentary administrations in 2021, which shows that the Europeanisation of parliamentary administrations extends beyond the main units in charge of EU affairs and affects sectoral committee staff more generally. At the same time, it reveals that the organisation of staff support for EU affairs varies greatly across the national parliaments depending on the organisation of the political scrutiny, on administrative capacity and on pre-existing units.

À l'heure où l'Union européenne donne des signes d'un délitement annoncé, cet ouvrage s'intéresse, dans la perspective du temps long, aux États et aux personnalités politiques ayant joué et jouant encore un rôle majeur dans l'histoire de la construction européenne. En interrogeant l'idée d'Europe, en examinant les conséquences des deux guerres mondiales et en détaillant les étapes de la construction européenne, cet ouvrage tend à démontrer que l'Union européenne ne vit que par ses États et pour ses États. À travers l'analyse de faits historiques, la présentation de notices biographiques et l'étude de textes fondamentaux, cette Histoire de la construction européenne propose une immersion dans des contextes politiques, sociaux, économiques ou encore culturels à la fois convergents et divergents. Elle est surtout l'occasion de s'interroger sur la possibilité de concrétiser une commune solidarité entre les citoyens et les États européens.

16 p. ; La llamada "Década del '90" en la Argentina, en los últimos tiempos, ha sido definida discursivamente en términos de neoliberalismo, apertura económica y privatizaciones. A fines de los noventa América Latina se convirtió en el escenario de un cataclismo social, económico y político producto del fracasó de las políticas neoliberales que implicó un nuevo proceso de profundización y agudización de la condición periférica y dependiente de nuestros países, producto de la subordinación a una nueva forma de expansión mundial capitalista, que David Harvey (2004) denomina acumulación por desposesión. Este cambio épocal en la región y en Argentina se define por dos factores: en el plano externo, la nueva matriz de acumulación profundiza el patrón de dependencia con un marcado boom de los comodities y en el plano interno la crisis del neoliberalismo que resultó en una crisis del orden social, una crisis de los sentidos dominantes. No obstante, desde las Ciencias Sociales no se ha profundizado lo suficiente en el papel de ciertos actores políticos concretos en esta época, particularmente en lo que atiene a la construcción y puesta en marcha de una Política Exterior alienante, basada en las denominadas "relaciones carnales" con los Estados Unidos, relación que, incrementó notablemente el vínculo siempre estrecho entre política interna y externa en el país. En este sentido, en un marco regional, el presente trabajo procura ahondar en los discursos de algunos protagonistas y testigos cordobeses de dicho proceso, así como también en su formación y antecedentes académicos, con el fin de reconstruir y deconstruir, a partir de su propio relato algunas de las decisiones de la Alta Política argentina que dejaron huellas en la historia reciente del país. Finalmente, para alcanzar este objetivo, además de recurrir al archivo histórico del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores, se realizará un breve análisis discursivo de algunos fragmentos brindados por el Dr. Domingo Cavallo -ex Canciller (1989-1991), Ministro de Economía (1991-1996) y síntesis política de los '90-, en medios de comunicación de gran repercusión en la Argentina, complementándose dicho esfuerzo teórico con comentarios de ex embajadores, conferencias , entrevistas a dirigentes políticos y a sus protagonistas tales como ex embajadores y funcionarios de carrera como Jorge Arguello nombrado Embajador Permanente de Argentina ante las Naciones Unidas, en Nueva York; Lic. Humberto Roggero quien se desempeñó como Embajador de la República Argentina en Italia, a partir del 10 de enero del 2002; el Dr. Orlando Sella, quién actúo como Embajador Argentino en la República de Haití y Costa Rica; el Dr. Luis Juez quien se desempeñó como Embajador Argentino en Ecuador en el periodo 2016/17; el Dr. José Manuel de la Sota quien se desempeñó como Embajador en Brasil en los años 1990 / 92; Raúl Alejandro Sosa, que se desempeña actualmente en el Consulado de Ciudad del Este, Paraguay; Oscar Suecum, en Alemania ; Jorge Biglione, Cónsul en Porto Alegre, Brasil ; Eduardo Angeloz (h) Ministro de Primera en Cancillería. --